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Digitized  by  tlie  Internet  Archive 

in  2011  with  funding  from 

University  of  Toronto 


http://www.archive.org/details/reviewofreviewsw59newy 


The  American  Review  of  Reviews 


EDITED    BY    ALBERT    SHAW 


CONTENTS    FOR 

Premier  Clemenceau  and  General  Pershing 

Frontispiece 

The  Progress  of  the  World— 

The    Ordeal    and    the    Prospect 3 

The  Strong  Arm  for  Justice 3 

English-Speaking    People    in    Accord 3 

Peace  on  a  Basis  of  Facts .'........  4 

Support  for  a  League  of  Nations 4 

The  Existing  World   Control 4 

An   Unprecedented   Alliance 4 

Unions  Not  to  be  Dissolved 5 

An    Historical    Example 5 

Naval    Control    as   Things    Stand 5 

The  Large  British  Navy  Necessary 6 

Reasons  for  the  Strong  "Yankee"  Navy...  6 

The  Surrender  of  the  German  Fleet 7 

France  Now  the  Leader  in  Europe 8 

President   Wilson   in   Paris 9 

No  Lack  of  Harmony  Among  Allies 9 

Mr.   Simonds  on  Political  Reconstruction..  9 

Americans  on  the  Peace  Problems 9 

Disarmament    when    Possible 10 

Ships   for   Uncle   Sam 10 

The    American    Delegates 11 

Control   of  Public  Opinion 12 

Clemenceau's   Leadership 12 

The    Larger    Delegations 13 

Germany  in  Political  Ferment 13 

Order  in   the   Occupied   Region 14 

Russia's    Terrible    Plight 14 

Some   Problems    to   be    Solved 14 

Mr.  McAdoo  Leaves  the  Cabinet 15 

His  Work  as  Head  of  Railroads 15 

What    About    the    Railways  ? '.  16 

Views  of  the  Commerce  Commission 17 

Success  as  a  War  Measure 17 

Salvaging    War    Appropriations 18 

The   New   Revenue  Bill 18 

The  Republicans  Object 18 

The  Zone  Plan  Cut  Out 18 

Homeward    Looking    Soldiers 19 

Schools  In   Overseas   Camps 19 

The   Y.   M.    C.   A.   Project 20 

Keep    Up    Soldiers'    Insurance 20 

The    Washington    Departments 20 

Chile  and  Peru 20 

With  portraits,   cartoons,  and  other  illustrations 

Record    of   Current  Events 21 

With  illustrations 

The  Turn  of  the  Year,  in  Cartoons 25 

Canada's  After- War  Problems 30 

By  Sir  Patrick  T.  McGrath 


JANUARY,    1919 


Problems  of  Peace 

By  Frank  H,  Simonds 

The  Congress  of  Nations,  Past  and  Present 

By  Talcott  Williams 

With  illustrations 

Georges  Clemenceau,  Premier  of  France  . . . 
By  Henri-Martin  Barzun 

With  portraits 


33 


42 


51 


With  Pershing  in  France 57 

General  Pershing's  Story 59 

With  portraits  and  a  map 

President  Wilson's  Service  to  the  World 66 

By  a.  Maurice  Low 

The  Recent  Epidemic  of  Influenza 69 

By  Hermann  M.  Biggs,  M.  D. 

The  German  Colonies  and  Their  Future    ....  72 
By  Charles  Burke  Elliott 

Our  Mineral  Resources 77 

By  Theodore  Macfarlane  Knappen 

With  illustrations 

Leading  Articles  of  the  Month- 
Can  a  League  of  Nations  Prevent  War?.  .  .  83 

Latin   Versus  Teutonic   Ideals 84 

How  Wilson  Impresses  the  French  Mind..  85 

Africa   at  the  Peace   Conference 86 

Alliances  in  Scandinavia 87 

President  Wilson's  Message  to  China 88 

The  Government  Printing  Office 89 

The  Liberation  of  Arabic  Syria 90 

The   French   "Tank" 91 

American  Engineering  in  France 92 

Dumb  Allies  In  the  War 94 

The  Havasupai  Indians  of  Grand  Canyon  95 

What  Are  Museums  For? 97 

The  New  Era  of  Industrial  Research 98 

The  World's  Greatest  Poison-Gas  Factory.  99 
With  illustrations 

The  New  Books    101 

With   illustrations 

Financial  News 110 


TERMS: — Issued  monthly,  35  cents  a  number,  $4.00  a  year  in  advance  in  the  United  States,  Porto  Rico,  Hawaii, 
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THE    REVIEW    OF  REVIEWS  CO.,  30  Irving  Place,  New  York 

Albert  Shaw,   Pres.     Chas.   D.   Lanier,   Sec.   and   Trcas. 


Jan.— 1 


©  Committee  on  Public  Information 

PREMIER  CLEMENCEAU  AND  GENERAL  PERSHING  ' 
(This  snapshot  photograph  of  the  veteran  French  statesman  and  the  Commander  of  the  Ameri- 
can Expeditionary  Force  suggests  the  cordial  relations  existing  between  France  and  the  United 
States  on  the  eve  of  the  Peace  Congress  at  Versailles.  A  character  sketch  of  M.  Clemenceau  ap- 
pears on  page  51,  and  this  is  followed  by  excerpts  from  Major  Palmer's  book  "America  in  France" 
and  General  Pershing's  own  account  of  the  operations  of  the  American  Army,  as  contained  in  his 
report  to  the  Secretary  of  War) 


THE    AMERICAN 

Review  of  Reviews 


Vol.  LVIX 


NEW  YORK,  JANUARY,    1919 


No.  1 


THE  PROGRESS  OF  THE  WORLD 


The  Ordeal 
and  the 
Prospect 


For  many  years  past  we  have  have  been  better  qualified  to  survey  the  re- 
been  accustomed  in  each  succes-  suits,  to  interpret  the  signs  of  the  times,  and 
sive  January  number  of  this  to  exhort  all  right-thinking  men  to  help  in 
Review  to  make  a  survey  from  the  stand-  making  the  permanent  results  commensurate 
point  of  the  world's  progress  towards  peace  with  the  great  elifort.  Mr.  Stead  was  some- 
and  international  harmony.  One  of  the  chief  times  called  a  pacifist,  and  for  a  time  he  car- 
objects  of  this  periodical,  from  the  time  of  its  ried   on   a   special  magazine   entitled   ''War 


beginning,  has  been  to  advocate  all  measures 
that  could  be  taken  to  lessen  the  evils  of  war 
and  to  promote  the  cause  of  freedom  every- 
where. Moreover,  a  cardinal  tenet  upon 
which  the  Review  was  established,  under 
the  present  editorship  twenty-eight  years  ago, 
was  the  unity  of  the  English-speaking  peo- 
ples. This  was  the  great  dream  of  the  late 
William  T.  Stead,  founder  and  editor  of  the 
English  Review  of  Reviews;  and  our  Ameri- 
can periodical,  though  distinct  in  its  editor- 
ship and  control,  was  in  hearty  cooperation 
with  Mr.  Stead  in  his  unceasing  labors  for  a 
better  world  organization  against  war  and 
for  especially  close  relations  among  all  the 
English-speaking  communities.  As  most  of 
our  readers  will  remember,  Mr.  Stead  was 
one  of  those  who  perished  in  the  sinking  of 
the  Titanic  J  April  15,  1912,  when  on  his 
way  to  this  country  to  aid  in  promoting  the 
objects  to  which  he  was  most  devoted.  Since 
his  death  the  world  has  been  through  a  more 
terrible  experience  of  warfare  than  the  most 
pessimistic  had  believed  to  be  possible.     Yet 


Against  War" ;  but  he  was  at  the  very  oppo- 
site pole  from  the  other  type  for  whom  that 
word  pacifist  is  now  more  usually  reserved 
— the  type  opposed  to  military  and  naval  pre- 
paredness, and  opposed  to  the  use  of  force  for 
the  maintenance  of  justice.  From  an  early 
period  in  his  career  as  a  London  editor,  Mr. 
Stead  had  been  the  foremost  champion  of  the 
doctrine  of  the  large  British  Navy.  When 
in  the  early  '80's  the  efficiency  of  that  navy 
had  somewhat  sagged,  he  had  written  a 
series  of  brilliant  articles  which  appeared  in  a 
volume  called  **The  Truth  About  the  Navy." 
He  was  in  close  touch  with  the  iblest  of 
the  British  Admirals;  and  the  agitation 
which  he  led  had  the  result  of  bringing  about 
a  greatly  expanded  naval  program,  this  work 
in  which  he  was  so  active  being  also  enor- 
mously stimulated  by  the  writings  on  "sea 
power"  of  our  own  Mahan. 


English-Speak' 

ina  People  in 

Accord 


There  has  long  been  a  school  of 
English  publicists  and  statesmen 
who  have  refused  to  think  of  the 


it  has  come  out  of  that  frightful  ordeal  with       progress  of  the  United  States  as  other  than 


betters  prospects  for  permanent  peace  and  for 
an  orderly  control  of  its  affairs  than  at  any 
other  time  in  these  later  centuries. 


The  Strong 
Arm  for 
Justice 


Those  who  did  not  believe  in 
force  as  the  dominating  principle 
among  men  have  had  to  prove 
their  faith  in  peaceful  methods  by  fighting 
for  them ;  and  they  have  fought  successfully. 
Thus,  if  Mr.  Stead  had  lived  until  this  time, 
no  one  would  have  been  more  happy  than  he 
in   the   outcome;   and   surely   no   one   would 


beneficial  to  the  well-being  of  Great  Britain, 
Canada,  Australia,  and  all  parts  of  the  po- 
litical combination  known  as  the  British  Em- 
pire. In  Mr.  Stead's  doctrine  of  the  "union 
of  English-speaking  peoples"  there  was  no 
tinge  of  unfriendliness  towards  the  civilized 
nations  of  Europe,  Asia,  or  Latin  America 
who  speak  and  read  other  languages.  Nor 
by  the  word  "union"  did  he  mean  necessarily 
to  imply  any  arrangements  of  a  formal  kind. 
He  was,  of  course,  in  favor  of  iinlimitcil 
arbitration    treaties.      But    especially    he    dc- 


Copyright,  1918,  by  Tue  Review  of  Reviews  Company 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


sired  to  bring  about  an  association  between 
the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  that 
should  represent  the  triumph  of  those  prin- 
ciples of  public  and  private  life  which  are 
the  common  heritage  of  all  who  use  the  lan- 
guage of  Shakespeare  and  Milton  and  of  the 
English  Bible.  We  have  know^n  in  our  own 
country  the  evils  of  sectional  prejudice,  and 
the  danger  of  fomenting  disagreements  mr 
stead  of  seeking  union  and  accord.  The  time 
has  come  for  strengthening  the  forces  of  right 
and  justice  by  harmonizing  the  British  and 
American  peoples. 

In  the  working  out  of  principles, 

Ptace  on  a         M         ,  i  .  . 

Basis  of  the  best  results  come  through 
"'^^^  the  clear  recognition  of  actuali- 
ties. We  shall  do  well,  therefore,  if  we 
turn  away  from  theories  at  this  historic  junc- 
ture and  try  to  find  upon  what  concrete 
foundation  the  prospect  of  future  peace  rests. 
When  the  United  States  entered  the  war  in 
the  spring  of  1917  we  declared  in  this 
Review  that  our  country  had  then  and  there 
joined  a  league  to  enforce  peace.  We  set 
forth  the  view  that  the  very  fact  of  our  join- 
ing the  Allies  had  so  enlarged  the  issues  in- 
volved as  to  change  the  character  of  the 
war  and  to  make  it  ''a  war  to  end  war"  and 
to  establish  permanent  security  against  the 
menace  of  aggression.  Future  peace  does 
not  rest  upon  any  paper  scheme  or  project 
for  a  league  of  nations,  but  upon  the  united 
effort  that  has  now  brought  about  the  peace 
which  began  on  November  11. 

Gradually,  through  the  years  to 

Support  for  a  ,     -^  '  *="  r     i  • 

League  of  come,  there  may  grow  out  of  this 
ationa  joining  of  hands  in  the  Great 
War  an  elaborate  system  for  the  improve- 
ment of  international  law,  the  settling  of 
disputes,  and  above  all  for  the  administrative 
conduct  of  certain  large  and  responsible  tasks 
such  as  the  government  of  equatorial  Africa. 
But  a  mere  project  of  a  League  of  Nations, 
written  out  as  a  theory  and  apart  from  the 
concrete  facts,  would  not  o-f  itself  give  peace 
and  security  to  the  world,  even  though  at 
first  it  were  unanimously  adopted.  The  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States  with  its  Su- 
preme Court  and  with  the  Army  and  Navy 
of  the  Union  did  not  of  itself  avail  to  hold 
together  the  sisterhood  of  sovereign  States. 
The  thing  that  finally  welded  us  into  our 
firm  American  union  was  the  intense  con- 
viction of  the  need  and  the  value  of  that 
union,  on  the  part  of  a  major  group  of  the 
States, — a  group  so  intrinsically  strong  that 


it  was  able  when  the  test  came  to  establish 
its  principles  and  to  cause  them  finally  and 
completely  to  be  accepted.  Whatever  may 
be  the  nominal  form  of  a  League  of  Nations, 
as  adopted  by  the  master  minds  of  the  Peace 
Conference  now  assembling  at  Versailles,  the 
underlying  facts  are  the  important  thing  to 
observe,  not  the  mere  phrase  ''League  of  Na- 
tions," or  the  language  that  may  clothe  the 
accepted  scheme.  The  Hague  treaties  looked 
like  a  long  movement  towards  international 
harmony  and  agreement ;  but  they  fell  apart 
when  Germany  and  her  allies  challenged 
the  "balance  of  power,"  and  undertook  to 
secure  the  dominance  of  Europe  and  Asia, 
which  would  have  meant,  in  the  end,  the 
dominance  of  the  world. 

^^    ^  .  ^.       The  essential   fact  to-day  is  the 

The  Existing  ,  , .  •'    ,       , 

World  complete  disappearance  or  that 
Control  system  heretofore  known  in  Eu- 
rope as  the  balance  of  power.  Germany, 
Austria,  and  Russia,  in  their  former  char- 
acter as  great  military  systems  and  as  dynas- 
tic Empires — with  their  policies  uncontrolled 
by  the  will  of  the  people — have  forever  diV 
appeared.  Upon  the  ruins  of  the  old  system 
there  has  arisen  a  new  power,  capable  of 
controlling  the  destinies  of  the  world.  This 
new  power  consists  of  the  combination  for 
international  purposes  of  Great  Britain, 
France,  Italy,  the  United  States,  and  Japan. 
If  this  combination  holds  together  in  gen- 
erous good-will,  and  in  adherence  to  the 
high  aims  which  these  nations  have  professed 
and  vindicated,  there  will  still  remain  many 
perplexing  problems  to  be  dealt  with ;  but 
there  will  be  no  further  danger,  for  a  long 
time  to  come,  of  war  on  a  large  scale.  The 
best  mode  of  approach,  therefore,  to  the  so- 
called  League  of  Nations  is  to  start  with 
the  existing  facts,  and  then  to  think  through 
them  into  the  improvements  that  can  be  made 
to  grow  out  of  them.  This  way  of  pro- 
ceeding will  lead  us  to  a  better  understanding 
of  several  points  that  need  clearing  up. 


An 


Take,  for  instance,  the  question 
Unprecedented  of  the  United  States  and  its  old- 
Aiiiance  ^-j^g  tradition  against  "entan- 
gling alliances."  It  is  true  we  entered  the 
war  without  a  written  alliance  with  England 
or  France  or  Italy.  But  no  written  treaties 
could  have  made  more  real  or  powerful  the 
alliance  that  was  actually  entered  into,  and 
that  still  exists.  A  closer  cooperation  be- 
tween great  nations  never  went  into  effect 
than  that  between  the  Government  of   the 


THE   PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


United  States  and  the  governments  of  Great 
Britain  and  France.  Sending  a  drafted  army 
of  more  than  two  million  men,  gathered 
from  every  neighborhood  of  the  Union  across 
a  wide  ocean,  and  then  putting  them  under 
the  absolute  command — along  with  the  ar- 
mies of  three  other  great  nations — of  a  Gen- 
eral-in-Chief and  his  stafif,  constitutes  an  al- 
liance more  sweeping  and  profound  than 
any  that  the  world  has  ever  known  be- 
fore. This  great  military  fact  of  alliance 
has  been,  and  still  is,  visible  to  all  men ;  but 
other  facts  and  evidences  of  alliance  have 
been  less  apparent  to  the  onlooker.  These 
have  had  to  do  with  the  union  of  credit 
and  financial  strength  among  the  Allies,  by 
means  of  which  the  resources  of  the  greater 
part  of  the  world  have  been  massed  and  ef- 
fectively pooled  for  the  attainment  of  the 
desired  results.  Behind  the  scenes  there 
have  been  inter-Allied  boards  to  apportion 
maritime  tonnage,  boards  accumulating  and 
distributing  foodstuffs,  boards  giving  com- 
mon effectiveness  to  munition  supplies  and 
so  on,  in  amazing  extent  and  variety. 

If  not  quite  so  complete  as  the 
Not  to  be  union  of  land  forces  under  Gen- 
laao  ue  ^^^j  Foch,  there  has  been  a  union 
of  naval  forces  of  very  large  scope,  and  one 
far  more  complete  and  harmonious  than  any 
other  in  the  history  of  coalitions.  American 
admirals  were  glad  to  use  powerful  fleets 
as  portions  of  the  Grand  Fleet  under  su- 
preme command  of  Admiral  Sir  David 
Beatty,  as  head  of  the  British  Navy»  In  the 
face  of  facts  like  these,  to  say  that  we  are 
not  in  alliance  with  Great  Britain,  is  merely 
to  play  with  words.  Our  operations  in 
France  have  been  on  a  scale  of  magnitude 
of  which  some  understanding  can  be  gained 
by  reading  General  Pershing's  notable  re- 
port, to  which  we  give  several  pages  of  the 
present  number  of  the  Review.  We  had  an 
alliance  with  France  in  the  time  of  our  Rev- 
olutionary War;  but  that,  though  of  vital 
importance  to  us,  was  a  merely  incidental 
affair  when  compared  with  the  closeness  of 
official  cooperation  resulting  from  the  part 
we  have  taken  on  French  soil  in  the  present 
war.  There  is  only  one  proper  way  to  pro- 
ceed in  view  of  such  facts,  and  that  is  reso- 
lutely forward.  We  are  not  going  to  dis- 
solve the  alliance  with  Great  Britain,  nor 
the  alliance  with  France.  These  arrange- 
ments are  in  the  form  of  partnerships  \\hich 
must  continue,  in  order  to  secure  the  larger 
purposes  for  which  they  were  formed. 


^^-  The  partnership  of  our  original 
Historical  thirteen  American  colonies  had 
first  to  deal  with  the  emergen- 
cies th'at  resulted  from  their  decision  to  se- 
cure independence.  When  they  had  ended 
the  war,  they  had  created  a  state  of  facts 
which  made  it  impossible  for  them  to  dis- 
solve the  partnership.  Financial  conditions 
had  arisen  which  they  had  to  work  out  in 
common.  Large  areas  of  undeveloped  lands 
had  fallen  to  them  as  responsibilities  which 
could  only  properly  be  met  by  their  turning 
the  partnership  into  a  permanent  union.  It 
is  quite  clear  to  good  financial  brains  that  in 
the  gigantic  operations  of  this  recent  war  we 
— the  Allied  nations — have  created  stupen- 
dous financial  problems  which  cannot  be 
worked  out  separately,  but  which  must  be  met 
by  some  kind  of  united  policy  and  program. 
It  is  too  soon  to  attempt  to  outline  the  nature 
of  that  common  effort  to  deal  with  financial 
burdens ;  but  there  will  emerge  some  work- 
able  scheme  which  will  require  united  coun- 
cils and  harmonious  plans  through  years  ta 
come.  Furthermore,  it  will  be  found  that 
a  series  of  responsibilities  for  the  protection 
and  the  development  of  backward  regions 
will  have  to  be  faced,  and  that  this  can  only 
be  accomplished  through  the  continuance  in 
time  of  peace  of  the  generous  union  of  moral 
and  material  forces  which  has  been  brought 
about  under  the  stress  of  war. 

^j        When  one  lays  aside  mere  words 
Control  ae     and  legal  distinctions,  and  looks 

Thinos  stand     ^^   ^^^^    f^^^^^    ^^^^^    -^   y^^^^^    j^f^. 

to  be  said  about  alliances.  With  hundreds 
of  thousands  of  Americans  at  this  moment 
encamped  as  an  occupying  army  along  the 
Rhine,  it  would  be  the  height  of  absurdity 
to  pretend  that  we  are  not  concerning  our- 
selves in  the  liveliest  possible  way  in  the  ad- 
justment of  European  affairs.  Then  comes 
the  question,  so  much  discussed  in  the  news- 
papers last  month,  of  the  future  of  navies  and 
the  control  of  the  seas.  Here  again  the  so- 
lution becomes  simple  enough  if  we  proceed 
from  the  place  where  we  actually  are,  rather 
than  from  some  imaginary  place.  The  ex- 
isting alliance  is  for  the  suppression  of  disor- 
der and  the  maintenance  of  justice  and  the 
freedom  of  self-governing  communities.  This 
will  require  the  abandonment  of  the  milita- 
ristic methods  that  have  kept  Europe  an 
armed  camp  for  the  past  generation  or  two. 
Germany  will  ha\e  no  need  to  rchuIKl  the 
military  machine  that  has  now  been  broken. 
France  may  gradually  relieve  herself  of  the 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


icy  of  developing  the  Ameri- 
can Navy  has  never  thought 
of  possessing  a  sea-power 
that  would  in  any  way  be 
detrimental  to  the  safety  of 
Canada,  Mexico,  or  the 
South  American  republics. 
On  the  contrary,  Uncle 
Sam's  Navy  has  behind  it 
the  doctrine  that  it  is  an 
agency  for  the  secure  and 
peaceful  development  of 
every'  part  of  the  Western 
Hemisphere,  each  country 
THE  SURRENDER  OF  THE  GERMAN  SUBMARINES  being  at  full  liberty  to  work 

(In   five   installments,    122   vessels   in  all,   the   German   U-boats   put  to   sea       OUt      itS      OWn      political      and 

economic    future. 


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from  their  bases  late  in  November,  and  were  handed  over  to  the  Allies  for 
internment  under  the  conditions  of  the  armistice) 


financial  burden  of  a  military  regime  that 
was  essentially  defensive.  The  peace  of  the 
world  at  large  is  going  to  require  for  some 
time  to  come  a  naval  control  and  authority 
that  can  protect  passages  such  as  the  Straits 
of  Gibraltar,  the  Suez  Canal,  the  Darda- 
nelles and  Bosphorus,  and  the  entrance  to 
the  Baltic,  and  that  can  render  swift  aid  in 
emergencies  throughout  the  world.  The 
German  fleet  is  surrendered,  Austria  is  no 
longer  existent  as  a  naval  power,  and  there 
remain  in  full  and  undisputed  control  the 
fleets  of  the  Allied  powers,  namely,  those  of 
Great  Britain,  the  United  States,  Japan, 
France,  and  Italy. 

Thus,  nations  have  only  to  agree 
British  Navy    upon   policies  in   furtherance  of 

Neceaaaru        ^^^    ^^^^^    ^1^^^    f^j.    ^^J^ich    their 

sons  have  fought,  suffered  and  died.  That 
they  will  agree  upon  such  permanent  poli- 
cies, we  have  not  the  slightest  doubt.  They 
will  certainly  agree  not  to  quarrel  among 
themselves,  but  to  settle  all  differences  by 
friendly  and  legal  methods.  They  cannot 
and  will  not  use  either  naval  or  land  power 
against  one  another.  This  being  the  case, 
it  could  not  in  the  smallest  degree  endanger 
the  well-being  of  France  or  that  of  the 
United  States,  if  Great  Britain,  having  vastly 
the  largest  ocean-going  commerce,  and  hav- 
ing governmental  responsibilities  widely  sep- 
arated by  great  expanses  of  water,  should 
expect  to  maintain  her  large  navy.  This 
navy  cannot  be  used  for  the  well-being  of 
the  diverse  parts  of  the  British  Empire  with- 
out at  the  same  time  maintaining  conditions 
beneficial  to  France,  Japan,  the  smaller  neu- 
tral powers  like  Holland,  and  also  to  the 
United  States.     Our  own  country  in  its  pol- 


Not  a 


In  like  manner,  there  is  back  of 
Co'mpetina  the  British  Navy  no  scheme  for 
^^"^'^  aggression,  or  for  taking  advan- 
tage of  countries  with  smaller  navies  or  with 
none  at  all.  It  is  clearly  perceived  in  Eng- 
land that  naval  power  is  henceforth  to  be 
held  and  exercised  as  a  trust  on  behalf  of  the 
enlightened  public  opinion  of  the  world. 
After  the  transient  presence  in  England  of 
more  than  a  million  young  American  sol- 
diers, and  after  the  long  sojourn  in  British 
waters  of  American  battleships  and  numer- 
ous destroyers,  serving  gallantly  and  even 
brilliantly  under  the  higher  authorities  of 
the  British  Navy,  it  has  become  inconceiv- 
able to  the  British  mind  that  the  sea  power 
of  the  British  Empire  should  ever  be  used 
to  the  detriment  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States.  That  being  the  case,  it  should  be 
clearly  understood  in  this  country  that  Brit- 
ish statesmen  and  naval  authorities,  when 
talking  about  the  future,  are  merely  proceed- 
ing from  the  present  facts.  They  are  not 
thinking  in  terms  of  conflicting  or  competing 
navies.  It  will  be  discovered  in  the  near  fu- 
ture that  neither  England  nor  the  United 
States  will  wish  to  bear  the  financial  bur- 
dens of  a  larger  navy  than  may  appear  to  be 
required  by  safety  and  prudence. 


Reasons  for 


We   have   always   in    this    peri- 
the  strong      odical  argucd  on  behalf  of  the 

"YanKee- Navy   ^-^^  ^^^^  ^^^  United  States  OWes 

it  to  the  world,  as  well  as  to  its  own  security, 
to  have  a  strong  navy.  Again  and  again  we 
have  shown  that  the  Spanish  War  could  have 
been  avoided  and  the  Cuban  question  settled 
properly  if  Spain  had  not  been  led  to  believe 
by  European  naval  experts  that  the  Spanish 
Navy  was  more  than  equal  to  the  American. 


THE    PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


If  we  had  owned  half  a  dozen  more  good 
war  vessels  in  1898,  Spain  would  have  evac- 
uated Cuba  on  terms  advantageous  to  every- 
body concerned.  We  shall  never  have 
trouble  with  Japan,  because  the  best  senti- 
ment- here  and  among  the  Japanese  leaders 
is  firmly  for  good  relations  and  helpful  coop- 
eration in  the  Pacific  Ocean  and  the  Far 
East.  Nevertheless,  our  having  a  strong  navy 
will  enable  us  to  be  of  more  use  to  ourselves, 
to  Japan,  to  China,  and  to  Australia  than 
we  could  be  if  we  were  without  the  means 
by  which  to  do  our  proportionate  share.  The 
only  navy  with  which,  since  the  Spanish 
War,  we  had  not  been  on  good  terms  was 
the  navy  of  Germany ;  and  that  defeated 
country  will  have  to  rely  for  several  decades 
to  come  upon  the  justice  of  the  British  people 
and  their  Allies  in  the  control  of  the  seas. 

_,    ^  It  was  on  November  21,  ten  days 

The  German  ...  ^      ,  . 

Fleet  after  the  signmg  oi  the  armis- 
tice, that  there  occurred  the 
most  notable  event  in  the  history  of  modern 
navies.  This  consisted  of  the  surrender  of 
the  German  battleships,  battle  cruisers  and 
destroyers  to  the  British  Grand  Fleet,  which 
was  accompanied  by  an  important  squadron 
of  American  battleships  and  another  of 
French  cruisers.  The  Grand  Fleet  had  been 
lying  in  the  Firth  of  Forth,  not  far  from 
Edinburgh,  and  it  went  out  some  forty  miles, 
in  two  long  lines  six  miles  apart,  to  meet  the 
German  ships,  the  surrendered  fleet  moving 
up  so  as  to  form  a  central  line.  About  400 
warships  of  the  Allies  witnessed  the  surren- 
der. A  great'  many  submarines  were  de- 
livered by  the  Germans  on  the  same  day  at 
a  more  southern  port.  There  were  71  Ger- 
man vessels  escorted  to  anchorage  in  the 
Firth  of  Forth  on  that  memorable  day.  The 
number  of  U-boats  delivered  amounted  alto- 
gether to  122,  the  last  ones  having  left  Heli- 
goland November  29.  Early  in  December 
the  naval  surrender  was  completed  by  the 
delivery  of  the  battleship  Koenig,  the  cruiser 
Dresden  and  a  torpedo  boat.  Thus,  what 
had  been  the  second  naval  power  in  the 
world  submitted  to  the  superior  forces  which 
had  been  created  by  the  addition  of  the  mili- 
tary and  naval  efforts  of  the  United  States 
to  those  of  the  Allies. 


Naval 
Power 
Unified 


What  final  disposition  is  to  be 
made  of  the  surrendered  ships 
is  not  yet  known.  There  is  a 
strong  determination,  however,  that  with 
the   ending   of    Germany's   sea    power    tlicre 


©  Underwood  &  Underwood 

KING  GEORGE  AND  ALLIED  NAVAL  LEADERS  ON  THE 
BATTLESHIP   "n^W  YORK" 

(From  left  to  right,  are:  Admiral  Sir  David  Beatty, 
Admiral  Rodman,  U.  S.  N.,  King  George,  the  Prince  of 
Wales,  and  Admiral  Sims,  commander-in-chief  of  the 
American  fleet  in  European  waters.  The  group  was 
awaiting  the  approach  of  the  German  fleet,  for  surrender 
under  the   terms   of  the  armistice.) 


shall  never  again  be  permitted  to  disturb  the 
peace  of  the  world  such  a  thing  as  control 
of  the  common  seas  by  hostile  fleets  of  rival 
powers  which  deny  the  rights  of  non-belliger- 
ents and  assume  that  the  oceans  are  primarily 
a  place  for  warfare.  Existing  navies  must 
cooperate,  and  must  maintain  the  freedom 
and  security  of  the  oceans  for  the  lawful  use 
of  all  nations,  great  and  small.  After  a 
brilliant  record  in  the  North  Sea,  in  the  At- 
lantic and  along  the  European  coasts,  the 
American  battle  fleet  sailed  homeward  in  the 
middle  of  December,  and  was  expected  to 
arrive  at  New  York  and  anchor  in  the  Hud- 
son just  before  Christmas.  The  American 
Navy  m  European  waters  was  so  admirable 
in  personnel  and  so  satisfactory,  ship  for  ship, 
in  construction  and  arrangement,  that  Ameri- 
cans had  reason  for  pride  in  the  praise  that 
competent  European  authorities  so  freely 
bestowed.  Admiral  AIa\o  returns  on  the 
dreadnaught  Pennsylvan'ui  as  his  llagship; 
and  Admiral  Hugh  Rodman,  who  has  been 
serving  under  the  British  naval  chief,  re- 
turns on  the  Xcic  York,  which  was  one  of 
the  best  ships  xn  the   I'irth  of  Forth. 


8 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


©  Underwcwd  &  Underwood 

MARSHAL  PETAIN  LEADING  THE  FRENCH  ARMY  INTO  METZ.  THE  CAPITAL  OF  LORRAINE 
(The  people  of  Metz  received  with  enthusiasm  the  victorious  French  army  and  its  famous  commander-in-chief,  on 

November   19,  after  forty-seven  years  of  German  rule) 


c        u        In   a  combination  that  is  to  be 

France  Now 

the  Leader     firm,    there    must    always    be    a 

in  Europe  i  j  •  ^  '^ 

nucleus  or  a  predominant  unit. 
The  new  position  of  France  will  be  the  most 
powerful  single  factor  in  the  harmony  that 
will  have  to  be  worked  out  for  the  Conti- 
nent of  Europe.  The  good-will  between  the 
British  peoples  and  the  American  nation 
must,  on  the  other  hand,  be  the  central  fact 
in  the  future  security  and  control  of  the 
oceans.  Little  could  the  German  people  have 
thought  five  years  ago  how  great  a  part 
France  was  destined  to  play  in  the  future 
life  of  the  Teutonic  communities  east  of  the 
Rhine.  France  is  to  have  a  new  lease  of  life 
which  will  require  the  guidance  of  her  best 
statesmen  and  her  wisest  moral  leaders.  Last 
month  the  great  outpouring  of  sentiment  in 
Alsace-Lorraine,  following  the  mighty  ver- 
dicts of  war,  had  conclusively  settled  the 
political  future  of  those  provinces.  Not  even 
in  Germany  can  their  complete  return  to 
France  henceforth  be  seriously  questioned. 
For  twenty-four  years  this  magazine,  almost 
alone  in  America,  has  from  time  to  time  ta- 
ken the  practical  position  that  the  Alsace- 
Lorraine  question  must  be  reopened  before 
there  could  be  permanent  peace  in  Europe. 
There   were   times  when,    if   Germany   had 


known  how  to  treat  the  Alsatians  gener- 
ously, and  had  invited  France  to  join  in  a  re- 
study  of  the  problem,  some  compromise 
might  have  been  accepted.  Both  could  per- 
haps have  made  use  of  the  iron  ore  and  other 
resources;  and  boundary  lines  could  have 
recognized  the  preferences  of  the  inhabitants. 
But  new  facts  have  arisen  which  completely 
dominate  the  situation.  Thus  France  regains 
not  only  the  entire  population  of  Alsace- 
Lorraine  and  the  territorial  domain,  but  also 
the  mineral  resources  which  have  contrib- 
uted so  much  to  the  recent  industrial  growth 
of  Germany,  and  to  Germany's  strength  in 
munitions.  These  resources  will  be  valuable 
to  France ;  and  with  her  victory  she  will  now 
take  that  place  of  leadership  in  Europe  that 
the  Germans  had  been  claiming  as  belong- 
ing to  themselves.  To  do  justice  to  this 
opportunity,  France  will  require  the  most 
sympathetic  cooperation  of  her  great  allies 
including  the  United  States.  The  new  re- 
publics— the  Poles,  the  Czecho-Slovaks,  and 
others — will  look  to  the  French  people  for 
encouragement  and  for  help  in  the  effort  to 
keep  down  disagreements  among  themselves, 
and  to  maintain  European  harmony.  Too 
much  has  been  suffered  in  France  to  permit 
illusions  or  false  ambitions  to  prevail. 


THE    PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


„  .^  J.  President  Wilson's  reception  in 
Wilson  in  France  last  month  must  be  re- 
garded as  something  far  more 
important  than  a  personal  tribute.  Mr.  A. 
Maurice  Low,  the  eminent  English  journal- 
ist, contributes  to  our  pages  this  month  a 
very  striking  testimony  to  the  moral  value 
of  the  services  that  President  Wilson  has 
rendered  the  world;  and  the  editor  of  this 
magazine,  in  a  recent  trip  to  England  and 
France,  heard  expressions  everywhere  that 
were  in  accord  with  Mr.  Low's  article.  The 
deeper  importance,  however,  of  the  enthusi- 
astic welcome  given  to  Mr.  Wilson  lies  in 
the  popular  belief  among  the  masses  of  people 
in  Great  Britain,  France,  and  Europe  gen- 
erally that  the  President  represents  that 
good-will  and  generous  purpose  of  the  whole 
United  States,  which  is  above  and  beyond 
partisanship  or  minor  differences.  There 
has  been  expressed,  in  one  quarter  or  another, 
the  idea  that  Mr.  Wilson  might  have  gone 
abroad  to  argue  for  a  kind  of  peace  settle- 
ment not  acceptable  to  our  Allies.  But,  so 
far  as  we  are  aware,  nothing  has  been  said 
or  done  by  the  President  or  by  those  in 
authority  at  Washington  which  looks  toward 
a  future  in  any  way  inconsistent  with  the 
immediate  past. 

No  Lack  of    ^^^    United    States    has    given 
Harmony      men  and  money  without  stint  to 

Among  Alliea    11  ^u  •  ^  £ 

help  secure  the  victory  for  a 
common  cause.  In  extending  credit  to  our 
Allies  to  the  extent  of  a  sum  that  may 
eventually  reach  ten  thousand  million  dol- 
lars, our  Government  has  made  no  condi- 
tions and  driven  no  bargains.  In  sending 
soldiers  and  armed  ships  abroad,  we  have 
cooperated  whole-heartedly,  without  ever 
raising  any  question  which  implied  distrust 
for  the  future.  We  have  believed  that  the 
generous  attitude  and  the  crusading  spirit  on 
our  part,  would  not  fail  to  meet  with  a  like 
attitude  and  spirit  on  the  part  of  the  British 
and  French  people.  Until  we  have  some 
evidence  to  the  contrary,  it  will  be  just  and 
right  to  believe  that  our  Allies  are  to  be 
permanent  friends;  and  that  they  are  not 
planning  for  a  future  that  would  ignore  the 
great  lessons  of  the  war.  President  Wil- 
son's reported  utterances  after  his  arrival  in 
France  were  eminently  appropriate  and  there 
was  no  reason  to  think  that  his  point  of  view 
was  not  in  general  harmony  with  those  of 
the  leaders  of  Western  European  thought. 
There  are  problems  of  immense  difficulty 
pending;  but  victories  of  peace  will  be  won. 


Mr.  SimondM    Through  a  period  of  more  than 
on  Political     four   years   the    readers   of    this 

Reconstruction  .1  1111  r        r 

magazme  nave  had  the  benent  or 
the  narrative  and  critical  articles  of  Mr. 
Frank  H.  Simonds  in  current  review  of  the 
Great  War.  It  would  not  be  undue  praise  to 
say  that  no  other  sequence  of  articles  during 
the  war  period  has  been  so  acceptable  to  the 
public  as  this  which  we  have  been  able  to 
present.  When  Mr.  Simonds  has  been  ab- 
sent for  a  month  or  two  at  a  time  in  Europe, 
we  have  been  able  to  draw  upon  the  accom- 
plished pen  of  Dr.  Talcott  Williams,  besides 
other  contributors  upon  special  phases  of  war 
activity.  Mr.  Simonds  is  not  merely  an  au- 
thority in  military  history  and  strategy,  but 
he  is  similarly  competent  as  a  student  of  in- 
ternational politics.  He  is  to  continue  writ- 
ing for  the  Review,  and  he  begins  this 
month  a  new  series,  which  will  deal  with  the 
problems  of  peace  and  with  the  political  ad- 
justments and  reconstructions  that  must  novv^ 
concern  every  intelligent  reader.  We  have 
been  heartily  in  accord  with  Mr.  Simonds's 
views  throughout  the  war  period  regarding 
the  essential  nature  of  the  struggle,  and  have 
agreed  with  his  analysis  of  the  movements 
and  forces  that  have  affected  the  war's  for- 
tunes from  time  to  time.  Mr.  Simonds  is 
writing  a  history  of  the  war,  two  volumes 
of  which  have  been  issued,  a  third  being  now 
on  the  presses,  while  two  more  are  in  proc- 
ess of  preparation.  He  is  due  to  arrive  in 
Europe  early  this  month,  and  will  be  in  close 
touch  with  affairs. 

-  .  ^     Dr.  Talcott  Williams,   also,  in 

Americana  on       .  .  /•        1  t» 

the  Peace     this    number    of    the    Review, 
em»      presents  a  valuable  historical  ar- 
ticle, showing  the  relations  of  past  European 
Peace  Congresses  to  the  development  of  mod- 
ern history.    He  will  follow  this  with  one  il- 
lustrated by  European  historical  maps.   Judge 
Elliott,  formerly  of  the  Philippine  Govern- 
ment,  writes   of   the   future   control   of   the 
former  outlying   possessions  of  the  German 
Empire.      Our   readers   will   find   that   Mr. 
Simonds,    Dr.   Williams    and   Judge    Elliott 
are  all  of  them  in  essential  agreement  with 
the  point  of  view  expressed  in  our  own  edi- 
torial paragraphs,  which  is  this:    That  the 
Great  War  has  created  a  state  of  facts,  and 
that    the    future    must    proceed    by    natural 
evolution  out  of  the  present.     The  League  of 
Nations  already  exists,   in  the  Allied  group 
which  has  won  the  war,  and  which  has  left 
no    serious    elements    of    military    or    naval 
opposition    anywhere    in    the    world.      1  his 


10 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


©  Harris  &  Ewing,  Washington,  D.  C. 

HON.    HENRY    WHITE 

group  of  nations  cannot  lay  aside  the  respon- 
sibilities thus  assumed  by  its  victories.  The 
sanction  and  guaranty  for  its  exercise  of 
further  authority  in  the  world  are  to  be 
found  in  its  deference  to  an  international 
public  opinion  which  stands  for  freedom  and 
justice.  Back  of  the  Allies  there  rests  the 
moral  force  of  the  convictions  of  the  Ameri- 
can people.  Of  like  quality  is  the  clear  and 
unrestrained  voice  of  British  democratic  sen- 
timent, which  will  not  condone  any  unjust 
or  selfish  use  of  Allied  power.  France  and 
Italy  come  out  of  the  war  more  democratic 
than  they  entered  it,  and  they  stand  for 
reasonableness,  peace  and  progress  through- 
out middle  Europe,  the  Mediterranean  lands, 
the  Balkans,  and  the  Near  East. 


«,..„,„„„..    The  Allied   countries  have  had 
When         to    spcnd    SO    much    money    for 
armies     and     navies     that     thev 


Possible 


will  be  only  too  glad  to  adopt  dis- 
armament programs  whenever  the  conditions 
permit.  War  debts  will  have  to  be  paid  to 
a  great  extent  through  what  can  be  saved 
from  the  high  cost  of  militarism.  This  ap- 
plies particularly  to  Germany.  If,  instead 
of  taking  two  or  three  years  of  each  young 
man's  time  for  military  service,  that  period 
should  be  devoted  by  the  Germans  to  work- 


Harris  &  Ewing,  Washington,  D.  C. 

GEN.    TASKER    H.    BLISS 


ing  ofif  increments  of  the  reconstruction  debt 
due  to  Belgium  and  France,  there  would  be 
no  economic  loss  or  waste  on  the  one  hand, 
and  very  much  gain  on  the  other.  A  ten- 
tative League  of  Nations  can  be  formed, 
beginning  with  the  close  association  of  the 
present  Allies;  and  it  can  be  extended  care- 
fully and  deliberately,  as  conditions  may  jus- 
tify. We  have  always  advocated  some 
form  of  world-organization  to  do  away  with 
disastrous  wars.  But  it  has  become  plain  that 
countries  like  Germany  and  Russia  are  not 
now  prepared  to  become  active  members  of 
such  a  union.  There  is  much  preliminary 
work  to  do.  A  new  order  of  things  in 
Central  Europe  must  be  created,  and  there 
must  be  steps  taken  to  prevent  a  recurrence 
of  such  calamities  as  the  recent  wars  among 
the  Balkan  States. 

Ships  for  There  are  many  reasons  why  the 
Uncle  United  States  should  go  forward 
^""^  with  its  great  program  for  the 
building  of  a  Merchant  Marine,  and  also 
why  it  should  build  a  number  of  dread- 
naughts  and  battle  cruisers  to  give  sym- 
metry to  its  Navy.  But  the  Merchant  Ma- 
rine is  not  merely  to  benefit  American  trade, 
but  to  serve  also  the  purposes  of  our  cus- 
tomers and  friends  in  other  countries,  such 


THE    PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


11 


©  Clinedinst,  Washington 

HON.   ROBERT  LANSING,    SECRETARY  OF   STATE 

as  those  of  South  America,  which  cannot 
now  build  their  own  ships. .  We  might  make 
a  money  contribution  toward  the  mainten- 
ance of  the  British  Navy  as  a  world  agency 
for  security  at  sea;  but  just  now  it  would 
doubtless  better  suit  the  conditions  to  give 
further  development  to  our  own  navy,  using 
it  in  carefully  planned  association  with  the 
navies  of  our  Allies.  On  the  larger  plane, 
there  must  be  cooperation  in  the  world,  both 
political  and  commercial.  It  is  only  within 
a  strictly  limited  sphere  that  there  should  be 
competition  and  rivalry.  It  would  not  be 
advantageous  to  the  American  people  to  use 
either  naval  power,  mercantile  tonnage,  or 
tariff  laws  with  a  view  to  forcing  American 
interests  exclusively.  From  the  business 
standpoint,  as  well  as  from  that  of  good 
manners  and  good  morals,  it  is  sound  policy 
to  consider  the  rights  and  interests  of  others 
as  well  as  our  own. 

^^g  It  was  not  until  five  days  before 

American      the  President  sailed  in  the  trans- 

Delegatea  ^      r^  r^/      i  -  \ 

port  George  yV ashington  that 
the  names  of  the  American  delegates  to  the 
Peace  Conference  were  announced.  Mr. 
Wilson  was  perhaps  waiting  to  know  some- 
thing of  the  probable  membership  of  the  Eu- 
ropean  delegations.      Even   after   our   repre- 


Bacbracb 


COL.  EDWARD  M.   HOUSE 


sentatives  had  been  in  France  for  some  days, 
it  was  not  known  to  the  public  what  men 
would  sit  in  the  conference  for  France,  or 
for  other  of  the  leading  Allied  nations.  The 
chief  delegates  from  this  country  are  Mr. 
Lansing,  Secretary  of  State ;  Colonel  E.  M. 
House,  Hon.  Henry  White,  and  General 
Tasker  Bliss.  Mr.  Lansing  is  versed  in  all 
subjects  of  international  law  and  diplomacy, 
and  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  problems 
of  the  war  period.  Colonel  House  has  been 
the  President's  most  trusted  personal  adviser, 
is  widely  acquainted  with  public  men  at 
home  and  abroad,  and  has  during  the  past 
year  given  his  whole  time  and  attention  to 
the  questions  that  must  follow  the  end  of 
the  war,  being  assisted  in  his  studies  by  a 
corps  of  experts.  General  Tasker  Bliss  has 
been  abroad  since  we  entered  the  war,  and 
has  been  our  military  representative  in  the 
Inter-Allied  conferences  at  Versailles.  His 
great  intelligence,  fine  judgment,  and  recent 
experience  qualify  him  for  membership  in  the 
Peace  Conference.  Mr.  Henry  White  was 
for  many  years  in  the  diplomatic  ser\'ice, 
holding  the  highest  posts  at  several  capitals, 
and  is  greatly  esteemed  and  respected.  It  is 
now  known  that  their  premiers,  forci<2;n 
ministers  and  military  chiefs  will  represent 
the  Allied  countries. 


12 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


All  of  our  delegates  except  IMr. 

Control  by        .^..  .        .  .     *^  .  ^ 

Public  White  have  tor  some  time  past 
Opinion  j^^^j^  officially  occupied,  under 
President  Wilson's  direction,  with  the  war- 
and-peace  problems  that  are  now  to  be  dis- 
cussed. Without  disparaging  in  the  slight- 
est degree  any  of  those  appointed,  many 
Americans  would  have  preferred  one  or  an- 
other of  their  own  favorite  statesmen.  At 
Washington  it  was  felt  that  members  of  the 
Senate  ought  to  have  been  chosen.  Many 
Republicans  thought  that  Mr.  Root,  Mr. 
Hughes,  or  Mr.  Taft  should  have  been 
named.  Nevertheless,  the  United  States  is 
governed  by  public  opinion,  and  all  treaties 
must  be  ratified  by  the  United  States  Senate. 
The  American  delegates  in  Paris  are  aware, 
for  instance,  that  Mr.  Taft's  recent  speeches 
advocating  a  League  of  Nations  have  had 
great  influence  here  at  home.  It  is  also 
known  that  Mr.  Roosevelt's  strong  insistence 
that  the  United  States  must  maintain  its  own 
national  independence,  while  holding  firmly 
to  the  existing  association  with  Britain, 
France  and  Italy,  represents  a  mode  of  ap- 
proach to  the  whole  subject  that  is  widely 
approved  and  that  is  in  no  way  out  of  har- 
mony with  the  building  of  a  League  of  Na- 
tions upon  true  and  lasting  foundations.  We 
have  not  for  a  moment  believed  that  the 
American  delegation  would  find  it  otherwise 
than  agreeable  to  work  frankly  and  in  hearty 
accord  with  Premier  Clemenceau  and  the 
French  leaders.  This  is  not  less  true  as  re- 
gards Mr.  Lloyd  George,  Mr.  Balfour,  Lord 
•Robert  Cecil  and  Mr.  Bonar  Law,  and  other 
British  statesmen.  In  the  debates  on  the 
eve  of  the  parliamentary  elections  of  Decem- 
ber 14th,  all  these  British  leaders  went  quite 
as  far  as  most  people  in  America  are  ready 
to  go  in  support  of  the  plan  of  a  League  of 
Nations.  The  French  leaders  are  not  at  all 
opposing  the  idea ;  but,   very  properly,   they 


desire  to  have  the  temple  of  the  ultimate 
League  approached  through  the  great  vesti- 
bule of  the  present  Alliance. 

Last  month  we  paid  tribute  to 
^LeZTerthip^   the    courage    and    patriotism    of 

Clemenceau  and  to  the  devotion 
he  had  won  throughout  France,  and  particu- 
larly among  the  people  of  Alsace-Lorraine. 
We  present  in  the  present  number  of  the 
Review  a  very  illuminating  word-picture  of 
the  qualities,  character  and  career  of  the 
veteran  statesman  and  journalist.  The  au- 
thor of  this  article  is  M.  Henri-Martin 
Barzun,  himself  a  young  journalist  who  has 
been  associated  with  Clemenceau,  and  has  re- 
cently been  the  chief  editor  of  the  famous 
Clemenceau  newspaper,  UHomme  Libre.  In 
a  following  number  this  writer  will  deal  for 
our  readers  with  the  whole  problem  of  devas- 
tation and  reconstruction  in  France,  as  pre- 
sented by  the  ravages  of  war.  To  read  Mr. 
Barzun's  article  on  Clemenceau  carefully, 
will  suffice  to  correct  the  false  impression 
that  has  been  created  to  some  extent  in  Amer- 
ica regarding  the  point  of  view  of  the  French 
leader.  Through  a  long  life  Clemenceau 
has  fought  for  human  freedom  and  justice. 
At  this  moment,  far  from  being  in  a  mood 
of  relentlessness,  he  is  more  likely  to  speak  the 
conciliatory  word  for  the  German  people 
than  are  any  other  of  the  Allied  statesmen. 
The  rare  value  of  Mr.  Barzun's  interpreta- 
tion lies  in  the  unconscious  disclosure  of  the 
noble  qualities  of  the  French  mind  and  spirit. 
Mr.  Barzun,  though  only  thirty-six,  has 
written  important  books,  has  served  in  the 
Government  and  in  the  Army,  and  is  him- 
self typical  of  that  leadership  of  thought  and 
intelligence  that  is  to  carry  into  the  hopeful 
future  the  splendid  tradition  of  men  like 
Clemenceau.  Mr.  Wilson's  talks  with  the 
Premier  are  reported  as  mutually  satisfactory. 


(T^  Edwin  I^cvifk,  New  York 

THE  "GEORGE  WASHINGTON."  CARRYING  PRESIDENT  WILSON   AND   HIS  PARTY  TO  FRANCE  LAST  MONTH.  WITH 

PART  OF  ITS  NAVAL  ESCORT 


THE   PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


13 


Underwood  &  Underwood 

PRESIDENT  WILSON  AND  HIS  "WAR  CABINET" 
[With  the  exception  of  the  representatives  of  the  War,  Navy  and  Treasury  departments,  these  gentlemen  were 
all  brought  to  Washington  after  the  United  States  entered  the  War.  The  task  of  each  has  been  to  organize  and 
direct  a  new  department  of  the  Government.  On  Wednesday  of  each  week  they  met  together  to  deal  with  the 
larger  economic  problems  of  war.  Seated,  from  left  to  right  in  the  picture,  are:  Benedict  Crowell,  then  Acting 
Secretary  of  War  in  the  absence  of  Mr.  Baker;  William  G.  McAdoo,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  and  Director 
General  of  Railroads;  President  Wilson;  Josephus  Daniels,  Secretary  of  the  Navy;  and  Bernard  M.  Baruch,  head 
of  the  War  Industries  Board.  Standing,  are:  Herbert  Hoover,  Food  Administrator;  Edward  N.  Hurley,  chair- 
man of  the  Shipping  Board;  Vance  C.  SlcCormick,  chairman  of  the  War  Trade  Board;  and  Harry  A.  Garfield, 
Fuel  Administrator,     Most  of  these  experts  are  now  in  Europe,  or  holding  themselves  subject  to  call] 


In    addition    to    the    chief    dele- 

\)eieaatfon8  ^^^^^  ^^°"^  ^^^^  ^^  ^^^  principal 
Allied^countries,  there  will  be  in 
Paris  large  supporting  groups  of  officials 
from  the  foreign  offices,  besides  officers  of  the 
armies  and  navies,  experts  in  finance,  com- 
merce, and  shipping,  and  men  of  varied  ex- 
pert knowledge.  A  large  number  of  men  are 
thus  associated  with  the  American  delega- 
tion, and  the  same  will  be  true  of  the  British 
and  Italian.  American  newspaper  corre- 
spondents to  the  number  of  two  or  three  hun- 
dred have  gone  to  Paris,  and  censorship  re- 
strictions have  been  removed  so  far  as  the 
United  States  is  concerned.  President  Wil- 
son will  have  the  advice  of  several  of  the  men 
who  have  held  leading  places  in  the  war  ad- 
ministration at  Washington.  Thus  Mr. 
Hurley,  of  the  Shipping  Board,  and  Mr. 
Hoover,  of  the  Food  Control,  had  preceded 
him  to  Europe,  and  Messrs.  Vance  McCor- 
mick,  of  the  War  Trade  Board,  and  Ber- 
nard Baruch,  of  the  War  Industries  Board, 
were  last  month  called  to  Paris. 


.      It  is  extremely  difficult  to  learn 

Qermany  in       .  i  •  i  •  ^  '      r^ 

Political  just  what  IS  takmg  place  m  Lrer- 
Ferment  niany.  For  some  time  to  come 
there  will  be  great  social  and  political  fer- 
ment. There  is  about  to  be  held  an  election 
throughout  all  parts  of  Germany  for  mem- 
bers of  a  Constituent  Assembly  (we  should 
say  a  Constitutional  Convention)  to  reor- 
ganize the  government  of  what  has  been 
the  German  Empire.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that 
this  popular  election,  which  is  to  be  on  a 
basis  of  equal  and  universal  franchise,  will 
be  carried  out  peacefully,  and  that  a  repre- 
sentative body  of  patriotic  Germans  may 
form  a  new  government  that  shall  prove 
capable  of  dealing  with  internal  and  also 
with  external  problems.  The  great  Peace 
Conference,  which  will  begin  with  sessions 
of  the  victorious  Allies,  must  later  include 
representatives  of  the  conquered  nations. 
The  Allied  statesmen  prefer  to  have  Ger- 
many represented  by  a  responsible  govern- 
ment. We  have  read  much  in  the  newspapers 
of  the  immense  claims  that  will  be  presented, 


14 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


and  which  in  the  aggregate  would  seem  to 
go  far  beyond  the  ability  of  Germany  to  pay. 
But  the  Belgians  and  French  are  going  to 
be  practical  in  their  official  attitude,  and  the 
people  of  the  United  States  need  not  imagine 
that  anything  will  be  exacted  that  is  unjust 
in   principle  or  impossible  in  execution. 

The    German    soldiers    in    great 

Order  in  the  .  .  r     j  • 

Occupied  numbers  were  m  process  or  dis- 
Region  persion  to  their  homes  last 
month,  and  apparently  their  influence  was 
making  for  law  and  order,  rather  than  for 
political  chaos.  The  armistice  terms  had 
been  complied  with  in  most  respects,  and  the 
forward  movement  of  Allied  soldiers,  fol- 
lowing German  evacuation,  had  been  as 
orderly  as  could  have  been  wished.  Ameri- 
can, French  and  British  troops  have  con- 
ducted themselves  well  in  occupied  territory, 
and  the  German  civilian  population  is  re- 
ported as  acting  in  a  submissive  and  sensible 
way.  The  experiences  of  the  occupying 
armies,  as  reported  from  day  to  day  in  the 
press,  are  of  unusual  interest.  Many  Ger- 
mans are  indeed  glad  of  the  presence  of  these 
Americans  and  other  Allied  soldiers  because 
they  help  to  keep  down  the  menacing  spirit 
of  anarchy.  It  is  evident  that  the  transition 
from  war  to  peace  in  Germany  must  be  at- 
tended by  food  scarcity,  a  high  rate  of  mor- 
tality among  infants  and  old  people,  and 
economic  difficulties  of  all  sorts.  Yet  the 
trend  of  the  news  last  month  supported  the 
opinion  that  Germany  would  resist  Bolshe- 
vism and  demonstrate  capacity  for  self-rule. 


.  ,  It  may  be  a  good  w^hile  before 
Terrible  we  shall  have  a  full  and  truthful 
^  '^  ^  account  of  what  is  taking  place  in 
Russia  this  winter.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that 
the  proposed  Allied  intervention,  based  upon 
the  Japanese  and  Chinese  armies,  had  not 
been  allowed  to  proceed  across  Siberia  on  a 
large  scale  last  summer.  German  influence 
and  Bolsheviki  fanaticism  have  produced  a 
condition  throughout  Russia  that  is  almost 
without  precedent  in  history.  Members  of 
the  intellectual  and  propertied  elates  have 
been  massacred  by  the  thousands,  and  the 
processes  of  industry,  agriculture  and  trans- 
portation, whereby  men  obtain  livelihoods  in 
normal  times,  are  to  a  great  extent  paralyzed. 
Starvation  has  already  claimed  scores  of 
thousands  of  victims,  and  these  will  prob- 
ably number  millions  within  the  next  few^ 
months.  The  problem  of  Russia  is  no 
longer  domestic,  but  imperatively  one  con- 
cerning Europe  and  the  world.  It  will  be 
part  of  the  business  of  the  conferences  at 
Paris  and  Versailles  to  devise  remedies. 


Some  Problems 
to  Be 
Solved 


We  have  printed  much  in  re- 
cent months  concerning  the  prob- 
lems of  Central  Europe,  and 
certain  aspects  of  them  are  again  set  forth 
in  Mr.  Simonds'  article  in  this  number.  The 
Poles,  Czecho-Slovaks  and  the  Jugo-Slavs 
are  to  be  fully  recognized  and  helped  to  es- 
tablish their  true  boundaries.  The  Balkan 
problems  will  be  found  difficult,  and  there 
will  be  disappointments;  but  the  solutions 
of  the  Conference  will  have  to  be  accepted. 


COBLENZ-THE  GERMAN  CITY  ON  THE  RHINE  OCCUPIED  BY  AMERICAN  TROOPS 
(Under  the  terms  of  the  armistice,  Allied  armies  occupy  all    German    territory    west    of    the    Rhine    and    also    three 
crossings    over   that    river.      The    British    are    thus    in    Cologne,    the    Americans    in     Coblenz,    and    the     trench    in 

Mayence.      Coblenz    is    the    largest   city   in   the   American   zone) 


THE    PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


15 


There  will  be  somewhat  radical  differences 
about  the  future  of  Turkey,  two  or  three 
different  proposals  having  merit  enough  to  be 
worthy  of  discussion.  Judge  Elliott  in  this 
number  writes  ably  and  with  much  knowl- 
edge concerning  the  future  of  the  German 
colonies.  We,  on  our  part,  have  thought  it 
right  to  adopt  the  point  of  view  of  the  Aus- 
tralians and  the  South  Africans.  The  best 
thing  that  could  have  happened  to  Spain 
twenty  years  ago  was  the  relief  she  obtained 
from  her  responsibilities  in  Cuba  and  Porto 
Rico  and  in  the  Philippines.  Spain  has  no 
longer  needed  a  navy;  and  the  remnants  of 
her  colonial  empire  have  on  their  part  bene- 
fited by  a  separation  which  has  also  been  ad- 
vantageous to  Spain.  Germany  will  in  like 
manner  be  better  off  without  colonies.  She 
will  in  due  time  resume  her  industrial  and 
commercial  activities,  but  her  imperialistic 
system  is  ended.  No  country  will  hence- 
forth find  advantages  in  holding  other 
peoples  and  territories  in  a  tyrannous  grasp 
for  motives  of  power  and  exploitation. 

»t    .,  j,^       The  retirement  of  Secretary  Mc- 
Leaues        Aqoo    irom    the     1  reasury    De- 

the  Cabinet  p^rtment,  which  took  effect  De- 
cember 16th,  when  his  successor  was  ready 
to  take  up  the  task,  has  compelled  the  coun- 
try to  realize  in  some  measure  how  remark- 
able has  been  Mr.  McAdoo 's  career  in  pub- 
lic office.  For  almost  six  years  he  had  been 
head  of  the  nation's  finances,  and  in  each 
emergency  his  undaunted  courage,  his  quick- 
ness of  decision,  his  imaginative  grasp,  and 
his  intuitive  correctness  of  judgment  have 
been  ever  more  apparent.  While  serving  the 
larger  public  he  had  also  won  the  confidence 
of  the  masters  of  finance  and  industry.  He 
had  led  in  the  creation  of  the  Federal  Re- 
serve system;  had  supported  the  nation's 
credit  in  1914;  had  helped  to  construct  a  se- 
ries of  great  tax  measures ;  and  had  been  suc- 
cessful beyond  any  other  man  in  the  world's 
history  in  the  floating  of  huge  public  loans. 
In  these  sentences  we  have  only  hinted  at  the 
nature  and  scope  of  Mr.  McAdoo's  work  as 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  It  would  re- 
quire a  large  volume  to  set  forth  the  financial 
history  of  six  years  in  which  he  played  the 
most  conspicuous  role.  Men  of  all  parties 
had  hoped  to  see  him  continue  through  two 
more  years;  but  he  had  intended  to  retire  at 
the  end  of  his  first  four  years,  and  he  was 
amply  justified  in  taking  the  view  that  the 
signing  of  the  armistice  afforded  him  a 
proper  excuse  for  the  return  to  private  life 


Committee  on  Public  Information 

MAJOR-GEN.    JOSEPH    THEODORE    DICKMAN 

(Commanding    the    American    army    of    occupation    in 
Germany) 


which  he  had  so  much  desired.  So  bold  a 
career  cannot  be  pursued  in  freedom  from 
controversy,  but  Mr.  McAdoo's  success  has 
turned  opponents  into  admiring  friends,  and 
his  efforts  have  gained  the  gratitude  and 
good-will  of  the  country. 

..    ,.,    ,       So  capable  a  man  as  Kir.   Mc- 

Hi»  Work  A    1  1  •  1        r  t_        • 

As  Head  of  Adoo  runs  the  risk  ot  having  too 
Railroads  ^^^^  burdcns  piled  upon  him. 
The  Shipping  Board  had  been  his  pet  project, 
and  several  other  agencies  of  administration, 
such  as  the  Farm  Land  Board,  had  come  un- 
der his  supervision.  But  his  chief  undertak- 
ing apart  from  the  immense  affairs  of  the 
Treasury  Department  was  that  of  Director- 
General  of  the  United  States  Railroad  Ad- 
ministration.     AVlien    the    Government    as- 


16 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEPF    OF   REVIEWS 


sumed  control  of  all  the  railroads,  as  a  war 
measure,  Mr.  McAdoo  was  placed  at  the 
head  of  almost  300,000  miles  of  steam  lines, 
besides  waterways  and  other  adjuncts  of  a 
transportation  monopoly.  He  utilized  the 
services  of  able  and  experienced  men ;  but 
he  could  not  be  merely  a  nominal  head  of 
the  railway  service  in  war  time.     He  had  to 


statement  of  the  problem  of  the  railroads 
and  his  expression  of  concern  over  it.  He 
declared  himself  frankly  undecided  as  to 
the  proper  course  to  pursue.  The  alterna- 
tive courses  he  stated  as  folows: 

We  can  simply  release  the  roads  and  go  back 
to  the  old  conditions  of  private  management,  un- 


face  the  tremendous  problem  last  winter  of      brbnJi't.Trnd'lTH  '"i"*  '^?}'^t^J^  regulation 

^  by  both,  btate  and  I^ederal  authorities;  or  we  can 


the  supply  of  coal  for  ships  and  war  indus- 
tries. He  'had  to  deal  with  the  movement  of 
food  supplies,  and  that  of  troops  and  muni- 
tions. In  resigning  from  the  Cabinet  post, 
Mr.  McAdoo  also  gave  up  this  other  place, 
as  director  of  railroads,  agreeing  to  remain 
until  January  1st,  or  until  his  successor  was 


go  to  the  opposite  extreme  and  establish  complete 
control,  accompanied,  if  necessary,  by  actual 
Government  ownership;  or  we  can  adopt  an  in- 
termediate course  of  modified  private  control^ 
under  a  more  unified  and  affirmative  public  regu- 
lation and  under  such  alterations  of  the  law  as 
will  permit  wasteful  competition  to  be  avoided 
and    a   considerable   degree   of  unification  of  ad- 


appointed.      As   these  sentences   are  written,      "^^".istration   to  be   effected,   as,   for   example,  by 
^^  ,     •  -11  If  Ml       regional   corporations,   under  which  the   railways 

no  designation  has  been  made  of  a  railroad        -----  — 

chief  to  take  Mr.  McAdoo's  place.  The 
question  of  the  immediate  future  of  the  rail- 
roads had  become  last  month  the  foremost  of 
our  domestic  issues,  and  the  views  of  the 
President  and  of  Mr.  McAdoo  were  at  the 
very  center  of  the  debate.  Mr.  McAdoo's 
advice  to  Congress  to  provide  for  retention 
of  the  roads  until  January  1,  1924,  precipi- 
tated a  violent  discussion. 


What  About 

the 
Railways? 


President    Wilson's    annual    ad- 


of  definable  areas  would  be  in  effect  combined  in 
single  systems. 

»   ^      The    one    sure    conclusion    the 

Many  Minds      t»        •  i  i       i  11  1 

as  to         President  had  reached  was  that 
the  Answer     j^  ^^^jj  ^^  unfortunate  to  the 

public  and  to  the  owners  of  the  roads  alike 
if  the  railroads  were  returned,  under  the  old 
conditions,  with  cooperation  hampered  by 
law,  and  with  competition  made  obligatory. 
There  must  be  a  new  policy,  different  from 


the  old,  if  the  country's  means  of  transporta- 
dress  to  Congress,  delivered  just      tion  are  to  be  developed  and  managed  with 
before    his    sailing    to    Europe,      efficiency   from   the  standpoint   both   of   the 
aroused  most  attention  and  discussion  in  his      people  at  large  and  of  the  railroad  owners. 

The  President  asked  Con- 
gress to  begin  promptly  a 
study  of  the  problem,  and 
announced  that  he  was  ready 
to  release  the  roads  from 
Government  control  and  that 
he  must  do  so  at  a  very  early 
date,  if  further  waiting  is 
merely  to  prolong  the  period 
of  doubt  and  uncertainty. 
While  President  Wilson  was 
so  frank  and  open  in  his  con- 
fession of  uncertainty  as  to 
the  future  of  the  railroads^ 
this  statement  answered  the 
question  which  had  been  in 
many  men's  minds  whether 
the  present  Administration 
had  determined  upon  a  pro- 
gram of -Government  owner- 
ship. Financiers,  railroad 
HON.  CARTER  GLASS,  THE  NEW  SECRETARY  OF  THE  TREASURY  managers   and  investors  were 

(Mr.  Glass,  who  will  be  sixty-one  years  old  on  the  4th  of  this  month,  is  .1  1  A      'A    A  nf 

the   owner   of   newspapers   at    Lynchburg,    Va.,    and   has    served   continuously  tnemselves    uncleClCiea,    Or    OT 

as    Representative   in    Congress    for    about    eighteen    years.      As    chairman    of  varvin?      minds       aS      tO      thc 
the   House   Committee  on   Banking  and  Currency,   he  had  a  great  part  in  the  J       fe  '  •      1  1 

shaping  and   enactment   of   the   present   Federal   Reserve   system.      He   enjoys  proper  and  practicable  COUrSC 
the  confidence  of  ("ongress  and  of  the  country,  and   his  appointment  to  tuc-  npU  *       «<•      v   ci 

ceed   Mr.   McAdoo   is  praised   by  all   interests  and   parties)  tO  purSUe.    1  ne  eminent  preSl- 


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THE    PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


17 


dent  of  a  great  financial  institution  frankly 
said  that  he  preferred  Government  owner- 
ship outright  to  a  return  of  the  old  conditions 
under  private  ownership  and  management, 
with  the  Sherman  Law  prohibiting  effective 
cooperation,  the  Interstate  Commerce  Com- 
mission rigidly  limiting  income  (with  no  one 
to  limit  expenses),  and  with  conflicting  and 
harassing  regulation  from  all  the  States  and 
the  Federal  Government. 

Vieu,softhe    ^mong     the     many     divergent 
Commerce      programs  for  the  railroads,  per- 

Commission       i  •  i:  j  j 

haps  one  is  now  round  approved 
by  thoughtful  men  more  often  than  others. 
To  divide  the  country  into  regional  districts, 
say  seven  in  all,  with  all  the  railroads  in  each 
district  carried  on  in  full  cooperation  under  a 
federal  regional  director  and  with  the  owner- 
ship and  management  left  in  private  hands — 
is  the  plan  which  probably  finds  fewer  op- 
ponents and  most  advocates.  The  annual 
report  of  the  Interstate  Commerce  Commis- 
sion, covering  the  year  to  November  1,  1918, 
outlines  carefully  the  chief  factors  in  the  rail- 
road problem,  but  does  not  make  conclusive 
recommendations.  This  report  lists  the  fol- 
lowing alternative  plans  which  will  come 
under  discussion: 

(1)  Continuance  of  the  present  plan  of  Federal 
control;  (2)  public  ownership  of  carrier  prop- 
erty with  private  operation  under  regulation; 
(3)  private  operation  under  regulation  with  gov- 
ernmental guarantees;  (4)  resumption  of  private 
control  and  management  under  regulation;  and 
(5)    public  ownership  and  operation. 

In  case  the  roads  are  returned  to  their 
private  ownership  and  operation  under  gov- 
ernment regulation,  the  Commission  asks  for 
new  legislation  on  the  following  subjects: 
( 1 )  the  present  limitation  of  co-operative 
activities  for  our  rail  and  water  lines;  (2) 
the  freedom  of  railway  operation  from  finan- 
cial dictation;  (3)  the  regulation  of  security 
issues;  (4)  the  harmonizing  of  federal  and 
State  authority  and  (5)  the  more  liberal 
use  of  terminal  facilities  for  the  free  move- 
ment of  commerce. 

Success        ^^'    ^cAdoo    had    announced 
as  a  that  the  program  of  railroad  im- 

Wcr  Measure  ...  , 

provement,  mvolving  an  outlay 
of  nine  hundred  million  dollars  for  1918  and 
1919,  should  be  carried  forward.  In  pur- 
suance of  this  program  the  last  month  of 
1918,  the  Railroad  Administration  had  or- 
dered, but  not  yet  received,  1,415  locomo- 
tives and    100,000  freight  cars.      For  other 

Jan.— 2 


©  Social  Press  Association 


HON.  WILLIAM   G.  M  ADOO,  RETIRING  FROM   OFFICIAL 

SERVICE    AFTER    SIX    YEARS    AS    SECRETARY    OF    THE 

TREASURY 

additions  and  betterments  more  than  five 
hundred  million  dollars  had  been  authorized ; 
and  at  least  half  as  much  must  be  appro- 
priated during  the  year  1919  to  bring  the 
properties  up  to  standard.  It  is  expected  that 
these  expenditures  will  provide  work  for 
some  of  the  men  released  from  the  war  in- 
dustries. As  to  the  success  or  failure  of  gov- 
ernment administration  of  the  transportation 
lines  thus  far,  there  are  few  if  any  denials 
of  the  claim  that  Mr.  McAdoo  made  the 
railroads  function  in  the  specific  work  of 
helping  to  win  the  war.  This  was  the  great 
and  single  task  he  had  before  him  in  his 
office  of  Director-General.  He  was  bold 
and  strong  and  prpmpt  in  his  management  of 
wage  questions  and  rate  changes,  at  a  time 
when  a  little  too  much  caution  and  deliberate- 
ness  might  have  been  disastrous.  It  is  ob- 
vious that  the  Government  operation  of  the 
railroads  under  his  headship  during  the 
period  of  the  war  «;hould  not  be  expected  to 
give  arty  firtal  or  even  any  very  valuable  test 
or  object  lesson  for  the  great  ultimate  con- 
sideration of  Government  ownership.  The 
tremendous  exigencies  of  war-making  kept 
before  the  temporary  captain  of  twenty  bil- 
lion dollars  worth  of  railroads  that  one 
single    object, — the    smooth    and    successful 


18  THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 

carriage  of  troops,  munitions,  fuel  and  other  in  1920  as  well — an  additional  year — and,  in 

things  necessary  to  win  the  war.  accordance  again  with  Secretary  McAdoo's 

suggestion,  this  second  year's  taxes  were  fixed 
o  ,  .  It  was  announced  in  November  at  four  billion  dollars. 
War  that  the  various  executive  de- 
Dpropna  ions  p^j-^-j^gj^l-g  Qf  ^]^^  Government  ^^^  The  point  was  made  by  the  Ad- 
will  be  able  to  save  at  least  12  billion  dollars  Republicans  ministration  that  with  the  rap- 
out  of  the  appropriations  that  had  been  *^  idly  shifting  demands  of  the 
earlier  made  for  carrying  on  the  war.  Government  it  was  essential  for  the  interests 
Chairman  Swager  Sherley  of  the  House  Ap-  of  the  business  man  that  he  should  know 
propriations  Committee  said  that  the  War  well  in  advance  what  demands  were  going 
Department  alone  would  be  able  to  save,  to  be  made  on  him.  In  the  meantime,  how- 
through  cancellation  of  war  contracts  and  ever,  the  country  elected  a  Republican  Con- 
various  retrenchments,  more  than  7  billion  gress  (to  sit  after  March  4th,  if  an  extra  ses- 
dollars  out  of -the  24  billion  appropriated  for  sion  is  needed)  ;  and  Republican  leaders  have 
Secretary  Baker's  department.  The  work  protested  strongly  against  this  anticipatory 
of  cancellation  has  been  and  is  going  on  framing  of  the  tax  laws  by  a  Democratic 
rapidly,  but  not  merrily;  for  the  factories  majority  which  will  have  ceased  to  exist 
that  had  got  keyed  up  to  war-making  pitch  more  than  a  year  before  the  tax  which  it  is 
had  extended  their  operations  with  the  ex-  deciding  upon  will  be  collectible.  These  Re- 
pectation  of  work  to  call  for  all  their  ener-  publicans  for  a  time  threatened  to  hold  up 
gies  during  the  next  year.  It  has  been  esti-  the  Revenue  bill  that  had  been  reported  to 
mated  that  no  fewer  than  fifty  thousand  the  Senate,  but  they  abandoned  this  purpose, 
manufacturing  establishments  throughout  the  Reports  of  taxable  incomes  must  be  made  by 
country  will  be  affected  by  these  cancella-  individuals  and  corporations  by  March  1st; 
tions.  Telegrams  are  received  by  thousands  and  if  the  bill  is  not  passed  early  in  Feb- 
of  these  concerns  each  day,  peremptorily  cut-  ruary  there  will  not  be  time  for  the  Commis- 
ting  off  work  that  had  been  ordered.  The  sioner  of  Internal  Revenue  to  get  out  the 
message  usually  includes  a  request  for  infor-  vast  numbers  of  complicated  forms  used  in 
mation  as  to  whether  the  sudden  abrogation  collection.  In  such  a  contingency  it  seems  to 
of  the  contract  will  lead  to  the  discharge  of  be  agreed  that  the  Commissioner  would  col- 
workmen.  Much  care  and  intelligence  are  lect  taxes  under  the  old  law,  which  applied 
being  bestowed  upon  the  work  of  softening  to  the  business  and  incomes  of  1917.  This 
the  sudden  blow  so  far  as  its  impact  on  the  law  would  raise,  it  is  estimated,  about  four 
workman  is  concerned.  billion  dollars.     To  make  up  the  additional 

two  billion  needed  by  the  Treasury  it  was 

The  Neiv       ^"  November  6  the  War  Rev-  understood  that  Congress  would  hastily  tack 

Revenue       enue    Bill,    levying    taxes    to    be  o"  to  the  old  law  an  amendment  providing 

^'"          paid    in    1919    on    incomes    and  for  an  additional  tax  of  80  per  cent,  on  war 

business  operations  of  1918,  was  reported  to  profits — the  excess  of  corporation  and  part- 

the   Senate   by   Chairman    Simmons,   of   the  nership  incomes  for  the  year  1918  over  their 

Finance  Committee.     This  revenue  program  average  income  for  the  pre-war  years  1911, 

has  been  in  a  bad  tangle.     More  than  seven  1912,  and  1913. 

months  ago  the  House  began  its  work  on  a 

bill  to  raise  eight  billion  dollars,  the  amount  The  zone      Even  after  lopping  off  the  two 

stated  by  Secretary  McAdoo  as  a  proper  por-  Postal  pi  an     billion  dollars  from  the  amount 

tion  of  the  24  billion   dollars  needed  from  "    "         to  be  raised  by  the  proposed  bill, 

bonds  and  taxation  together.     Such  a  revenue  It  is  much   the  largest  tax  levy  ever  made 

bill  was  drawn  up  by  the  House  and  passed  by  this  or  any  other  nation.     It  is  equiva- 

on,   some  three   months   ago,   to   the   Senate  lent  to  an  average  per  capita  payment  of  $59 

Finance  Committee.     Here  it  has  been  modi-  from  every  man,  woman,   and  child  in  the 

fied  in  many  details,  and  finally,  with  the  end  United   States.     The   reduction  of  the  total 

of  the  war  and  on  Secretary  McAdoo's  fur-  from    the    original    House    bill    designed    to 

ther  suggestion,  the  amount  to  be  raised  was  raise  eight   billion   dollars  was  obtained   by 

cut  down  from  eight  billion  to  six  billion  dol-  combining   the  excess   profits  with   the  war 

lars.     At  the  same  time  the  Administration  profits  tax,  a  reduction  of  the  postal  tax,  and 

conceived  the  idea  of  providing  in  this  current  a  general  cutting  down  of  most  of  the  sched- 

tax  legislation  for  the  revenue  to  be  collected  ules.     Letter  postage  is  to  return  to  the  old 


THE   PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


19 


Paul  Thompson,  New  York 

THE  GREAT  TRANSATLANTIC  LINER  "  MAURETANIA,"   ARRIVING  AT  NEW  YORK  ON  DECEMBER   1.  WITH   THE 

FIRST  AMERICAN  TROOPS  RETURNING  FROM  EUROPE 

(For  more  than  a  year,  and  particularly  since  the  German  offensive  of  last  spring,  British  as  well  as  Ameri- 
can transports  had  been  making  eastward  voyages  crowded  with  human  freight  in  khaki,  through  a  submarine- 
infested  ocean.  Now  their  peculiar  war  paint,  to  deceive  German  submarine  commanders,  is  unnecessary. 
When  the  Leviathan  arrived,  two  weeks  later  than  the  Mauretania,  the  war  paint  had  been  removed.  While  war 
was   on   it  was  not  considered  advisable  to   print  pictures    showing   these    so-called    "camouflaged"   vessels) 


rates.  Not  so  important  in  the  total  amount 
of  money  involved,  from  the  Government's 
point  of  view,  but  of  immense  importance 
to  the  publishing  business,  is  the  doing  away 
with  the  ill-advised  second-class  mail  rate 
increase  on  the  zone  plan. 

Homeward     ^^^  return  of  soldiers  from  the 
Looking       American  camps  to  their  homes 

Soldiers  •  j  • 

IS  proceedmg  on  a  system  care- 
fully worked  out  by  the  War  Department, 
and  shows  steady  acceleration.  As  for  the 
over-seas  forces,  almost  every  day  witnesses 
the  arrival  here  of  one  or  more  troop  ships, 
preference  being  given  to  the  wounded  and 
sick.  Mr.  Hurley  is  in  Europe,  doing  his 
best  to  secure  tonnage  for  the  more  rapid 
movement  homeward  of  those  divisions  and 
units  that  are  now  held  abroad  merely  for 
lack  of  ships  to  bring  them  back.  The  reten- 
tion of  men  in  foreign  camps  in  order  to  keep 
up  labor  scarcity  and  high  wages  here  would 
not  be  justified  in  view  of  the  intense  desire 
of  our  men  in  Europe,  now  that  the  war  is 
over,  to  come  back  to  their  homes.  That 
rapid  demobilization  involves  many  difficul- 
ties is  only  too  evident  to  all  who  have 
studied  the  problem.  The  Department  of 
Labor,  through  its  employment  bureaus  and 


otherwise,  is  doing  what  it  can  to  help  in  the 
readjustment  of  the  supply  of  workers  tp  the 
industrial  demands  of  peace  time. 

Schools  Meanwhile,  it  is  intended  by  the 
in  Over-seas  War  Department  to  take  the 
"'""*  best  possible  care  of  the  soldiers 
who  are  destined  to  remain  for  some  months 
longer  in  the  army  camps  abroad.  A  very 
important  general  order  (No.  192)  was 
issued  by  General  Pershing  two  months  ago, 
relating  to  ''the  standardization  of  educa- 
tional methods  and  the  establishment  of 
schools  in  all  of  the  larger  posts  and  camps 
and  hospitals  of  the  American  Expeditionary 
Forces."  The  commander  of  every  such  post 
or  camp  was  ii^tructed  to  appoint  a  qualified 
member  of  his  staff  as  school  officer;  proper 
rooms  and  equipment  were  to  be  provided, 
and  instruction  was  to  be  standardized  in 
accordance  with  a  system  arranged  by  the 
"Y.  M.  C.  A.  Army  Educational  Commis- 
sion." Subjects  of  instruction  include 
French  language,  history,  civics,  common 
school  subjects,  vocational  work,  and  courses 
leading  to  army  promotion,  with  further 
subjects  to  be  authorized.  The  order  goes 
on  at  length  to  specify  many  matters  of  de- 
tail, much  discretion  being  vested  in  the  com- 


20 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


manding  officer  of  each  post  or  camp.  The 
provisions  of  this  order  were  to  take  effect 
January  1,  1919. 

j^^         The  Y.  M.  C.  A.  Commission, 
v.  M.  c.  A.     to     which     General     Pershing's 

Project  J  f  «.        J 

order  rerers,  entered  upon  its 
work  under  the  leadership  of  Mr.  Anson 
Phelps  Stokes,  of  Yale  University,  who  was 
instrumental  in  organizing  an  active  com- 
mission consisting  of  Professor  John  Erskine, 
of  Columbia  University,  Superintendent 
Spaulding,  of  the  Schools  of  Cleveland, 
Ohio,  and  President  Butterfield,  of  the 
Massachusetts  Agricultural  College.  These 
are  very  capable  and  practical  men,  and  they 
have  been  working  out  a  system  in  coopera- 
tion with  the  army  authorities.  Since  the 
Y.  M.  C.  A.  was  prepared  to  spend  a  great 
amount  of  money,  it  may  readily  be  inferred 
that  the  commissioners  have  been  able  to 
secure  a  large  staff  of  competent  instructors, 
having  in  view  the  actual  needs  of  men  of  all 
ranks  and  grades.  The  Y.  M.  C.  A.  has 
already  ordered  $2,000,000  worth  of  text 
books,  and  the  American  Library  Association 
is  sending  $1,000,000  worth  of  reference 
books.  The  system,  as  planned,  includes  co- 
operation on  the  part  of  the  French  educa- 
tional authorities,  and  extends  also  to  the 
use  of  British  schools  and  facilities. 

^gg  ^  Inasmuch  as  thousands  of  sol- 
Soidiers'  diers  and  sailors  are  being  dis- 
n  urance  charged  every  week,  it  should  be 
remembered  that  nearly  every  man  has  a 
Government  insurance  policy  for  $10,000  or 
a  less  sum.  Until  their  discharge,  their 
premiums  are  paid  through  deduction  from 
their  monthly  pay ;  but  as  they  leave  the 
Army,  they  will  have  to  take  the  initiative, 
find  the  money  themselves,  and  make  pay- 
ments to  the  Government ;  otherwise  their 
insurance  will  lapse.  It  is  important  that 
local  committees  in  communities  or  town- 
ships, or  in  particular  cities  and  villages, 
should  take  an  active  interest  in  seeing  that 
the  soldiers  do  not  let  their  insurance  be 
dropped.  The  law  permits  them  to  carry  the 
policies  at  the  present  low  rates  for  five 
years ;  and  then  they  have  several  privileges 
in  the  nature  of  conversions.  For  this  con- 
verted insurance  the  Government  will  re- 
quire them  to  pay  much  less  than  the  pre- 
mium rates  of  the  regular  insurance  com- 
panies, and  it  is  important  that  they  should 
not  relinquish  such  advantages.  They  may 
take  out  ordinary  life  policies,   twenty-pay- 


ment policies,  endowment  maturing  at  the 
age  of  sixty-two,  or  still  other  optional 
forms.  It  would  be  a  patriotic  thing  for 
local  committees  to  help  discharged  soldiers, 
by  loans  or  gifts,  to  tide  over  a  difficult 
period  of  a  few  months  during  which  they 
may  be  short  of  money  while  adjusting  them- 
selves to  civilian  life. 

^^g         The   annual   reports   of   the   de- 
Waahington    partment   heads   at   Washington 

Departments  r  ...  ° 

are  or  exceptional  interest,  and 
include  many  topics  to  which  we  shall  refer 
from  time  to  time  in  future  numbers.  One 
such  topic  is  Secretary  Lane's  fascinating 
plea  for  a  land-improvement  system  to  oc- 
cupy many  of  the  discharged  soldiers  at  good 
wages,  and  later  on  to  provide  them  with 
homes  and  occupations.  There  is  no  invest- 
ment of  public  money  that  could  pay  better, 
from  every  standpoint,  than  this  which  the 
Secretary  of  the  Interior  so  eloquently  ad- 
vocates. Mr.  Houston,  our  sagacious  Sec- 
retary of  Agriculture,  deals  with  actual  farm 
conditions,  and  makes  an  encouraging  sur- 
vey. The  Postmaster  General  is  urging,  the 
merits  of  his  policy  for  complete  and  perma- 
nent absorption  of  the  telegraph  and  tele- 
phone systems  by  the  Government.  Mr. 
Daniels  gives  us  a  spirited  picture  of  the 
achievements  of  the  Navy  in  the  war,  and 
urgently  recommends  a  policy  of  naval  ex- 
pansion on  a  three  years'  building  program. 
The  War  Department  has  been  canceling 
contracts  for  immense  quantities  of  munitions 
and  supplies,  while  trying  to  send  soldiers 
to  their  homes  as  rapidly  as  possible.  The 
Department  of  Commerce  is  wrestling  with 
many  complicated  business  conditions. 

^^fj^        Some  forty  years  ago  a  conflict 
and  began  on  the  west  coast  of  South 

America  which  resulted  in  the 
acquisition  by  Chile  of  the  seacoast  provinces 
of  Bolivia  and  of  the  southernmost  provinces 
of  Peru.  The  two  Peruvian  provinces  of 
Tacna  and  Arica,  by  the  settlement  of  1883, 
were  to  be  held  for  ten  years  by  Chile,  after 
which  their  destiny  was  to  be  settled  by  a 
vote  of  the  inhabitants.  Such  a  vote  has  never 
been  taken,  and  Chile  has  held  the  provinces 
now  for  several  decades.  Last  month  the 
question  became  acute  again,  and  there  was 
danger  of  war.  The  United  States  counseled 
a  peaceful  settlement  and  tendered  good  of- 
fices, asking  Argentina  to  join.  Whatever 
method  may  be  adopted,  it  seems  probable  that 
the  matter  will  be  settled  and  war  averted. 


THE  TRIANON  PALACE  AT  VERSAILLES.  WHERE  THE  SESSIONS  OF  THE   INTER-ALLIEO  WAR  COUNCIL  WERE  HELD 

AND  WHERE  THE  PEACE  CONFERENCE  WILL  PROBABLY  MEET 

(The  palace  and  park  at  Versailles — twelve  miles  southwest  of  Paris — date  from  the  time  of  Louis  XIV,  two- 
centuries  and  a  half  ago.  Besides  its  interesting  French  history,  Versailles  became  the  German  military  head- 
quarters during  the  siege  of  Paris,  and  it  was  there  that  King  William  I  of  Prussia  was  proclaimed  German 
Emperor) 


RECORD  OF  CURRENT  EVENTS 

(From   November  21   to   December  17,   1918) 


INCIDENTS  DURING  THE  ARMISTICE 

November  21. — The  German  High  Seas  Fleet 
is  surrendered  to  a  great  Allied  armada  near  the 
Firth  of  Forth,  under  the  terms  of  the  armistice ; 
seventy-one  vessels  are  surrendered — nine  battle- 
ships, five  battle  cruisers,  seven  light  cruisers,  and 
fifty  destroyers. 

American  troops  enter  the  Duchy  of  Luxemburg. 

November  22. — King  Albert  makes  formal  entry 
into  Brussels,  the  capital,  after  four  years  of 
German  occupation. 

November  26. — French  troops  enter  Strasburg, 
the  capital   of  Alsace. 

November  28. — King  George  and  the  Prince  of 
Wales  are  warmly  welcomed  on  a  visit  to  Paris. 

November  29. — The  names  of  the  representa- 
tives of  the  United  States  at  the  peace  conference 
are  announced — President  Wilson  himself,  and 
Robert  Lansing  (Secretary  of  State),  Henry  White 
(former  Ambassador  to  France),  Edward  M. 
House,  and  Gen.  Tasker  H.  Bliss  (military  rep- 
resentative of  the  United  States  in  the  Inter-Allied 
War  Council). 

A  Republic  of  Lithuania  is  proclaimed  at  Riga, 
with  Karl   Ullman  as  first  President. 

November  30. — American  casualties  in  the  war 
are  announced  as:  killed  in  action,  28,363;  died  of 
wounds,  12,101;  died  of  disease,  16,034;  died  of 
other  causes,  1,980;  missing  in  action,  not  known 
to  be  prisoners,  14,190;  severely  wounded,  54,751; 
other  wounded,  135,204;   total  casualties,  262,623. 

The  new  German  Government  makes  public  the 
text  of  a  document  signed  by  the  former  Emperor 


William,  at  Amerongen,  Holland,  on  November 
28,  renouncing  forever  his  rights  to  the  Prussian 
and  German  imperial  crowns. 

December  1. — The  surrender  of  a  fifth  fleet  of 
German  submarines  brings  the  total  turned  over 
to  the  Allies  to  122. 

American  troops  of  occupation  enter  German 
territory  from  Luxemburg  and  establish  headquar- 
ters at  Treves. 

The  British  transport  Mauretania  arrives  at 
New  York  with  the  first  American  troops  return- 
ing from  Europe. 

December  2. — King  Nicholas  is  deposed  by  the 
Montenegrin  National  Assembly,  it  is  reported. 

December  5. — The  British  Admiralty  estimates 
that  the  total  war  loss  of  merchant  tonnage,  by 
Allied  and  neutral  nations,  was  15,053,786  gross 
tons;  new  construction  totaled  10,849,527  tons^ 
while  2,392,675  tons  of  enemy  ships  were  captured. 

It  is  announced  that  all  the  Turkish  warships 
have  surrendered  to  the  Allies  for  internment,  in- 
cluding Russian  vessels  handed  over  to  the  (kt- 
mans. 

Winston  Churchill  (former  head  of  the  British 
Admiraltv)  declares  that  the  British  enter  the 
peace  conference  "with  absolute  determination  that 
no  limitation  shall  be  imposed  on  our  right  to 
maintain   our   naval   defense." 

December  6. — British  troops  of  occupation  enter 
Cologne,  one  of  the  three  Rhine  cities  to  be  held 
bv    the   Allies    during   the    armistice. 

December  8. — American  troops  of  occupation 
reach   Coblenz,   the   second   of      three  Rhine  cities 

21 


22 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


GEN.  ARMANDO  DIAZ,  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  OF  THE 

I  ITALIAN  ARMY 

(After  the  disaster  at  Caporetto,  just  a  year  before 
the  end  of  the  war.  General  Diaz  succeeded  Cadorna 
as  commander-in-chief  of  the  Italian  armies  and  began 
the  work  of  restoring  their  morale.  He  emerges  from 
the  war  as  a  national  hero,  and  will  be  one  of  Italy's 
delegates  at  the  peace  conference) 

to  be  held  by  the  Allies  pending  the  conclusion 
of  peace. 

December  10. — The  French  army  of  occupation 
enters  Mayencc  (Mainz),  the  German  city  and 
crossing  of  the  Rhine  which  had  been  assigned 
to  them. 

It  is  officially  announced  that  of  the  2,079,880 
American  troops  transported  to  France,  46.25  per 
cent  were  carried  in  American  ships,  48.5  per 
cent  in  British,  and  the  rest  in  French  and  Italian 


vessels ;   82.75  per  cent  of  the  convoying  was  by 
the   United   States  Navy. 

The  Prime  Minister  of  Holland  informs  the 
parliament  that  the  former  German  Emperor 
could  not  have  been  refused  the  right  of  asylum 
and  that  if  demand  for  extradition  is  made  a  so- 
lution will  be  sought  in  accord  with  the  honor 
and  dignity  of  Holland. 

December  11. — Premier  Lloyd  George  declares 
that  the  war  bill  of  the  Allies  against  Germany 
will  amount  to  $120,000,000,000  (more  than  that 
country's  entire  estimated  wealth),  and  that  "Ger- 
many should  pay  to  the  utmost  limit  of  her 
capacity." 

December  13. — American  troops  cross  the  Rhine 
at  Coblenz,  and  occupy  the  nineteen-mile  zone 
around  the  bridgehead  on  the  right  bank,  under 
the  terms  of  the   armistice. 

December  14. — A  general  election  is  held 
throughout  Great  Britain,  the  Lloyd  George  gov- 
ernment appealing  for  the  return  of  a  coalition 
(Unionist-Liberal)  majority  in  the  House  of 
Commons;  there  will  be  delay  in  counting  the 
votes. 

British  troops  cross  the  Rhine  at  Cologne,  to 
occupy  the  bridgehead  on  the  opposite  bank;  the 
French  complete  their  occupation  of  the  bridgehead 
opposite  Mainz. 

The  duration  of  the  armistice  (expiring  Decem- 
ber 16)    is  extended  one  month. 

Dr.  Sidonia  Paez,  President  of  Portugal  since 
the  revolution  of  June,  is  assassinated  in  Lisbon, 
the  murderer  is  himself  put  to  death  by  the 
crowd. 

Premier  Orlando  informs  the  Senate  that  Italy 
is  not  in  position  to  demobilize  a  single  man; 
he  states  also  that  Italy  had  more  men  under 
arms  than  any  other  nation,  in  proportion  to  popu- 
lation. 

December  15. — Casualties  of  the  United  States 
Marine  Corps  for  the  five  months  to  the  end  of 
August  are  announced  as:  1,160  killed  in  action 
and  2,908  wounded — 23  per  cent  of  the  Marines' 
gross   strength. 

The  Government  of  Poland,  under  domination 
of  Gen.  Joseph  Pilsudski  at  Warsaw,  appeals  for 
recognition  by  the  Allies. 

December  16. — Delegates  from  Soldiers'  and 
Workmen's  Councils  throughout  Germany  met  at 
Berlin,  in  the  chamber  formerly  used  by  the 
Prussian  Diet;   the  Radicals  are  in  the  minority. 

Reports  from  Berlin  state  that  the  general  strike 
urged  by  the  Radical  Socialists,  under  leadership 
of  Dr.  Karl  Liebknecht,  has  become  widespread 
and  serious. 

PRESIDENT  WILSON  IN  EUROPE 

December  4. — President  Wilson  sails  from  New 
York  for  Europe,  to  attend  conferences  on  the 
larger  phases  of  the  treaty  of  peace. 

December  13. — President  Wilson  lands  at  Brest, 
the  French  port  used  during  the  war  as  the  prin- 
cipal  debarkation  point  for  American  troops. 

December  14. — President  Wilson  and  President 
Poincare  speak  of  mutual  ties  that  bind  the  United 
States  and  France,  at  a  luncheon  in  Paris. 

December  16. — President  Wilson  is  made  a  citi- 
zen of  Paris  at  a  formal  reception  in  the  City 
Hall;  later  he  visits  Premier  Clemenceau  at  the 
War  Ministry. 


RECORD   OF  CURRENT  EVENTS 


23 


PROCEEDINGS  IN  CONGRESS 

December  2. — The  Sixty-fifth  Congress  assem- 
bles for  the  short  session. 

Both  branches  meet  in  the  House  chamber  and 
are  addressed  by  the  President,  his  sixth  an  ual 
message ;  he  speaks-  of  reconstruction  matters,  in- 
cluding shipping,  taxation,  and  railroad  control, 
and  declares  it  to  be  his  paramount  duty  to  leave 
the  country  and  discuss  with  representatives  of 
the  Allies,  at  Paris,  the  main  features  of  the 
treaty  of  peace. 

December  6. — The  Senate  Finance  Committee 
reports  the  Revenue  bill,  after  virtually  rewriting 
the  measure  passed  by  the  House;  the  Senate  bill 
would  yield  $6,000,000,000  for  the  current  fiscal 
year  and  $4,000,000,000  for  succeeding  years  (com- 
pared with  $8,000,000,000  in  the  war  measure 
passed  by  the  House). 

AMERICAN  POLITICS  AND  GOVERNMENT 

November  21. — The  President  signs  the  Food 
Stimulation  bill,  with  its  provision  for  nation- 
wide prohibition  from  June  30,  1919,  until  the 
army  is  demobilized. 

William  G.  McAdoo  resigns  the  offices  of  Sec- 
retary of  the  Treasury  and  Director-General  of 
Railroads. 

November  25. — The  Secretary  of  the  Navy  in- 
forms the  Treasury  that,  because  of  the  signing 
of  the  armistice,  estimates  of  naval  appropriations 
required  have  been  reduced  from  $2,644,000,000 
to  $1,464,000,000;  the  two-year  construction  pro- 
gram is  retained  by  the  Navy  Department. 

November  26. — The  United  States  Shipping 
Board  announces  its  purpose  to  take  over  85  mer- 
chant ships,  of  1,000,000  deadweight  tons,  rather 
than   permit  their   sale   to   a   British   syndicate. 

December  2. — The  Florida  House  (following 
similar  action  in  the  Senate)  passes  a  "bone  dry" 
liquor  bill  effective  January  1. 

December  5. — Carter  Glass,  Representative  in 
Congress  from  Virginia,  is  named  by  the  Presi- 
dent as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

December  10. — The  first  session  of  the  Cabinet 
held  during  the  President's  absence  is  presided 
over  by  Vice-President  Marshall,  at  the  request  of 
the  President. 

The  annual  report  of  the  Secretary  of  Com- 
merce shows  a  trade  balance  in  favor  of  the 
United  States  (during  the  fiscal  year  ending  June 
30,  1918)  amounting  to  $2,982,226,238;  total  ex- 
ports   $5,928,285,641;    imports    $2,946,059,403. 

December  11. — The  retiring  Director  General 
of  Railroads,  Mr.  McAdoo,  recommends  to  Con- 
gress the  extension  of  the  period  of  Government 
control  for  five  years  (existing  law  limiting  con- 
trol to  twenty-one  months  after  the  treaty  of 
peace,  at  the  maximum). 

The  Department  of  Agriculture  estimates  that 
the  nation's  principal  farm  crops  were  worth  to 
the   farmers  $12,272,412,000. 

December  16. — Carter  Glass  enters  upon  the  of- 
fice of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 

Colorado  becomes  "bone  dry"  with  the  signing 
of  a  prohibition  measure  by  the   Governor. 

Postmaster-General  Burleson,  director  of  the 
"wire"  services  while  under  Government  control, 
urges  permanent  Government  ownership  in  the 
interest  of  efficiency  and  economy. 


FOREIGN  POLITICS  AND  GOVERNMENT 

November  23. — Anti-Peruvian  rioting  occurs  in 
Iqueque,  Chile,  growing  out  of  a  renewal  of  the 
controversy  over  the  border  provinces  of  Tacna 
and  Arica,  held  by  Chile  since  1883. 

December  5. — Count  Alvaro  de  Romanones 
again  becomes  Premier  of  Spain,  as  a  result  of  the 
second  cabinet  reorganization  within  three  weeks. 

December  7. — The  American  Ambassador  to 
Chile  submits  an  offer  of  mediation  in  the  con- 
troversy with   Peru,   made   by   President   Wilson. 

OTHER  OCCURRENCES  OF  THE  MONTH 

November  23. — Production  of  anthracite  coal  in 
the  United  States  is  officially  stated  to  have  fallen 
off  one-half  of  one  per  cent  in  the  present  year, 
whereas  production  of  bituminous  coal  increased 
12  or  15  per  cent. 

November  27. — A  new  type  of  American  naval 
airplane  makes  a  trial  flight  off  the  coast  of  Long 
Island,  carrying  fifty  passengers. 

December  4. — Deaths  from  influenza  and  pneu- 
monia since  September  15  are  estimated  by  the 
Public  Health  Service  to  total  350,000  throughout 
the  United  States,  exclusive  of  20,000  deaths  in 
the   military   camps    (see   page    69). 

December  8. — The  Food  Administration  an- 
nounces that  the  American  public  saved  775,000 
tons  of  sugar  by  limited  consumption  during  the 
five  months  ending  with  November. 

December  17. — Admiral  Canto  y  Castro  is 
elected  President  of  Portugal. 

OBITUARY 

November  22. — William  D.  Hoard,  publisher  of 
Hoard's  Dairyman  and  former  Governor  of  Wis- 
consin, 82. 

November  25. — William  T.  Evans,  New  York 
dry  goods  merchant  and  noted  collector  of  Ameri- 
can paintings,  75. 

November  26. — Rose  Elizabeth  Cleveland,  sis- 
ter of  President  Cleveland,  at  one  time  "mistress 
of  the  White   House,"   72. 

December  1. — Major  Willard  D.  Straight,  the 
New  York  banker  and  authority  on  Far  Eastern 
questions,  38.  .  .  .  Joseph  Raphael  de  Lamar, 
prominent  in  the  copper  and  silver  mining  in- 
dustry, 78. 

December  2. — Edmond  Rostand,  the  noted 
French  poet  and  playwright,  50.  .  .  .  Rt.  Rev. 
James  Bowen  Funston,  first  Protestant  Episcopal 
Bishop  of  Idaho,  62. 

December  5. — Dr.  Samuel  Abbott  Green,  ex- 
Mayor  of  Boston,  88. 

December  6. — Alfred  Reed,  former  Justice  of 
the  Supreme  Court  of  New  Jersey,  78. 

December  7. — Joseph  F.  Scott,  former  State  Su- 
perintendent of  Prisons   in   New   York,   57. 

December  9. — Nicholas  Murray,  former  librarian 
of  Johns  Hopkins  University,  76. 

December  11. — William  Agnew  Paton,  a  veteran 
fiewspaper  and  magazine  publisher,  and  author  of 
books  of  travel. 

December  14. — Dr.  Sidonio  Paes,  President  of 
Portugal,  45.  .  .  .  Stephen  O'Meara,  Police 
Commissioner   of   Boston    since    1906,    64. 

December  16. — John  Sterling  Deans,  a  noted 
bridge   builder   and   designer,   60. 


KING  ALBERT  RETURNS 


A  RECENT   SNAPSHOT  OF  THE  KING 
OF    BELGIUM 


QUEEN   ELIZABETH    IN    THE    MIDST   OF    HER  RED  CROSS    WORK  FOR 
WOUNDED     BELGIAN      SOLDIERS 


//7J I  i  i  i  I  1-.I 


KING  ALBERT  AND  QUEEN  ELIZABETH  REVIEWING  BELGIAN  TROOPS  AFTER  THEIR  ENTRY  INTO  BRUGES 

24 


THE  TURN  OF  THE  YEAR 
IN  CARTOONS 


VICTORY  ! 
From  Punch  (London) 


HIS   OWN   AGAIN. 

(To  the  King  of  the   Belgians) 

From  Punch   (London) 


THE  EUROPEAN  CONCEPTION  OF  SANTA  CLAUS  THIS        (D  CJeorgo  Malthcw  Adams 

SEASON  AN    EXPECTED  ARRIVAL 

From  the  Orcgonian  (Portland,  Oregon)  From  the  Citizen  (Brooklyn,  N.  Y.) 


25 


26 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


THE  FRIEND  OF  THE  WHOLE  UNIVERSE — A  SPANISH 

cartoonist's    TRIBUTE    TO    PRESIDENT    WILSON 

From  Blanco  y  Negro  (Madrid,  Spain) 


WILSON  THE  JUDGE  ! 
From  L'Asino   (Rome,   Italy) 


WHICH   ONE   WILL  GET  IT 
From  the  Daily  News  (Chicago) 


BEWARE,    THE   REEFS  ! 

(The  good  ship  Democracy  faces  a  period  of  close  and 
careful    sailing.) 

From  the  Eagle  (Brooklyn) 


THE   GROANING   BOARD 
From  the  Eagle  (Brooklyn,  N..  Y.) 


THE   TURN  OF  THE  YEAR  IN'  CARTOONS 


27 


THE    FALL    OF    MILITARISM    IN    GERMANY — OR      THE 
TABLES    turned'' 
Democracy:  "Who  opposes  ME,  I  smash!"    (From  an 
earlier  speech  by  Wilhelm.) 

From  De  Amsterdammer  (Amsterdam,  Holland) 


"yes,  but  where  can  I  GO?" 
From  the  World  (New  York) 


the  new  GERMANY  AND  THE  BOLSHEVIK  WOLF 

From  the  Mews  (Chicago) 


AFTER   THE   FRANCO-PRUSSIAN   WAR 

Germany:   "Farewell,  Madame,  and  if " 

France:  "Ha!    We  shall  meet  again!" 

.T>  1       .    .    ^T  ^"",'/'   (London)  ^  ^,^^^^    MASTER?" 

(Reproduced    from   Tenniel's   cartoon   as   it   appealed   in  v^^n  *    *-rm  .      v/ 

the  London   Punch   September  27,    1873)  From  the  News  (Dayton,  Ohio) 


28 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


OUT   AT  last! 
From  the  World  (New  York) 


LIBERALISM    IN    SPAIN 

"Let  us  sing  the  'Marseillaise'.    It's  safe  to  do  so  now." 

From  Esquella  (Barcelona,  Spain) 


M^v-u 


5  ■  •3''"'  '.   -T 


i  r ; 


ilfiiliiliii 


MBOi 


CHRISTMAS 

(A  contrast  between  the  German  soldier  returning  and 

the    Belgian) 

From  the  Evening  Dispatch    (Columbus,   Ohio) 


NOBODY  HOME 
From  the  World  (New  York) 


^  A)  A 


"who  caused  the  war? — 'twas  him" 

From  the  Times   (New  York) 


his  credentials  :  an  honorable  discharge 
From  the  Bayonet  (Camp  Lee,  Va.) 


THE   TURN  OF  THE  YEAR  IN  CARTOONS 


29 


./^ 


ONE  MORE  AUTOCRAT  WE  MUST  GET — THE  NOTORIOUS 

HIGH  COST  OF  LIVING 

From  the  News  (Dallas,  Texas)  ' 

AMERICA'S  reconstruction  problems  are 
but  little  less  complicated  than  those  of 
Europe.  High  wages  and,  hand  in  hand,  the 
high  cost  of  living;  the  labor  shortage,  and  the 
four  million  soldiers  about  to  be  returned  to 


RUNNING  THE  COUNTRY  WHILE  WILSON  IS  GONE 
From  the  Plain  Dealer  (Cleveland,  Ohio) 


fT'  ;' ";  ^  ■ '  r>J'^  v'-SV'^:  X  Ci"^'  v  •'"''^ 


THE   NEXT  BIG  JOB 
From    the    News    (Dayton,    Ohio) 

industry;  permanent  government  ownership, 
or  the  immediate  abandonment  of  the  recent 
attempt  at  government  operation  of  national 
public  utilities — these  are  some  of  the  prob- 
lems to  be  met. 


CONGRESS    AND    THE    RAILROADS 
From  the  News  (Chicago) 


©  Gcorfre  Matthew  Ailams 

WHY    NOT   GO    DOWN    SIMULTANEOUSLY? 
From  the   Citizen   (Brooklyn,  N.  Y.) 


CANADA'S  AFTER-WAR 
PROBLEMS 

BY   SIR  PATRICK  T.   McGRATH 

[Sir  P.  T.  McGrath,  for  many  years  editor  of  the  St.  John's,  N.  F.,  Herald,  has  frequently  con- 
tributed articles  to  this  Review  on  subjects  connected  with  Canada  and  Newfoundland. — The  Editor.] 


CANADA  opens  the  new  year  with  prob- 
lems confronting  her,  perhaps  the  most 
serious  in  her  history.  During  the  war  she 
has  accomplished  wonders,  and  still  greater 
wonders  will  probably  have  to  be  accom- 
plished by  her.  The  population  of  Canada 
totals  about  eight  million,  and  she  enlisted 
for  active  service  roundly  400,000  or  one  in 
every  twenty.  Of  these,  55,000  have  died 
and  probably  45,000  more  have  been  so  phys- 
ically impaired  as  to  be  comparatively  useless 
for  practical  industrial  endeavor. 

Canada  has  thus  to  face  a  net  loss,  on  one 
side,  of  100,000  able-bodied  effectives,  be- 
sides paying  a  heavy  burden  on  their  account, 
either  as  pensions  to  themselves  if  alive  or 
to  the  dependents  they  leave  if  dead.  On 
the  other  side  is  the  fact  that  Canada,  during 
the  war,  has  been  transformed  from  an  agri- 
cultural to  a  manufacturing  country.  Vast 
industries  have  been  called  into  being,  such 
as  those  for  making  munitions,  and  now  these 
must  be  resolved  back  into  agencies  of  peace- 
ful industrial  progress. 

Great   Industrial    Changes 

In  the  manufacture  of  munitions  were  em- 
ployed some  250,000  workers,  with  probably 
75,000  more  engaged  in  the  output  of  other 
war  materials.  The  shutting  down  of  these 
factories  will  mean  the  throwing  out  of  em- 
ployment of  a  total  working  force  equal  in 
number  to  that  of  the  entire  Canadian  army 
to  be  brought  home  for  demobilization.  Even 
if  these  factories  be  kept  going,  the  continu- 
ance will  solve  only  one  aspect  of  the  indus- 
trial problem,  namely,  the  keeping  employed 
of  those  who  have  entered  these  works  since 
the  war  began,  leaving  the  returning  soldiers 
to  be  provided  for.  But  obviously  these  sol- 
diers are,  above  all  others,  the  ones  most  en- 
titled to  first  consideration. 

The  same  issue  will  have  to  be  faced  in  the 
United  States ;  but  the  proportion  of  the 
population  enlisted  for  active  service  is  not 
30 


so  great,  the  period  of  the  country's  partici- 
pation in  the  war  has  not  been  so  long,  and 
the  resources  and  opportunities  for  overcom- 
ing the  obstacle  are  more  varied  and  effective. 
In  Canada,  counting  the  dependents  of  both 
soldiers  and  **war  workers,"  it  is  safe  to  say 
that  some  two  million  people,  or  about  one- 
fourth  of.  the  entire  population,  will  be  af- 
fected by  the  new  conditions  now  arising. 

Reassembling  of  Parliament 

The  Federal  Parliament  at  Ottawa  meets 
early  in  the  new  year  and  will  have  to  under- 
take some  formidable  tasks.  Demobilization 
of  the  armed  forces  will  be  no  light  one.  Re- 
employment of  hundreds  of  thousands  of  men 
will  tax  the  resources  of  every  industry  in 
the  Dominion.  Reconstruction  plans  on  an 
exhaustive  scale  will  have  to  be  worked  out. 
The  re-education  and  re-establishment  in 
civil  life  of  disabled  soldiers  will  be  another 
and  especially  difficult  task ;  and  Labor  views 
with  grave  concern  the  effects  of  all  this  on 
the  existing  wage  scales  and  industrial 
markets. 

Capital  is  clamoring  for  the  abrogation 
of  the  Excess  Profits  Tax  introduced  during 
the  war,  and  respecting  which  more  or  less 
qualified  promises  were  made  of  its  repeal  at 
the  close  of  hostilities.  Labor  is  chafing  at 
this  on  the  ground  that  if  such  a  policy  is 
adopted  it  will  mean  that  the  burden  of  taxa- 
tion must  be  borne  by  the  masses.  Many 
critics  condemn  the  system  of  raising  Victory 
Loans,  which  left  these  bonds  free  of  income 
tax,  arguing  that  this  meant  presenting  the 
best-off  elements  in  the  country  with  large 
suips  of  money  and  weighting  the  poorer 
classes  unduly. 

Incidentally,  the  Provincial  Governments 
have  been  calling  for  a  revision  upwards  of 
the  subsidies  they  receive  each  year  from  the 
Federal  Treasury,  and  an  alteration  of  the 
basis  of  taxation  and  of  their  relations  with 
the   Central  Administration.     A  conference 


CANADA'S   AFTER-WAR   PROBLEMS 


31 


was  recently  held  for  the  purpose  of  solving 
these  problems,  if  possible,  but  without  at- 
taining the  desired  result. 

Criticism  of  the  Union   Government 

In  Dominion  politics  the  position  is  that, 
the  war  being  over,  the  Union  Government 
now  holding  office,  and  little  over  twelve 
months  in  power,  is  being  subjected  to  much 
criticism  and  seems  likely  to  attract  more  as 
the  months  go  by.  Certain  elements  therein 
desire  to  return  to  the  old-time  party  lines, 
and  the  extremist  wing  of  the  Conservatives 
(Premier  Borden's  Party)  is  threatening 
revolt  and  the  formation  of  a  new  political 
group.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Liberals 
(Ex-Premier  Laurier's  party)  are  manifest- 
ing increased  activity  following  upon  a  proj- 
ect for  a  National  Convention  advocated 
by  him  in  Ontario  recently.  He  strongly 
condemned  the  alleged  violation  by  the 
Union  Cabinet  of  its  pledge  not  to  conscript 
the  farmers  for  the  trenches.  This  pledge 
was  made  before  the  need  for  men  became 
pressing  last  April,  and  Sir  Robert  Borden 
then  enforced  the  conscription  law  against 
farmers  as  well  as  other  classes.  Partly  as  a 
result,  no  doubt,  a  by-election  recently  in 
that  Province  which  gave  Borden  70  out  of 
83  seats  in  the  General  Election  of  October, 
1917,  saw  a  Laurierite  returned  handsomely. 
A  like  result  ensued  in  a  contest  in  Alberta, 
though  there,  it  was  claimed,  the  ''alien 
enemy"  vote  went  for  him. 

Prospects    of    the   Liberals 

Some  observers  suggest  the  prospect  of  an- 
other appeal  to  the  country  by  Premier  Bor- 
den in  the  near  future  to  obtain  a  further 
mandate  to  direct  its  affairs  during  the  re- 
construction period,  it  being  argued  that  his 
present  mandate  was  only  to  finish  the  war. 
This  would  mean,  in  other  words,  that  the 
Government,  after  further  reorganization, 
would  face  the  electorate  on  two  grounds: 
( 1 )  that  only  by  such  a  course  could  Canada 
safely  weather  the  storms  which  the  new  con- 
ditions will  probably  occasion,  and  (2)  that 
those  unwilling  to  join  that  party  would 
gravitate  into  the  ranks  of  the  Opposition. 

Just  what  this  would  mean  can  best  be 
realized  by  remembering  that  at  the  present 
time,  out  of  225  members  in  the  Federal 
House,  135  nominally  are  Liberals — "Win 
the  War"  Liberals  or  **Laurier"  Liberals. 
None  of  the  latter  are  expected  to  join  the 
Government  now,  but  some  of  the  former 
may,  it  is  thought,  return  to  their  former  al- 


legiance. This  would  clear  the  air  on  the 
one  side,  but  it  would  add  to  the  complexi- 
ties of  the  situation  just  the  same.  Laurier 
leading  the  Liberals  would  mean  a  solid 
Quebec — solid  as  now  with  62  out  of  65 
members — and,  so  some  maintain,  many  seats 
at  present  held  by  small  majorities  or  by  the 
"oversea  soldiers'  "  votes.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  cry  of  Quebec  domination  with 
Laurier  in  control  is  expected  to  seriously 
hamper  the  Liberals  in  "English"  constitu- 
encies. 

At  the  same  time  it  is  difficult  to  see  how 
this  cry  can  be  more  effective  to-day  than 
in  the  height  of  the  war,  and  consequently 
the  conclusion  is  compelling  that  the  Liberals 
would  stand  to  gain  by  any  new  election. 
But  it  is  even  more  manifest  that  they  would 
gain  still  more  under  an  "English"  leader  on 
whom  that  chieftain  would  have  dropped  his 
mantle,  and  preferably  one  from  the  West, 
which,  growing  in  population  and  impor- 
tance, now  thinks  the  time  ripe  for  it  to 
achieve  the  primacy  in  the  affairs  of  the 
Dominion. 

East  versus  West 

Hence  we  find  daily  increasing  evidences 
of  a  cleavage  between  the  East  and  the  West 
— the  West,  for  this  purpose,  being  the  Prov- 
inces beyond  Lake  Superior,  peopled  with 
farmers  in  the  main,  and  desirous  of  free 
trade  with  the  American  Republic,  and  the 
East  being  the  older  and  more  densely  set- 
tled provinces  which  have  built  up  a  manu- 
facturing interest  that  champions  Protection 
as  the  ideal  policy.  This  indicates  a  return 
to  the  conditions  existing  when  the  Liberals 
launched  their  reciprocity  campaign  in  1911, 
and  when  the  Eastern  Provinces,  by  what 
their  opponents  called  a  "flag-flapping"  cam- 
paign on  the  "loyalty"  issue,  swept  the  Lib- 
erals out  of  power. 

The  selection  of  a  western  Liberal  as 
leader  of  the  party  in  the  future  is  strongly 
advocated  in  some  quarters,  and  is  likely  to 
shape  ere  long,  not  necessarily  because  a 
Westerner  is  a  better  man  than  an  Easterner, 
but  because  the  four  Western  provinces  have 
each  to-day  a  Provincial  Administration 
(equivalent  to  the  American  State  govern- 
ments) of  the  Liberal  creed,  and  the  eastern 
sections  are  expected  to  acquiesce  heartily  in 
the  claim  that  the  time  has  now  arrived  for 
the  West  to  have  a  turn  at  the  direction  of 
the  public  affairs.  The  West,  too,  looks  to 
welcome  within  its  borders  most  of  the  re- 
turning soldiers,   105,000  of  whom  have  al- 


32 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


ready    intimated    their    intention    to    settle 
themselves  on  the  land. 

Lands  for  Returned  Soldiers 

It  is  admitted  that  not  enough  tillable 
land  remains  in  possession  of  the  Dominion 
at  present  to  satisfy  all  these  claimants,  un- 
less areas  previously  considered  unfertile  are 
reclaimed  for  the  purpose.  But  it  is  held 
that  this  can  be  done  without  serious  draw- 
backs and  that  a  like  policy  is  now  being 
successfully  adopted  in  the  United  States.  ^ 
The  conclusion  therefore  appears  to  be  rea- 
sonable that  the  Liberals  are  likely  to  gain 
ground  with  a  Western  leader,  and  a  West- 
ern policy,  though  they  are  naturally  embar- 
rassed by  the  physical  and  intellectual  activ- 
ity of  Sir  Wilfrid  Laurier,  despite  his  more 
than  seventy-seven  years.  The  West  looks, 
moreover,  to  a  Westerner  for  the  settlement 
of  the  railroad  difficulty,  one  of  Canada's 
most  serious  problems. 

Nationalization  of  the  Railroads 

The  West,  the  least  settled  section  of  the 
country,  has  the  greatest  railway  mileage. 
Canada  notoriously  over-built  herself  in  that 
respect  in  the  years  before  the  war. 
This  world-convulsion,  among  other  things, 
brought  virtual  bankruptcy  to  some  of  her 
largest  railroading  projects.  This,  in  time, 
led  to  Government  acquisition  of  some  of  the 
railroad  systems,  and  will  probably  compel 
their  direction  as  a  state-owned  enterprise 
hereafter.  The  plan,  briefly,  appears  to  be 
to  nationalize  all  the  railroads  of  the  Do- 
minion except  the  C.  P.  R.,  and  to  use  the 
latter  system  as  a  competitive  agency  to 
maintain  the  efficient  operation  of  the 
C.  G.  R.  (Canadian  Government  Railways), 
while  the  latter  in  turn  would  be  used  as  an 
agency  to  keep  the  rates  below  what  might 
rule  if  the  C.  P.  R.  had  undisputed  domi- 
nance in  the  railway  enterprise,  or  was  faced 
only  with  competing  lines  with  which  combi- 
nations might  be  made  for  the  maintenance 
of  high  freight  and  passenger  tariffs. 

It  is  argued  that  the  tendency  of  the  hour 
is  towards  the  nationalizing  of  all  railroads. 
Such  is  the  condition  in  Germany  and  in  the 
main  in  France,  with  the  prospect  of  all  her 
new  war  railroads  and  others  being  national- 
ized in  the  near  future.  Britain's  railroads 
were  taken  over  for  the  period  of  the  war, 
and  their  return  to  private  ownership  is  likely 
to  be  strongly  resisted,  especially  by  the 
Labor  and  Socialist  elements.  The  United 
States,  too,  has  had  Government  control  for 


the  past  twelve  months,  and  has  just  been 
invited  by  President  Wilson,  in  his  latest 
message  to  Congress,  to  give  this  problem 
further  study,  so  that  if  Canada  decides  upon 
this  step  she  will  not  be  without  example 

Speeding  Up  Production 

Not  the  least  of  Canada's  after-war  prob- 
lems will  be  that  of  stimulating  production, 
and  especially  agricultural  production,  for 
years  to  come.  The  present  shortage  of 
foodstuffs  in  Europe,  the  needs  which  the 
rebuilding  of  the  devastated  countries  will 
give  rise  to,  and  the  essential  changes  which 
will  be  compelled  if  prices  are  ever  to  be  re- 
duced and  normal  conditions  restored  to  the 
world,  will  make  this  a  task  whereby  Canada 
cannot  alone  gain  substantial  benefit  for  her- 
self but  earn  the  warmest  thanks  of  the 
other  nations.  In  carrying  out  this  task  it 
will  be  essential  to  consider  the  bearing  of 
the  changed  conditions  on  the  industrial 
classes,  and  especially  to  give  heed  to  the 
growth  of  what  is  known  as  Bolshevism,  ex- 
amples of  which  are  now  being  seen  in  some 
of  the  Canadian  cities.  Many  far-sighted 
observers  are  disposed  to  think  that  the  next 
few  years  will  be  marked  in  a  special  degree 
by  the  problem  of  unemployment  and  that  in 
the  endeavor  to  overcome  this  difficulty  proj- 
ects may  be  launched  which  cannot  be  com- 
mended from  the  viewpoint  of  sound  judg- 
ment, wherefore  a  note  of  caution  is  needed 
in  the  efforts  to  strike  the  happy  mean. 

In  other  words,  the  creation  of  the  ma- 
chinery for  accomplishing  this  is  not  to  be 
effected  on  the  spur  of  the  moment,  but  must 
be  devised  cautiously  by  men  of  sound  judg- 
ment and  ripe  experience.  An  organization 
must  be  prepared  to  utilize  the  labor  of  the 
unemployed,  and  especially  of  the  returning 
soldiers,  in  the  production  of  food  and  its 
distribution  and  transportation  to  the  great 
markets  abroad,  and  also  in  manufacturing 
much  of  the  machinery  and  other  accessories 
which  Europe  will  need  if  it  is  to  regain 
its  economic  vitality  in  the  near  future.  By 
this  means  the  period  of  strain  and  uncer- 
tainty which  must  immediately  follow  the 
war  will  gradually  pass  away  and  normal 
conditions  again  prevail.  Canada  is  likely 
to  have  much  immigration  during  the  next 
few  years.  She  can  become  a  large  manu- 
facturing country,  and  thus  help  to  absorb  all 
these  people  as  well  as  furnish  an  increased 
market  for  her  food  products;  and  therefore 
it  inevitably  follows  that  1919  must  be  a 
critical  year  for  the  Great  Dominion. 


PROBLEMS  OF  PEACE 


BY   FRANK   H.   SIMONDS 


I.    Foreword 

FOR  more  than  four  years,  now,  I  have 
month  by  month  been  writing  for  the 
readers  of  this  magazine  upon  the  progress 
of  the  war.  In  the  nature  of  things  these 
comments  have  been  in  the  main  military. 
Now,  with  a  new  year  and  a  new  situation 
I  am  going  to  try  to  discuss  the  political 
questions  growing  out  of  the  war,  the  prob- 
lems of  peace,  which  have  been  raised  by  the 
swift  termination  of  the  struggle  and  the 
modification  in  action  which  has  followed. 

In  a  sense  there  is  no  real  separation  be- 
tween the  military  and  political  events,  for 
in  every  military  combination  political  con- 
siderations have  played  a  part.  It  v^ras  the 
political,  even  more  than  the  military,  con- 
siderations which  led  Germany  to  the  Bal- 
kans and  to  Asia  Minor.  The  armies  which 
won  battles  for  the  Kaiser  in  the  earlier  half 
of  the  gigantic  struggle  were  merely  execu- 
ting the  plans  of  the  politicians,  who  from 
Wilhelmstrasse  not  only  willed  the  war,  but 
saw  in  the  military  aspects  only  a  brief  stage 
intervening  before  the  real  task  of  organiza- 
tion and  transformation  began. 

So,  in  the  present  hour,  while  we  are  to 
deal  with  political  problems,  military  aspect 
will  remain  in  the  minds  of  those  who  meet 
at  Versailles.  The  occupation  of  the  left 
bank  of  the  Rhine,  the  presence  of  French 
soldiers  in  Budapesth,  the  occupation  of  Con- 
stantinople these  remain  solid  military  facts. 
The  German  battle  fleet  which  is  now  at 
anchor  in  Scapa  Flow  is  a  military  fact  with 
which  the  Peace  Congress  must  deal.  In 
making  frontiers,  in  settling  the  vexed  ques- 
tions of  colonies,  in  the  building  of  new 
states  and  the  rearrangements  of  old  states, 
military  considerations  will  have  their  place. 

There  is,  then,  no  sudden  and  complete 
transformation,  vastly  as  the  whole  outward 
appearance  of  things  has  changed  in  the  past 
two  months.  Underneath  the  many  prob- 
lems, economic  and  political,  there  will  be 
found  military  aspects.  A  great  nation's  lust 
for  world  domination  has  led  it  to  supreme 
disaster.  But,  while  the  work  of  peace- 
making goes  forward,  mighty  armies  will  re- 
Jan. — 3 


main  in  being.  Possibilities,  also,  of  en- 
forced occupation  of  Germany,  and  of  a 
military  campaign  against  anarchy  in  Rus- 
sia, will  survive.  An  armed  world  is  going 
to  strive  to  make  peace,  but  it  will  remain 
an  armed  world  for  a  long  time  hereafter. 

If  there  is  a  great  hope  in  the  world  that 
from  Versailles  will  proceed  a  new  order  of 
international  organization,  an  effective 
League  of  Nations,  there  is  still  the  unmis- 
takable apprehension  that  the  end  of  the 
most  momentous  congress  in  human  history 
may  leave  us  with  as  little  permanent  gain 
as  did  the  Congress  of  Vienna,  or  even  with 
nearly  as  much  cause  for  future  quarrels  as 
the  Congress  of  Berlin. 

In  a  certain  sense,  most  but  not  all  of  the 
questions  which  arise  at  Versailles  will  be 
but  new  phases  of  campaigns  which,  with 
the  readers  of  the  Review,  I  have  studied  in 
recent  years.  The  strivings  of  the  smaller 
peoples  for  national  unity,  which  had  so- 
much  to  do  with  Polish,  Rumanian  and 
Balkan  campaigns,  are  to  find  a  new  'expres- 
sion at  Versailles.  The  campaigns  of  Alien- 
by  and  Maude  in  Palestine  and  Mesopo- 
tamia, even  the  remote  African  wars,  so  little 
observed  in  the  press  of  greater  events,  are 
now  to  be  the  basis  for  world  debate.  The 
decisions  of  the  sword  are  now  to  be  regis- 
tered by  the  pen.  But  what  is  to  come  is 
merely  a  logical  extension  of  the  military 
phases. 

We  all  of  us  recognized  that  the  battles 
of  armies  were  after  all  merely  a  physical 
expression  of  the  battle  of.  ideas ;  and  what 
I  am  going  to  try  to  do  now,  is  to  make  the 
accounts  which  I  shall  write  of  the  political 
events — writing  at  first  in  America  and  after 
a  little  from  Versailles  itself — follow  log- 
ically and  naturally  the  accounts  which  I 
have  already  written  in  this  Review,  and 
thus  supply  a  complete  history  of  the  war 
both  on  the  military  and  the  political  sides. 
The  things  this  war  has  really  meant  for  the 
future  will  be  largely  revealed  in  the  peace 
terms.  The  campaign  of  V^ersailles  will  he 
in  many  ways  the  most  interesting  and  the 
most   critical    of   all    the   campaigns. 

It   has   been   a   great   pleasure   as   well   as 

3i 


34 


THE  AMERICAN   REVIEW   OF  REVIEWS 


a  privilege,  through  all  these  months,  to  go 
on  writing  for  an  audience  which  has  come 
to  have  a  very  definite  meaning  for  me.  It 
has  been  a  very  real  joy  to  be  able  to  do  it 
in  a  magazine  which  has  given  me  ever  the 
freest  hand  and  kindest  support,  and  to  do 
it  in  association  with  Dr.  Shaw,  whose 
staunch  Americanism  and  unswerving  sup- 
port of  the  principles  championed  by  our 
Allies  have  been  a  steady  source  of  help  to 
.me  in  all  the  critical  days  of  the  past  four 
years.  His  calm  judgment  and  wise  sugges- 
tion have  helped  me  as  month  by  month  we 
planned  the  articles  which  I  have  written, 
always  with  his  agreement  and  never  with 
anything  but  the  most  cordial  cooperation. 

II.    Vienna  and  Versailles 

In  all  minds  the  Congress  of  Versailles 
must  suggest  the  memorable  Congress  of 
Vienna,  just  a  little  more  than  a  century  ago, 
when  Europe  liquidated  twenty-odd  years  of 
war  stretching  from  the  outbreak  of  the 
French  Revolution  to  the  First  Abdication 
of  Napoleon.  In  many  respects  the  prob- 
lems were  alike.  Napoleonic  France  had 
sought  to  dominate  the  world.  Revolution- 
ary and  Napoleonic  France  had  swept  up 
and  down  the  Continent  from  Madrid  to 
Moscow,  while  Napoleon  himself  had  fought 
in  Egypt  and  Syria. 

The  story  of  the  rise  and  fall  of  Napoleon 
as  Emperor  is  written  in  the  decade  between 
1804  and  1814.  In  a  real  sense  it  began 
at  Ulm  and  Austerlitz,  and  ended  with  the 
abdication  of  Fontainebleau,  although  Water- 
loo and  the  Hundred  Days  were  a  fitting 
epilogue.  But  the  great  peril  and  the  great 
period  were  over  when  Napoleon  set  out 
for  Elba.  World  power  was  no  longer  a 
possibility  when  he  fought  his  final  campaign. 

His  conquerors,  on  the  morrow  of  their 
victory,  had  before  them  three  problems. 
( 1 )  They  had  to  deal  with  France,  just 
conquered.  (2)  They  had  to  face  and  solve 
all  the  intricate  and  enormous  problems 
raised  by  two  decades  of  war  and  conquest 
which  had  changed  the  whole  map  of  Eu- 
rope, obliterated  states,  and  raised  new  crea- 
tions, utterly  changing  the  whole  course  of 
human  existence  between  the  Pyrenees  and 
the  Russian  frontiers.  And  (3)  beyond  this, 
they  had  to  deal  with  the  old  familiar  ques- 
tion of  how  to  prevent  future  wars,  the  prob- 
lem expressed  to-day  in  our  formula  by  a 
League  of  Nations,  and  by  them  in  the  Holy 
Alliance. 


In  doing  these  three  things  the  con- 
querors of  Napoleon  did  only  one  thing  well. 
In  dealing  with  France  they  acted  wisely 
and  generously.  They  elected  to  believe  that 
their  foe  was  not  France  but  Napoleon.  In 
placing  a  Bourbon  on  the  French  throne, 
they  returned  to  him,  practically  intact,  the 
territorial  divisions  of  the  Ancient  Monar- 
chy, as  it  existed  at  the  outbreak  of  the  Rev- 
olution. Neither  in  indemnities  nor  by  an- 
nexations did  they  seek  to  offend  the  spirit 
of  the  people  of  the  country  they  had  over- 
whelmed. 

This  was  a  singular  piece  of  moderation, 
but  it  had  its  basis  in  the  clear  recognition 
that  if  France  were  dismembered  or  plun- 
dered, the  Bourbon  King,  whom  they  had 
placed  upon  the  throne,  would  be  an  early 
sacrifice  to  national  indignation  and  patri- 
otic vengeance.  Thus  though  the  Germans 
clamored  for  Alsace-Lorraine,  and  many 
voices  clamored  for  some  compensation  for 
the  vast  injuries  suffered  at  the  hands  of 
French  armies  in  all  the  years  of  war,  the 
Allies  of  1814  made  a  just  and  generous 
peace  with  France.  And  they  made  it 
promptly  after  Napoleon  set  out  for  Elba; 
and,  this  question  settled,  gathered  at  Vienna 
to  remake  the  map  of  Europe  and  provide 
against  a  new  outbreak  such  as  had  just  con- 
vulsed Europe.  While  they  deliberated, 
Napoleon  returned  from  Elba.  Waterloo 
was  not  fought  until  they  had  adjourned. 
But  the  Napoleonic  taunt — "The  Congress 
of  Vienna  is  dissolved,"  spoken  by  the  Em- 
peror in  the  hour  when  he  landed  on  French 
soil,  was  an  empty  phrase.  For  he  fell ;  and 
the  decisions  of  Vienna  endured. 

These  decisions  consisted  in  a  rigorous 
and  almost  Chinese  restoration  of  Europe, 
outside  of  France,  to  the  conditions  of  1789. 
Scores  of  petty  sovereigns  were  restored  to 
thrones  from  which  French  armies  had 
swept  them  amidst  the  jubilation  of  their 
subjects.  Italy  was  redivided,  with  Austria 
established  in  Milan  as  well  as  Verona.  Po- 
land received  a  death  sentence,  and  fell  to  a 
hundred  years  of  agony.  Prussia  was  ad- 
vanced beyond  the  Rhine  as  a  sentinel  against 
French  ambition.  Belgium  was  turned  over 
to  Holland.  Not  the  smallest  concern  was 
displayed  for  any  claim  of  nationality;  not 
the  smallest  mercy  was  shown  to  any  repub- 
lican sentiment. 

And  when  this  restoration  of  the  chains 
was  accomplished,  the  sovereigns  bound 
themselves  together  in  an  Alliance — which 
was  accepted  as  having  a  divine  sanction — 


PROBLEMS    OF   PEACE 


35 


to  use  all  their  collective  strength  to  repress 
all  the  ideas  and  ideals  which  had  their  origin 
in  the  French  Revolution.  In  a  vrord,  the 
sovereigns  agreed  to  make  a  League  of  Na- 
tions to  prevent  future  vrars,  but  they  knew 
no  other  cause  of  war  than  the  democratic 
spirit  of  the  Revolution;  and  they  set  their 
hands  to  an  agreement  to  fight  democracy. 

Such  was  the  Congress  of  Vienna  and  its 
immediate  aftermath.  It  lasted  unchal- 
lenged for  less  than  fifteen  years.  In  France 
it  disappeared  with  the  Revolution  of  1830. 
In  all  Europe  it  was  challenged  by  the  risings 
of  1848.  Italy  won  unity  and  liberty  in 
1866.  But  even  to  the  hour  of  the  outbreak 
of  the  present  war,  the  influence  of  Vienna 
was  revealed  in  the  condition  of  Poland. 
The  spirit  of  Austria  and  Germany  was,  in 
a  very  real  sense,  the  protagonist  before  the 
world  of  the  gospel  of  reaction,  which  domi- 
nated the  Congress  of  1814. 

At  Versailles,  then,  much  that  was  done 
at  Vienna  will  come  up  for  review  and  for 
undoing.  The  wrongs  of  'a  hundred  years 
ago  have  been  in  no  small  measure  the  cause 
of  the  present  struggle.  Had  the  Congress 
of  Vienna  erected  a  free  Poland,  had  it  cre- 
ated an  Italy  rescued  from  Austria  and  estab- 
lished within  the  eastern  boundaries  Napo- 
leon gave  to  his  Kingdom  of  Italy,  had  it 
declared  a  thought  for  other  nations,  these 
concessions  to  justice  might  have  availed  at 
Vienna  to  spare  the  Nineteenth  Century 
from  its  worst  and  the  present  century  from 
the  worst  conflict  in  all  human  history. 

But  save  in  the  case  of  France,  and  for 
obvious  reasons,  the  Congress  of  Vienna 
looked  backward,  not  forward.  It  under- 
took to  abolish  the  results  of  more  than 
twenty  years  of  intellectual  and  (in  a  de- 
gree) political  freedom  in  Europe.  And  that 
is  why,  to-day,  when  men  talk  of  the  new 
congress,  their  first  resolve  is  that  it  shall  in 
no  way  resemble  the  similar  gathering  which 
liquidated  the  last  general  war. 

III.    The  New   Problems 

Now  looking  at  the  problems  which  are 
to  be  settled  at  Versailles,  it  will  be  seen, 
at  once,  that  they  fall  into  three  divisions, 
wholly  analogous  to  those  of  the  Vienna 
problems.  We  have  first  to  deal  with  Ger- 
many, overthrown  in  a  super-Napoleonic 
adventure  and  now  as  completely  in  the 
hands  of  her  conquerors  as  was  France  after 
Fontainebleau  or  even  after  Waterloo.  We 
have   next   to   redraw   the  map   of   Europe, 


together  with  the  maps  of  Asia  and  Africa,, 
this  time,  dealing  with  conditions  resulting; 
from  four  years  of  struggle,  which  have  as. 
completely  transformed  the  political  situa- 
tion as  did  the  twenty  years  of  the  older 
era.  Finally,  we  have  to  seek  to  frame  some 
new  association  between  nations  which  will 
dominate  international  relations  and  thus, 
make  another  world  tragedy  impossible. 

Now,  taking  first  the  problem  of  Germany, 
it  is  clear  that  the  situation  is  totally  dif- 
ferent from  that  of  France  in  1814.  In  the 
older  case  the  Allies  had,  in  fact,  made  war 
upon  Napoleon.  He  and  not  France  had 
been  their  true  opponent.  They  had  con- 
quered him  in  the  end,  mainly  because 
France,  now  grown  weary  of  the  endless 
blood  tax,  sought  peace,  which  Napoleon 
would  not  permit,  and  repulsed  glory,  which 
he  continued  to  force  upon  his  subjects.  Be- 
fore Napoleon  abdicated,  the  Allies  had 
recognized  Louis  XVIII  and  given  formal 
pledge   to   liberate,   not   to   punish,    France. 

Our  situation  is  totally  different.  We  do 
not  recognize  any  distinction  between  the 
German  people  and  the  German  sovereign,, 
now  in  exile.  We  are  not  prepared  to  make 
William  II  the  scapegoat  for  the  past.  We 
are  sternly  resolved  that  Germany  shall  pay 
both  in  territory  and  in  indemnity — in  ter- 
ritory, to  the  extent  that  German  lands  are 
rightfully  the  property  of  other  nations;  in 
indemnities,  to  the  extent  that  Germany  is- 
capable  of  paying;  for  if  it  were  conceivable 
that  we  could  collect  the  last  mark  of  Ger- 
man wealth,  it  would  be  insufficient  to  meet 
the  burden  of  debt  Germany  has  by  this  war 
and  by  her  method  of  conducting  it  placed 
upon  the  people  of  the  countries  which  have 
fought  her. 

The  simple  fact  is  that  if  the  nations  Ger- 
many has  attacked  have  themselves  to  pay  the 
costs  of  the  war  to  them,  they  will  be  well- 
nigh  ruined,  or  at  the  least  crippled  for  gen- 
erations to  come.  Therefore,  our  first  in- 
terest is  not  in  the  form  of  government  which 
shall  prevail  in  Germany.  Neither  with  a 
new  empire  nor  a  new  republic,  nor  for  that 
matter  with  the  individual  states  of  a  dis- 
solved Germany,  shall  we  deal  more  gently 
than  we  should  have  dealt  with  the  Hohen- 
zollern  state,  had  it  survived  defeat.  France 
escaped  in  1814  because  Europe  cared  more 
for  the  French  Monarchy  than  it  did  for  its. 
own  claims.  Germany  cannot  escape  iiow» 
because  her  escape,  under  any  form  of  gov- 
ernment, would  mean  the  proximate  ruin 
of  her  victims. 


36 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


And  this  Is  the  great  problem.  Germany 
has  dissolved  into  something  not  yet  to  be 
described,  much  less  understood.  It  would 
seem  that  in  the  hope  of  making  those  sov- 
ereigns she  willingly  followed  to  war,  and 
to  successful  war,  the  scapegoats  for  the  past 
and  in  this  manner  escaping  payment  her- 
self, Germany  has  cast  out  all  her  royalty. 
She  had  done  what  France  did  in  1814,  with 
the  same  hope.  But  this  hope  is  doomed  to 
disappointment  and  the  consequences  of  this 
disappointment  within  Germany  raise  a 
grave  question. 

As  yet  we  have  no  government  with  which 
to  negotiate  peace.  We  have  no  assurance 
that  a  national  government  is  even  in  the 
making.  We  cannot  tell  whether,  when  the 
real  truth  of  the  situation  comes  home  to 
the  German  people,  they  will  in  deadly 
earnest  embark  upon  revolution  and  Bol- 
shevism or  not.  If  they  do,  what  then  ?  We 
may  occupy  more  and  more  of  Germany,  to 
the  last  province,  but  after  occupation  there 
must  be  f  peration,  if  indemnities  are  to  be 
paid,  for  indemnities  can  only  be  paid  by 
new  German  labor.  There  is  no  treasure 
or  capital  in  the  fallen  empire  which  would 
be  more  than  a  drop  in  the  bucket. 

Terms  we  can  impose  upon  Germany;  we 
can  take  what  territory  we  choose.  The 
limitations  placed  upon  this  course  are  found 
in  our  principles,  not  in  our  power.  We  may 
occupy  such  portion  of  the  Fatherland  as 
seems  desirable.  But  we  must  first  find  some 
government  which  is  able  to  accept  and  per- 
form, before  any  treaty  written  at  Versailles 
is  more  than  a  parchment,  more  than  "a 
scrap  of  paper." 

And  if  we  find  such  a  government, 
evolved  out  of  present  chaos,*  and  impose 
upon  it  the  sentence  of  our  court,  will  that 
government  be  able  to  survive  the  popular 
rage,  when  the  treaty  is  at  last  revealed  to 
the  German  people?  Will  it  be  able  to 
carry  out  the  provisions,  even  if  it  acts  in 
good  faith.  Finally,  will  the  German  people, 
thus  punished  justly,  enter  any  League  of  Na- 
tions save  as  a  matter  of  policy  and  for  the^ 
moment,  nursing  its  wounds,  awaiting  its 
time  of  revenge,  as  Prussia  waited  for  Leip- 
zig and  Waterloo  after  Jena  and  Tilsit? 

The  thing  that  makes  this  war  so  different 
from  all  other  wars  is  the  magnitude  of  the 
cost  and  the  immensity  of  the  destruction. 
France  ended  the  Napoleonic  epoch  almost 
free  of  debt.  Although  Europe  had  been  a 
battlefield  for  nearly  a  quarter  of  a  century, 
few  cities  were  injured  and  none  destroyed, 


but  in  the  present  struggle  provinces  have 
been  wasted  and  cities  reduced  to  ashes. 
The  whole  capital  of  nations  has  been  ex- 
pended and  the  future  mortgaged.  There- 
fore, when  the  day  of  reckoning  comes  the 
burden  placed  upon  the  loser — and  this  time 
it  is  the  instigator,  the  criminal — must  be 
such  as  to  threaten  economic  slavery  for  an 
indefinite  period. 

Therefore,  the  first  of  our  great  problems 
at  Versailles  is  in  a  sense  the  most  difficult  in 
all  history.  We  cannot  make  what  is  rashly 
called  a  ''healing  peace,"  because  to  make  a 
peace  which  would  heal  German  wounds 
would  mean  that  France  and  Belgium  might 
bleed  to  death.  We  cannot  make  an  easy 
peace  with  a  republican  Germany,  as  Eu- 
rope did  with  a  Bourbon  France,  because 
we  invite  for  ourselves,  for  our  European 
associates,  internal  insecurity,  disorder  and 
anarchy,  if  we  shift  from  German  to  French 
and  Belgian  backs  the  burden  of  paying  for 
this  German-made  struggle. 

We  must  make  Germany  pay.  Terri- 
torial changes  are  relatively  minor.  The 
question  of  the  form  of  government  in  Ger- 
many has  ceased  to  have  more  than  an 
academic  interest.  What  i:  important  is  that 
there  shall  be  some  government  with  which 
we  can  make  peace  and  some  government 
which,  when  peace  is  made,  can  comply  with 
the  terms  and  control  the  nation  it  has  rep- 
resented. I  enlarge  upon  this  circumstance 
because  it  seems  to  me  the  most  bewildering 
of  all  the  problems.  And  to-day  Germany 
has  no  government.  All  its  machinery  of 
industry  is  idle.  It  has  neither  credit  nor 
raw  materials.  Popular  sentiment  in  ad- 
vance of  governmental  inhibitions  bars  its 
products  from  enemy  nations.  Never  in 
modern  history  has  any  nation  found  itself  in 
such  a  plight. 

IV.    The  New  Map 

Aside  from  dealing  with  Germany,  we 
have  to  make  a  new  map.  In  doing  this 
two  different  sets  of  questions  are  to  be 
dealt  with.  In  the  first  place,  new  settle- 
ments are  to  be  had  of  old  disputes  between 
countries  which  in  one  form  and  another 
have  dwelt  in  discord  over  centuries.  In  the 
second  place,  new  nations  are  to  be  erected 
on  the  territory  of  countries  which  have  dis- 
appeared, new  nations  erected  on  the  founda- 
tion which  is  loosely  described  as  the  right 
of  self-determination,  that  is,  based  upon  the 
desires  of  certain  men   and  women  to  live 


PROBLEMS    OF   PEACE 


2>7 


under  laws  of  their  own  making  expressed 
ifl  a  common  language. 

Of  the  former  division  it  is  easy  to  speak 
briefly.  Most  of  the  changes  that  are  sought 
have  already  been  accomplished.  Alsace- 
Lorraine  has  already  been  restored  to  France 
as  of  right,  restored  as  were  provinces  occu- 
pied in  1914.  This  dispute  may  be  marked 
settled  and  will  not  come  before  the  Peace 
Congress  in  any  way,  save  as  minor  economic 
questions  may  be  raised.  The  same  is  true  of 
Trieste  arid  the  Trentino.  Italy  has  them. 
She  not  only  has  them,  but  she  has  marked 
out  wide  areas  about  them.  We  may  hear 
discussed  at  Versailles  where  the  Trentino 
ends,  whether  at  the  Brenner  Pass  or  at 
Botzen,  where  the  language  frontier  is.  We 
shall  certainly  hear  discussed  what  are  the 
frontiers  of  justice  between  the  Jugo-Slavs 
and  the  Latins  along  the  Dalmatian  Coast, 
but  this  will  be  a  new  dispute  between  the 
Latins  and  the  Slavs.  The  old  debate  be- 
tween the  Houses  of  Savoy  and  Hapsburg 
has  been  closed.  Italy  has  won  and  the 
Irredenta  is  a  thing  of  history. 

We  may  say  the  same  for  the  Danes  of 
Schleswig.  After  half  a  century  they  are 
to  have  their  plebiscite  promised  by  Bis- 
marck. They  will  unquestionably  elect  to 
return  to  Denmark  and  something  like  a 
quarter  of  a  million  people  will  be  returned 
to  the  Northern  Kingdom  from  which  their 
grandfathers  were  wrongly  torn  in  the  first 
of  Prussia's  three  wars  of  aggression. 

In  this  category  we  may  place  the  demand 
of  the  German-speaking  people  of  Austria  to 
be  permitted  to  join  themselves  to  their  breth- 
ren of  what  was  until  the  other  day  the 
German  Empire.  The  demand  is  natural 
and  logical.  It  affects  something  like  six 
millions  of  people  who  are  German  by  race 
and  by  history.  To  compel  them  to  go  else- 
where, or  even  to  remain  separated  from  the 
German  tribes,  would  be  but  to  lay  the  foun- 
dation for  later  troubles.  Their  right  of 
self-determination  cannot  be  denied,  if  we 
are  to  apply  the  principle  elsewhere  in 
Europe. 

Conceivably  the  Austrian  Germans  may 
join  with  the  South  Germans  in  forming  a 
new  state,  including  Baden,  Bavaria  and 
Wurtemburg,  recalling  Napoleon's  Con- 
federation of  the  Rhine,  but  restoring  an  old 
aHiance  in  sympathy,  in  religion,  which  was 
only  overturned  when  Prussia  seized  the  su- 
premacy in  Germany  after  the  War  of  1(S66. 

We  shall  doubtless  hear  some  echo  of  the 
old  French  ambition  to  regain  the  left  bank 


of  the  Rhine,  held  in  the  Revolutionary  and 
Napoleonic  periods  from  Switzerland  all  the 
way  to  the  sea.  But,  aside  from  the  Rhine 
frontier  in  Alsace,  I  do  not  believe  the 
French  will  urge  any  claim.  Nor  do  I  be- 
lieve any  real  effort  will  be  made  to  push 
Belgium  eastward  and  add  millions  of  Ger- 
mans to  her  population.  The  experiment  is 
an  old  one  and  it  alv/ays  fails.  It  was  tried 
at  Vienna  when  Belgium,  herself,  was  turned, 
over  to  Holland,  and  it  had  a  very  unhappy 
ending. 

Britain  has  renounced  even  the  claim  to> 
Heligoland,  and  this  was  the  sum  of  her  pos- 
sible ambitions  in  European  map-making.. 
Thus  France  with  Alsace-Lorraine,  Den- 
rhark  wrth  the  most  if  not  all  of  Schleswig,. 
Italy  with  a  frontier  following  the  crest  of 
the  mountains  from  Switzerland  to  the 
Adriatic  about  Fiume — these  are  the  rela- 
tively minor  changes  in  familiar  frontiers 
and  between  existing  states.  There  is  only 
one  other  possibility  and  that  is  the  union  of 
Luxemburg  with  Belgium.  But  it  can  only- 
come  on  the  decision  of  the  people  of  this- 
little  state  itself.  If  Luxemburg  wills  it,  all 
the  Allies  will  be  glad  to  see  Belgium  re- 
ceive a  valuable  and  material  addition  to  her 
European  area  and  the  French  will  welcome 
the  closing  of  one  of  the  roads  by  which. 
German  armies  have  frequently  entered 
France.  I  think  this  change  is  likely,  but  it. 
is  relatively  unimportant  as  it  does  not  af- 
fect the  territory  of  a  great  power. 

Bearing  in  mind  the  ambitions  of  Ger- 
many, her  expectations,  in  the  early  years 
of  the  war,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  maximum 
of  possible  changes  affecting  Britain,  France,. 
Italy  and  Belgium  among  the  combatants  and 
Denmark  among  the  neutrals  is  not  greats 

V.    New  Nations 

But  if  the  task  of  rearranging  old  boun- 
daries in  western  Europe  is  relatively  insig- 
nificant, the  labor  of  creating  new  nations 
in  the  east  and  the  south  is  almost  beyond 
measurement.  It  is  a  task  utterly  unlike  any 
faced  before  in  modern  history.  Even  at 
Vienna,  where  large  difficulties  were 
wrestled  with,  these  diflfiiculties  were  mainly 
incident  to  restoring,  not  creating. 

But  at  Versailles  we  have  to  make  a  new- 
Poland,  which,  to  be  sure,  is  founded  upon 
a  past,  which  supplies  sure  landmarks,  even 
though  they  be  confusing.  But  making  a 
new  Poland  is  a  simple  task  beside  creating 
out      of      Austro-Hungarian      territory      a. 


3S 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


Czechoslovakia,  a  Jugo-Slavia  and,  in  con- 
junction with  old  Rumania,  erecting  a  new 
Latin  state  which  shall  include  Russian, 
Austrian  and  Hungarian  territory.  There 
is,  beside  this,  the  problem  of  Albania, 
bound  to  be  in  some  measure  an  Italian 
protectorate,  certain  to  be  a  thorny  problem 
because  of  the  Serb  and  Greek  claims. 
Finally  there  is  the  claim  of  Greece  which 
extends  to  Constantinople  in  Europe  and 
•with  even  better  right  fixes  upon  Smyrna 
in  Asia. 

The  Polish  state  which  is  to  be  created 
will  include  all  of  Russian  Poland,  part  of 
Austrian  Galicia,  most  of  Prussian  Posen, 
all  of  Upper  Silesia,  the  Mazurian  districts 
of  East  Prussia.  So  far  the  road  iS  clear.* 
But  if  it  is  to  have  access  to  the  sea,  then 
it  must  march  north  astride  the  Vistula, 
reach  Danzig,  and  either  annex  or  isolate 
the  purely  German  districts  about  Konigs- 
berg.  Southeastward,  too,  we  already  have 
news  of  the  Poles  and  Ukrainians  fighting 
for  Lemberg.  The  Russian  district  of 
Cholm,  between  Lublin  and  the  Bug, 
claimed  by  the  Poles  and  the  Ukrainians, 
has  been  a  matter  of  debate  since  the  Treaty 
of  Brest-Litovsk.  Finally  there  is  the  ques- 
tion as  to  whether  Lithuania  shall  rejoin 
Poland,  as  in  the  remoter  days,  or  be  joined 
with  Esthonia,  the  Courland  and  Livonia 
in  a  new  Baltic  state. 

A  strong  Poland  is  vital  to  the  peace 
of  Europe.  It  will  constitute  a  barrier  to 
a  new  German  expansion  eastward  into  Rus- 
sia, seemingly  destined  to  continue  in  anarchy 
for  many  years.  But  how  strong  shall^  it  be 
made?  Shall  one  sacrifice  the  Poles  or  the 
Prussians,  by  including  or  excluding  East 
Prussia  with  Konigsberg  from  the  new  state? 
If  Germany  keeps  a  foothold  east  of  the 
Vistula,  she  will  indubitably  seek  to  return 
in  the  footsteps  of  Frederick  the  Great,  who 
engineered  the  First  Partition  of  Poland, 
that  he  might  have  land  connection  with  East 
Prussia.  Nor  is  it  easy  to  draw  a  frontier 
about  Posen  and  Upper  Silesia,  which  will 
not  provoke  present  bitterness  and  future 
wars. 

The  Rumanian  difficulties  are  slighter. 
Bessarabia  and  Transylvania,  both  Ruman- 
ian in  population,  although  with  strong  Mag- 
yar and  Saxon  minorities  in  the  case  of  the 
latter,  have  already  declared  their  union 
with  Rumania.  The  Bukovina,  which  has  a 
far  more  mixed  population,  the  Slavs  exceed- 
ing the  Latins,  has  been  occupied.  There 
remains  the  Banat,  which  is  a  curious  Tower 


of  Babel  with  Germans,  Magyars,  Ruman- 
ians and  Serbs,  no  race  having  a  majority. 
Rumania  claims  all  of  it ;  Hungary  claims  all 
of  it;  Serbia,  whose  claims  will  not  be  in- 
herited by  Jugo-Slavia,  claims  certain  re- 
gions, unmistakably  Serb.  But  only  the  Ver- 
sailles Congress  can  settle  the  debate. 

As  for  Jugo-Slavia,  already  much  has  been 
accomplished  in  the  creation  of  the  new 
state.  Serbia,  Bosnia,  Herzegovina,  Monte- 
negro, Croatia,  Slavonia  and  the  Slovene  pro- 
vinces of  Austria  have  declared  for  unity 
and  have  taken  the  first  steps  toward  con- 
solidation. But  this  new  state  finds  itself 
instantly  in  conflict  with  the  Italians  from 
Cattaro  to  Gorizia.  Tentative  compro- 
mises of  the  rival  claims  have  so  far  led  to 
nothing  and  one  of  the  angriest  of  all  the 
disputes  to  be  heard  will  be  the  dispute  be- 
tween the  Slavs  and  the  Latins.  Indeed, 
there  seems  to  be  less  hope  of  a  real  settle- 
ment here  than  almost  anywhere  else,  because 
Polish  claims  in  Prussia  and  Rumanian 
claims  in  the  Banat  can  be  enforced  against 
enemies;  but  on  the  Adriatic,  the  dispute  is 
between  states  which  are  allied  with  the 
victors. 

Italy,  too,  finds  her  plans  in  conflict  with  ^ 
the  Greeks  in  Northern  Epirus.  She  has 
asserted  the  right,  which  has  not  been  chal- 
lenged and  will  hardly  be  now,  to  protect 
Albania  and  to  occupy  Valona,  which  is  the 
key  of  the  entrance  to  the  Adriatic.  But  she 
claims  for  Albania  the  regions  of  Northern 
Epirus,  included  in  Albania  by  the  Confer- 
ence of  London,  after  the  Balkan  Wars,  but 
occupied  by  Greece  after  the  outbreak  of  the 
present  war.  The  Greek  claim  seems  to  be 
by  all  odds  the  juster,  the  inhabitants  are 
Hellenic  and  their  desire  to  be  Greek  again 
is  conceded  by  all  save  Italians.  Italian  pos- 
session of  the  Egean,  including  Rhodes  and 
the  Dodecanesus,  resulting  from  the  Italian 
War  with  Turkey,  is  a  cause  for  protest  at 
Athens,  which  will  be  voiced  at  Versailles. 
Here,  again,  on  the  basis  of  self-determina- 
tion, the  Greek  claim  would  seem  beyond 
debate.  But  the  possession  is  Italian  and 
Italy  is  an  ally. 

The  creation  of  a  Czechoslovak  state 
brings  up  an  age-long  fight  between  the  Slavs 
and  the  Germans.  Bohemia  and  Moravia 
are  overwhelmingly  Slav,  but  a  considerable 
minority  of  their  population  is  Teutonic  and 
certain  regions  are  wholly  German.  More- 
over, the  Slovak  country  has  been  a  portion 
of  the  Hungarian  state  for  many  centuries. 
In  creating  a  new  Slav  state,  as  the  Allies 


PROBLEMS    OF   PEACE 


39 


certainly  will,  they  will  have  to  face  the 
certain  enmity  of  the  German  and  the  Hun- 
garian peoples.  The  new  state  will  contain 
a  strong  German  element,  and  it  may  be 
economically  at  the  mercy  of  the  Germans 
and  the  Hungarians,  who  will  expect  to  con- 
trol all  its  outlets.  It  will  be  like  Switzer- 
land, a  state  without  a  seaport,  but  unlike 
Switzerland,  it  will  not  be  surrounded  by 
four  strong  nations  all  eager  to  preserve  its 
independence,  but  set  between  two  strong 
states  each  eager  to  destroy  it  and  both  ready 
to  share  it. 

Only  Hungary  will  be  as  badly  placed  as 
the  Czech  state,  if  the  New  Europe  is  built 
upon  the  present  specifications.  It,  too,  will 
have  no  seaport,,  most  of  its  old  conquests 
will  be  partitioned  between  the  Northern  and 
Southern  Slavs  and  the  Eastern  Latins,  who 
will  control  its  outlets  on  the  Adriatic  and 
the  Danube.  But  it  will  retain  a  common 
frontier  with  its  old  Teutonic  allies  and  there 
is  sound  reason  for  fearing  that  it  will  look 
once  more  to  German  support  in  an  effort  to 
destroy  the  order  created  at  Versailles  and 
fatal  both  to   Hun  and   Hungarian  desires. 

VI.    Africa  and  Asia 

But  the  European  problems  by  no  means 
exhaust  the  difficulties  to  be  surmounted  at 
Versailles.  Only  less  troublesome  will  be  the 
ultimate  disposition  of  German  colonies  and 
the  liquidation  of  the  estate  of  the  Osmanli 
Turk.  In  Africa  the  Germans  held  colo- 
nies with  an  area  of  above  1,000,000  square 
miles  and  a  population  of  at  least  12,000,000. 
In  addition  there  were  island  colonies  in 
Asiatic  waters,  Samoa  and  New  Guinea  and 
the  Kiaou  Chaou  concession,  which  has  now 
passed  to  Japanese  control. 

First  of  all  it  must  be  decided  whether 
these  colonies  or  any  of  them  are  to  return 
to  Germany.  This  question  is  complicated 
by  the  fact  that  in  the  main  the  conquest  of 
these  German  lands  has  been  made  by  Brit- 
ish colonial  forces  and  the  opposition  to  a  re- 
turn of  the  conquests  in  Australia,  New  Zea- 
land, and  South  Africa  is  overwhelming. 
The  reason  is  simple.  If  the  colonies  are  to 
be  returned  to  Germany,  then  Australia  will 
have  to  maintain  a  naval  establishment  and 
an  army  against  possible  German  difficul- 
tfes  in  the  future.  South  Africa  will  have 
to  make  even  "greater  sacrifices,  having  al- 
ready been  compelled  to  endure  a  revolution 
within  its  boundaries  instigated  by  Germans 
in  Southwest  Africa,  and  thereafter  a  costly 


campaign  which  ended  in  the  conquest  of  the 
German  colony.  The  invasion  and  conquest 
of  German  East  Africa  was,  also,  almost  ex- 
clusively a  South  African  venture. 

To  all  the  demands  of  other  powers  that 
the  German  colonies  be  returned,  to  any 
American  suggestions  of  this  sort,  the  British 
Government  will  find  itself  compelled  to  re- 
spond with  an  emphatic  negative,  because  to 
insist  upon  this  would  be  to  invite  grave 
difficulties  with  British  colonies  which  have 
given  generously  of  their  blood  and  treasure 
in  winning  the  war.  Neither  Australia  nor 
South  Africa  desires  German  neighbors,  and 
they  are  resolved  not  to  allow  the  colonies 
to  go  back.  Prime  Minister  Hughes  of  Aus- 
tralia, when  in  the  United  States  last  sum- 
mer, spoke  many  times  on  this  subject  with- 
out the  slightest  hesitation. 

It  is,  therefore,  not  a  case  of  dealing  with 
Britain  but  with  the  British  commonwealths^ 
who  can  claim  and  will  demand  the  sup- 
port of  the  mother-country.  Of  all  the  Ger- 
man colonies,  all  save  a  portion  of  Togoland 
and  the  larger  half  of  the  Kamerun,  which 
will  fall  to  France,  have  been  conquered  by 
British  colonial  arms.  That  Germany  will 
make  a  desperate  effort  to  recover  them  is 
certain.  That  she  may  enlist  a  measure  of 
American  support  is  possible,  but  at  the  risk 
of  differences  with  America  Britain  will  have 
to  stand  by  her  colonies. 

As  to  the  Turkish  problem,  it  is  clear  that 
the  French  and  the  British  have  already  been 
working  for  a  long  time  upon  a  clearly  de- 
fined understanding,  which  recognizes  the 
right  of  France  to  protect  and  organize  the 
Syrian  littoral  from  the  Gulf  of  Alexan- 
dretta  to  the  boundaries  of  Palestine,  which 
assigns  Mesopotamia  to  Great  Britain,  and 
which  provides  for  the  organization  of  Pal- 
estine into  some  form  of  internationally  guar- 
anteed state,  in  which  British  interests  will 
be  controlling,  by  reason  of  the  proximity  of 
Egypt. 

In  reality  this  is  but  the  recognition  of 
the  age-long  supremacy  of  F'rench  influence 
in  Syria,  which  has  survived  all  the  changes 
since  the  days  of  the  Crusades.  The  pecul- 
iar rights  of  France  in  Syria,  particularly  in 
the  Lebanon,  have  been  acknowledged  by 
treaties;  and  all  the  railways  of  the  region, 
save  the  Hcdjaz  line,  constructed  by  the 
Germans,  were  built  by  French  capital.  As 
for  Mesopotamia,  it  is  an  outpost  to  India 
conquered  by  British  arms  and  already  be- 
coming reconciled  to  British  rule.  Soutli 
of  Palestine  and  Mesopotamia  an  Arab  state, 


40 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


independent  of  the  Turks  and  containing  the 
holy  cities  of  Mecca  and  Medina,  is  assured, 
under  the  rule  of  the  King  of  the  Hedjaz, 
who  has  fought  with  the  British  and  French 
in  recent  days. 

Between  the  Gulf  of  Alexandretta  and  the 
Black  Sea  an  Armenian  state  is  likely  to  be 
created,  backed  by  the  guarantee  of  the 
great  powers.  Its  exact  frontiers  remain 
problematical,  as  does  the  question  of  inclu- 
ding within  it  the  Armenian  provinces  of 
Russia.    But  this  last  step  is  logical  and  just. 

There  remain  Greek  and  Italian  claims 
to  the  littoral  of  Asia  Minor;  and  Italian 
claims  have  been  recognized  to  some  extent 
at  least  along  the  Gulf  of  Adalia  and  the 
southern  shore  of  Asia  Minor,  while  Greek 
claims  upon  Smyrna  are  certain  to  gain  at 
least  a  hearing.  In  its  last,  as  in  all  its 
phases,  the  Turkish  problem  promises  to  be 
thorny ;  and  it  includes  the  decision  as  to 
the  Straits  and  Constantinople.  But  with 
Russia  gone,  Bulgaria  crushed,  Germany 
eliminated,  a  solution  is  not  impossible,  in 
accordance  with  justice  and  reason. 

VII.    Questions  of  Principles 

Such  in  a  very  brief  compass  are  the  ma- 
terial problems  of  the  Versailles  Conference: 
the  question  of  peace  with  Germany,  the  dif- 
ficulties incident  to  the  reorganization  of 
Europe,  the  creation  of  new  nations  and  the 
expansion  of  old,  in  accordance  with  the  de- 
sires of  millions  of  people.  Such,  too,  are 
the  questions  of  Asiatic  and  African  colo- 
nies, which  must  be  faced  and  answered. 
To  these  must  be  added  the  tremendous 
puzzle  of  Russia,  claiming  ever  more  in- 
sistently the  attention  of  the  statesmen  of 
the  world,  but  furnishing  no  sufficient  basis 
even  for  intelligent  discussion. 

There  remains  the  third  division  of  the 
great  task.  This  is  the  creation  of  some 
international  organization  to  preserve  world 
peace,  a  League  of  Nations,  comparable  in 
purpose  to  the  Holj^  Alliance  of  the  Congress 
of  Vienna,  but  this  time  expressing,  not  the 
selfish  ambitions  of  a  few  sovereigns,  eager 
to  preserve  their  power,  but  the  aspirations 
of  millions  of  free  people  striving  to  make  a 
repetition  of  the  recent  world  calamity  im- 
possible. 

It  is  to  frame  such  an  international  agree- 
ment that  President  Wilson  has  gone  to  Eu- 
rope. He  regards  it  as  the  supreme  duty 
of  the  Versailles  Conference.  Yet  who  can 
measure  the  obstacles  that  lie  in  the  path- 


way ?  At  the  present  hour  we  have  no  Ger- 
man Government — no  organized  Germany 
with  which  to  make  peace,  let  alone  a  new 
international  compact.  We  purpose  in  our 
peace  treaty  to  deprive  Germany  of  much 
territory  unjustly  taken  in  the  past,  and  we 
purpose  to  make  her  pay  a  large  part  of  the 
burden  resulting  from  her  wanton  destruc- 
tion, if  not  a  considerable  share  in  the  ac- 
tual costs  of  the  war  to  the  nations  she  has 
attacked. 

So  great  has  been  the  German  devastation 
that  it  is  clear  that  mere  reparation  for  this 
will  exhaust  the  possibilities  of  German  re- 
sources. In  addition,  the  nations  which 
have  conquered  Germany  are  resolved  that 
they  will  not  hereafter  permit  German  man- 
ufactures to  compete  with  their  own  on 
equal  terms  in  their  own  markets ;  and  the 
French  and  British  are  resolved  that  their 
ports  and  colonies  shall  not  be  the  bases  of 
German  commercial  fleets.  All  of  this  means 
but  one  thing:  it  means  that  the  Germany 
which  emerges  from  Versailles  will  be  struck 
alike  in  territory  and  in  wealth.  She  will 
emerge  showing  the  unmistakable  efifects  of 
a  righteous  but  terrible  judgment  visited 
upon  her. 

But  such  being  the  case,  will  Germany 
willingly  enter  a  League  of  Nations  domi- 
nated by  her  recent  enemies,  who  have  just 
exacted  from  her  terrible  payment  for  her 
crimes?  Remember  that  in  1814  and  1815 
Europe  let  France  go  almost  scot-free  in  or- 
der that  they  might  win  the  French  people 
away  from  Napoleon  and  persuade  them  to 
accept  the  rule  of  a  Bourbon  sovereign,  who 
would  join  with  the  other  kings  in  the  Holy 
Alliance,  which  was  the  League  of  Nations 
of  that  hour.  And  despite  this  leniency, 
France  broke  away  in  just  fifteen  years  and 
upset  the  Bourbon. 

Further  than  this,  are  the  nations  which 
have  conquered  Germany  in  any  mood  to 
welcome  Germany  as  an  equal,  after  the 
record  of  recent  years,  even  if  she  came 
purged  and  repentant,  which  is  excessively 
unlikely?  Or  will  the  bitterness  and  re- 
sentment, above  all  the  suspicion,  endure  for 
a  generation  to  come?  These  questions  are 
pertinent  because  the  success  of  the  League 
of  Nations  rests  upon  the  essential  condi- 
tion that  all  nations  enter  it  with  equal  will- 
ingness and  mutual  trust.  They  are  perh'- 
nent  because  they  are  based  lipon  the  history 
of  the  last  League  of  Nations,  which  fell  to 
ruin  in  a  decade  and  a  half  after  the  Con- 
gress of  Vienna. 


PROBLEMS    OF   PEACE 


41 


Beyond  these  difficulties  lies  the  question 
of  the  "freedom  of  the  seas,"  which  has  al- 
ready been  excluded  from  the  list  of  points 
formulated  by  President  Wilson  and  accept- 
ed, otherwise,  by  the  nations  associated  with 
the  war.  Just  what  the  "freedom  of  the 
seas"  means,  remains  problematical.  But  the 
British  interpret  it  to  mean  a  surrender  on 
their  part  of  some  fraction  of  their  naval 
supremacy,  the  basis  of  the  victory  in  this 
war  and  the  basis  of  British  security.  Ready 
to  join  with  the  United  States  in  an  alli- 
ance to  police  the  seas,  willing  to  share  with 
the  United  States  the  domination  of  the 
oceans,  the  British  seem  totally  unwilling 
to  resign  to  the  League  of  Nations  any  con- 
trol of  their  fleet.  But  here,  again,  is  a  fatal 
obstacle;  for  the  League  of  Nations,  to  be 
successful,  must  not  be  merely  universal,  it 
must  also  be  supreme.  In  a  word,  it  must 
include  all  nations;  and  all  nations  must  be 
subject  to  its  power  without  any  reserved 
powers  of  their  own  permitting  them  to  re- 
sist its  decisions,  if  they  choose. 

This  problem  the  Congress  of  Vienna 
failed  to  solve.  It  relied  upon  the  commu- 
nity of  interest  of  all  kings  to  provide  agree- 
ment and  concerted  action.  But  France  and 
Britain,  lacking  this  interest,  soon  escaped 
from  the  Holy  Alliance,  which  itself  became 
thereafter  impotent  as  a  guarantor  of  world 
peace  or  royal  security. 

It  is  well  to  have  the  problem  clearly  in 
mind.  A  League  of  Nations  must  be  every- 
thing or  it  will  be  nothing.  It  must  be  an 
international  parliament  having  the  necessary 
power  to  enforce  its  decisions,  having  the 
right  to  reach  decisions  binding  upon  all 
nations,  however  unpleasant  or  unfavorable. 
It  must  have  the  right  to  crush  resistance 
within  nations  and  it  must  have  the  ships 
and  the  land  forces.  But  how  shall  the  Par- 
liament be  organized  ?  Will  the  small  na- 
tions   have    equal    representation    with    the 


large — Bolivia  with  Britain,  for  example? 
Or  will  it  be  exclusively  a  body  composed 
of  representatives  of  the  Great  Powers,  as 
was  the  Holy  Alliance? 

Speculation  on  these  phases  would  be 
endless,  but  it  is  necessary  to  indicate  some 
of  the  principal  obstacles  which  will  doubt- 
less fill  the  debates  of  the  immediate  future. 
Meantime  behind  all  the  discussions  rises  the 
shadow  of  Bolshevism,  which  may  yet  dis- 
solve the  Congress  of  Versailles  as  Napo- 
leon's return  from  Elba  ended  the  Congress 
of  Vienna.  If  Europe,  east  of  the  Rhine 
and  north  of  the  Alps,  and  the  Carpathians, 
falls  into  anarchy  and  chaos,  new  military 
operations  may  become  inevitable  and  the 
first  task  of  the  League  of  Nations,  if  then 
constituted,  may  be  to  wrestle  with  the  new 
enemy,  which  is  daily  gaining  strength  in 
Germany,  while  retaining  a  firm  grip  upon 
unhappy  Russia. 

Therefore  it  is  at  least  possible  that  the 
Congress  of  Versailles  may  be  unable  to  re- 
store peace  in  the  world,  however  sincere 
its  efiforts;  and  it  may  well  be  that  the  fail- 
ure will  not  be  due  to  the  rivalries  of  the  na- 
tions represented  but  to  the  consequences  of 
the  storm  which  Germany  loosed  four  years 
and  a  half  ago. 

In  saying  this  last,  I  do  not  mean  to  be 
understood  as  forecasting  failure.  The  very 
magnitude  of  the  task  inevitably  involves  the 
possibility.  But  as  I  close  this  article  the 
French  nation  is  giving  President  Wilson  a 
welcome  forever  memorable.  In  Britain  the 
spirit  of  eager  conciliation  is  manifest. 

Whatever  the  obstacles,  it  is  at  least  to  be 
said  that  the  peace  negotiations  are  beginning 
under  circumstances  which  are  most  prom- 
ising. The  desire  to  make  peace,  and  a  just 
peace,  is  unmistakable.  A  better  beginning 
it  would  be  impossible  to  imagine,  and  this 
is  a  source  of  optimism  priceless  now,  when 
the  history  of  a  century  is  to  be  shaped. 


THE  CONGRESS  OF  NATIONS, 
PAST  AND  PRESENT 


BY  TALCOTT  WILLIAMS 


THE  Congress  of  Nations  which  meets 
in  France  in  the  first  week  of  January 
parts  out  Europe  and  distributes  colonies 
around  the  world.  Its  decisive  voice  is 
shared  by  fewer  nations  and  victorious  pow- 
ers than  ever  before  and  the  scope  of  its  deci- 
sions is  wider.  After  two  and  a  half  centu- 
ries of  such  meetings  of  the  nations  of  power 
to  part  among  them  the  fruits  of  victory,  a 
Congress  meets  within  whose  jurisdiction  all 
lands  fall  and  from  whose  decisions  no  na- 
tion can  appeal  with  success  except  to  the 
future.  From  the  future,  the  decisions  of 
no  Congress  can  escape.  The  future  has 
altered  and  often  reversed  the  territorial  de- 
cision and  division  of  a  Congress.  But  these 
changes  in  boundaries  have  left  unaltered  the 
broad  principles  on  which  each  European  as- 
sembly has  acted. 

The  maps  which  the  coming  Congress 
draws  will  be  torn  up  and  have  for  record 
the  pages  of  history,  the  collections  of  treat- 
ies and  the  historical  atlas;  but  the  broad 
principle  of  self-determination  for  lands  and 
races  will  remain  until  a  new  economic  dis- 
tribution rends  Europe  in  twain  once  more, 
begins  new  conflicts,  and  in  the  end  reappor- 
tions the  world  on  a  new  basis. 

Congresses  After  the  French   Revolution 

In  the  turmoil  that  followed  the  French 
Revolution  there  was  a  swarm  of  little  gath- 
erings, ephemeral  and  ineffectual,  each  called 
a  Congress.  All  came  and  went  leaving  no 
lasting  record  on  history,  treaty,  or  map. 
The  Congress  of  Antwerp,  1 793 ;  Rastadt, 
1797-9;  Chatillon,  1814 — these  meant  noth- 
ing. After  Vienna  there  was  a  chain  of 
meetings  of  monarchs  and  their  ministers 
to  put  in  practise  the  principles  of  the  Con- 
gress of  Vienna — Aix-la-Chappelle  (on  the 
evacuation  of  France);  Carlsbad,  1819; 
Troppeau,  1820;  Laybach,  1821;  Verona, 
1822,  to  form  the  Holy  Alliance  and  estab- 
lish the  divine  right  of  kings  by  force  of 
arms,  intervention  and  the  joint  action  of 
Austria,   Prussia,   France,   and   Spain — these 


all  failed.  Their  one  happy  and  hopeful 
fruit  was  that  they  led  President  Monroe 
to  lay  down  the  Monroe  Doctrine  in  1823 
at  the  suggestion  of  Canning,  Premier  of 
England.  The  United  Kingdom  had  re- 
fused to  enter  the  Holy  Alliance  or  to  share 
in  all  of  the  gatherings  that  planned  and 
pledged  mutual  support  to  legitimacy  against 
liberalism  wherever  the  former  was  attacked 
by  revolution. 

Remaking   the  Map   of  Europe 

Five  times  before  the  gathering  of  the  na- 
tions now  about  to  sit,  a  Congress  has  re- 
made the  map  on  some  historic  principle 
whose  application  changed  the  minds  and 
lives  of  men,  whose  fall  ended  the  system  of 
which  it  was  the  guiding  rule. 

Religious  liberty  was  settled  by  the  Con- 
gress of  Westphalia,  1746,  which  really  met 
at  Miinster  and  Osnabriick.  The  colonial 
supremacy  of  the  English-speaking  folk  was 
established  by  the  Congress  of  Utrecht,  up 
to  the  present  hour  and  age.  What  may 
come  fifty  years  hence  when  120,000,000 
Germans  have  about  them  a  Slav  world  di- 
vided between  Serb,  Pole,  Czech,  Ruthenian, 
Ukrainian  *'new"  Russian  centering  at  Mos- 
cow, no  one  will  rashly  predict  who  has  read 
the  history  of  the  past.  The  Congress  of 
Vienna,  1814,  portioned  Europe  on  dynastic 
principle  and  failed.  The  Congress  about  to 
meet  portions  and  allots  Europe  on  the  prin-. 
ciple  of  language  and  race,  national  desire, 
and  consciousness.  No  one  nation  anywhere 
in  the  territory  seeks  a  population  undivided 
or  a  territory  unchallenged.  The  Congress 
of  Vienna,  built  on  the  rights  of  Kings,  for- 
got the  rights  of  the  people  and  nations. 
These,  as  they  grew,  have  rent  asunder  the 
skilled  joiner-work  of  Metternich  and  of 
Talleyrand,  the  claims  and  diving  rights  of 
Alexander  of  Russia,  WilHam  of  Prussia, 
and  Francis  of  Austria  bequeathed  to  de- 
scendants now  fugitive,  discrowned,  dead,  or 
facing  tlic  criminal  bar. 

The  Congress  now  to  meet  proposes  to  put 

43 


44 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


rigorously  in  practise  the  rights  of  nations 
and  of  peoples  in  a  new  fabric  framed  of 
self-determination  and  self-government.  Be- 
tween Vienna  and  Versailles,  if  the  coming 
Congress  meets  there,  lie  the  Congress  of 
Paris,  1856,  when  Western  Europe  (France 
and  England)  sought  to  settle  the  "Eastern 
Question"  which  centers  about  the  disposi- 
tion of  the  Ottoman  Empire,  and  the  Con- 
gress of  Berlin,  where  Central  Europe 
(Prussia  and  Austria)  sought  to  settle  the 
same  question.  Both  have  failed.  Neither 
the  Congress  of  Paris  nor  the  Congress  of 
Berlin  built  an  enduring  fabric.  Western 
Europe  failed  in  1856  and  Central  Europe  in 
1878  to  redistribute  Southeastern  Europe. 
Western  Europe  saw  the  work  of  the  Con- 
gress of  Paris  destroyed  in  twenty  years  by 
the  growth  of  Central  Europe.  The  plans  of 
Central  Europe  were  destroyed  in  forty 
years  after  the  Congress  of  Berlin  by  the 
growth  of  Russia,  of  Western  Europe,  and 
the  entrance  of  the  United  States  in  Euro- 
pean affairs.  Can  the  Congress  of  1919 
build  an  enduring  fabric  if  it  forget  on  one 
side  the  certain  growth  of  Germany,  rid  of 
the  chains  of  Kaiser,  royal  caste,  Junker- 
thum,  dead-weight  all,  or  the  possible 
growth  of  the  central  Russian  people,  "Holy 
Russia,"  under  the  new  economic  system 
which  is  shaking  the  minds  and  fears  of  men 
as  did  the  French  Revolution,  one  hundred 
and  thirty  years  ago? 

Political  and  Economic   Systems 

In  the  French  Revolution  economic  causes 
were  doubtless  at  work.  Economic  causes 
always  are  at  work.  So  is  the  attraction  of 
gravitation.  Men  build  domes,  arches,  and 
bridges  in  spite  of  it.  The  attraction  of 
gravitation  is  not  all  of  life.  So  with  eco- 
nomic causes.  The  major  cause  and  factor 
of  the  French  Revolution  were  political.  It 
was  political  privilege,  political  rights  and 
political  wrongs  to  which  men  had  addressed 
themselves.  Were  these  changes  and  polit- 
ical justice  secured,  world  opinion,  so  far  as 
it  was  conscious  and  articulate,  believed  in 
1789  that  all  would  be  well.  A  century  has 
deprived  men  in  Europe  of  confidence  in  po- 
litical change.  Faith  still  remains  in  a  po- 
litical system  in  America;  but  it  is  waning 
here.  In  Russia,  no  such  faith  exists.  Po- 
litical reform,  as  a  social  remedy,  is  sharply 
challenged  in  Germany.  A  mingled  cross 
struggle  between  political  systems  and  be- 
tween economic  systems  is  in  progress  in 
Germany. 


As  on  a  darkling  plain 

Swept  with  confused  alarms  of  struggle  and  flight. 

Where  ignorant  armies  clash  by  night. 

The  central  shock  is  between  two  social 
systems,  conservative  Socialists  and  the  ex- 
treme Spartacides — Bolsheviki.  The  strug- 
gle over  a  mere  political  system  is  in  the 
shadow. 

The  Congress  about  to  sit  proposes  only 
changes  political.  To  all  the  forces  which 
have  sapped  the  foundations  and  destroyed  the 
structures  built  by  one  and  another  Congress 
now  past — Vienna,  1815;  Paris,  1856; — 
Berlin,  1878 — there  is  added  that  the  next 
Congress  after  this  will  deal  primarily  with 
social  issues,  not  political.  Exactly  as  at 
Vienna  men  built  on  a  dynastic  foundation, 
already  doomed  and  neglected,  the  upheaval 
of  races,  tongues,  nationalities,  and  at  Paris 
diplomats  assumed  the  supremacy  of  Western 
Europe  in  the  Mediterranean,  which  began  at 
Lepanto  and  passed  from  Spain  and  Italy  to 
France  and  England,  and  at  Berlin  Bismarck 
and  his  associates  assumed  that  the  new  Cen- 
tral Empires  could  dominate  the  Balkan 
Peninsula  and  the  Euro-Asian  waterways, 
so  now  the  massed  100,000,000  of  Ameri- 
cans behind  an  united  115,000,000  in  Eng- 
land, France,  and  Italy,  the  four  having  half 
the  world's  thousand  billions  of  wealth,  seem 
equal  to  a  world  rule ;  but  this  wealth  and 
the  political  institutions  of  all  these  rest  on 
an  economic  system  of  work,  wages  and  cred- 
its, challenged  in  half  Europe.  It  is  gone  in 
Russia  and  can  be  rebuilt  only  when  the  ex- 
periment in  progress  fails.  No  one  knows 
if  it  will  fail  or  how  soon. 

I  believe  it  will  fail  and  our  systems,  po- 
litical and  economic,  survive.  So  did  the 
men  of  my  age  in  Vienna,  Paris,  and  Lon- 
don in  1815  of  their  age-long  dynastic  sys- 
tem. The  newspapers  were  with  them;  in 
this  country  with  a  few  discredited  excep- 
tions; in  England  all  the  press.  Europe  had 
no  free  press  left.  Its  newspapers  were  then 
led  by  the  logic  of  de  Maistere,  the  roman- 
tic heats  and  chills  of  Chateaubriand,  the 
dreams  of  Czar  Alexander  and  Madame 
Krudener.  Even  in  England  Wordsworth 
was  a  ''lost  leader"  to  a  liberal,  Coleridge,  a 
conservative  editorial  writer,  and  Byron 
still  hymned  the  triumph  of  dynasties  and 
despotism.  They  were  sure  they  were  right. 
So  are  we.  The  past  centuries  looked  with 
approval  on  them.  So  with  us.  But  it  is 
the  future  centuries  that  make  history.  The 
past  centuries  are  epitaphs  only.    Epitaphy  is 


THE    CONGRESS    OF   NATIONS,   PAST   AND    PRESENT 


45 


always  a  dreaming  lie,  or  a  lying  dream.    On 
dreams  and  lies  none  can  build. 

No  one  can  expect  Versailles  to  be  perma- 
nent in  its  work  any  more  than  Vienna  un- 
less it  lays  the  foundations  of  a  new  world 
order  and  frankly  recognizes  the  necessity  of 
preserving  the  shorter  hours,  the  higher 
wages  and  the  accent  of  command,  labor  has 
won  in  war,  and  must  keep  in  peace,  or  a 
new  economic  order  will  destroy  what  labor 
cannot  share.  Heavier  burdens  for  massed 
capital  and  amassed  capital;  harder  still,  to 
bear,  a  levelling  down  of  household  and  do- 
mestic conditions  for  the  favored  tenth  that 
has  had  domestic  service,  ceiled  chambers  and 
in  all  lands  but  ours  a  practical  monopoly  of 
higher  education  and  the  opportunity  and 
advantage  it  gives, — all  this  looks  near. 

Westphalia  and  Utrecht 

The  Congress  of  Westphalia  (which  met 
at  Miinster  and  Osnabriick)  drew  the  boun- 
dary between  Catholic  and  Protestant 
Europe  where  it  runs  to-day.  This  post- 
mortem triumph  of  Gustavus  Adolphus  (he 
fell  at  Liitzen,"  1632)  made  it  clear  the 
new  faith  was  too  strong  to  make  it  safe  for 
despotic  France  to  compromise  with  the 
Huguenot.  The  revocation  of  the  Edict  of 
Nantes  followed.  If  Sweden  and  Protestant 
Germany  could  stay  Wallenstein  and  Tilly 
and  prevent  a  Roman  Catholic  Emperor 
from  carrying  his  faith  to  the  North  Sea 
and  Baltic,  what  chance  had  Catholic  Europe 
to  keep  what  it  had  won  in  1648  were 
Protestant  England  to  join  in  the  fray,  pre- 
vented just  then  because  busy  with  the  praise- 
worthy but  profitless  task  of  beheading  a 
King.  The  treaties  signed  as  a  fruit  of  the 
long  'negotiations  at  Miinster  and  Osna- 
briick worked  permanent  changes  because 
they  frankly  recognized  the  new  faith  as 
holding  the  future. 

These  treaties  built  a  new  order,  based  not 
on  the  old  and  past,  but  the  new  and  future. 
So  at  Utrecht,  1714,  where  ^he  colonies  of 
Spain  and  France,  definitely  passed  to  the 
English-speaking  folk  in  all  their  homes,  new 
and  old,  because  men  had  discovered  the  new 
principle  that  colonies  and  world  empire  go 
with  sea-faring  and  not  with  land  war.  The 
treaties  signed  at  the  Congress  of  Utrecht 
still  live.  They  settle  some  of  our  own  boun- 
daries. Your  cod  is  still  caught  with  Eng- 
lish or  American  hemp  because  of  them. 
England  won  at  Utrecht  the  first  permanent 
entrance  on  Africa  which  ends  in  "Capc-to- 
Cairo"  to-day.     The  admission  of  the  Eng- 


lish flag  to  the  African  slave-trade  of  Span- 
ish colonies  in  the  treaty  with  Spain  in  1714 
gives  us  to-day  our  one  great  problem  at 
home  and  at  Versailles  our  greater  oppor- 
tunity in  Africa  to  end  the  age-long  ex- 
ploitation of  the  negro  in  the  equatorial  span 
of  his  continent. 

The  Congress  of  Westphalia  and  the  Con- 
gress of  Utrecht  accepted  new  forces  as  a 
foundation  and  built  a  new  future.  The 
congress  at  Vienna,  at  Paris  and  at  Berlin 
built  on  the  old,  compromised  with  the  new 
and  their  fabric  fell.  Little  is  left  of  any 
article  in  any  one  of  the  treaties  of  1814-15, 
1856  and  1878.  Versailles  may,  but  prob- 
ably will  not,  profit  by  their  example.  If 
the  congress  of  to-day  refuses  to  satisfy  new 
perilous  and  violent  social  forces,  but  seeks 
instead  to  suppress  them,  instead  of  meeting 
with  just  remedies  the  needs  which  set  these 
forces  in  battle;  it  may  create  "order";  it 
will  not  create  peace. 

A  Congress,  however,  by  its  very  exist- 
ence, shows  that  countries  and  nations  are 
growing  few  enough  and  big  enough  to  deal, 
first,  with  a  continent  as  a  whole — which 
was  all  the  Congress  of  Westphalia  could 
do  in  the  middle  of  the  Seventeenth  Century 
— and  next  with  the  world,  which  began  in 
Utrecht  at  the  opening  of  the  Eighteenth 
Century.  There  are  to-day  from  sixty  to 
sixty-five  separate  countries  that  can  or  do 
make  war  and  peace.  Of  these,  five  can  de- 
cide for  the  world,  Italy,  France,  England, 
America  and  Japan.  To  this  brief  list  may 
eventually  be  added  a  German  and  n  Russian 
power,  seven  in  all.  Seven  great  powers  and 
fifty-eight  or  so  small;  these  figures  are  to- 
day the  limits  of  the  human  family  of  na- 
tions. 

When  the  delegates  to  the  Congress  of 
Westphalia  met  in  two  places,  thirty  miles 
apart,  the  reason  was  simple.  There  were 
so  many  "powers"  engaged  in  the  war,  big 
and  little,  principally  little,  and  they  were 
criss-crossed  in  so  many  alliances,  hostile 
operations  and  treaties,  that  the  Emperor 
Ferdinand  II  could  not  meet  at  one  place 
the  envoys  of  Sweden  and  France,  in  alliance 
and  at  war  with  the  Emperor.  The  Em- 
peror himself  was  a  polynomial.  He  was 
"Roman"  Emperor,  successor  of  the  Caesars, 
holding  possessions  dotted  all  over  Central, 
Southeastern  and  Northwestern  Europe 
(part  of  Belgium  to-day),  and  in  Italy,  Mi- 
lan for  one  place.  He  was  the  elected  King  of 
Hungary,  a  fragment  of  which  had  just  been 
wrested  from  the  Turk.     Bohemia  had  also 


46 


THE   AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


elected  him  King,  and  Bohemia  then  included 
besides,  Silesia  (now  part  of  Prussia)  Mo- 
ravia and  Lusatia  (to-day  split  between  Prus- 
sia and  Saxony),  and  each  of  these  three  was 
held  by  a  differing  title.  He  held  Austria 
by  a  score  of  titles,  archduke,  duke,  prince, 
marquis,  as  the  case  might  be,  titles  of  earlier 
separate  rulers  of  Austria,  Styria,  Carinthia, 
Carniola,  Tirol,  Alsace,  Breirgan,  etc. — a 
line  or  two  more  of  titles.  Ferdinand  II 
was  always  at  war  with  the  Ottoman  Sultan 
in  Hungary,  but  not  always  in  Austria.  He 
might  be  at  war  as  Emperor  and  at  peace 
as  King  of  Bohemia.  He  made  war  by  sec- 
tions and  peace  by  driblets.  Some  200  rulers 
in  "Germany"  had  the  right  to  go  out  and 
kill  people.  Two  centuries  before  there  were 
400;  in  1871,  only  twenty-six.  The  trade  of 
killing  people  at  will  on  the  battlefield  is, 
of  course,  the  supreme  hall-mark  of  sov- 
ereignty. None  genuine  unless  this  right  is 
blown  in  the  bottle  which  holds  the  essen- 
tial oil  of  rule. 

Large  and  Small  States 

In  the  Seventeenth  Century  none  would 
give  up  this  right.  It  took  three  years,  1638  to 
1641,  before  it  was  possible  after  thirty  years 
of  war  to  find  two  places  where  peace  could 
even  be  talked  of.  Sweden  and  France  did 
not  wish  to  meet  the  imperial  envoys  to- 
gether. The  Roman  Emperor,  whose  capi- 
tal was  at  Vienna,  whose  family  possessions 
on  the  Rhine  had  been  seized  by  Louis  XIV, 
whose  army  had  been  beaten  by  the  Swedish 
line,  commanded  by  Gustavus  Adolphus 
could  not  wisely  negotiate  with  both  France 
and  Sweden  together. 

The  earliest  diplomat  of  the  modern 
school.  Count  d'Avaux  (French),  conferring 
at  Hamburg  with  Conrad  Liitzow,  the  Em- 
peror's envoy,  after  three  years  wasted  in 
triple  communications  between  Paris,  Stock- 
holm and  Vienna,  proposed  two  places  near 
each  other  in  Westphalia.  Sweden  and 
Sweden's  allies  met  at  Osnabriick  and 
France  and  the  French  allies  at  Miinster, 
to  each  went  the  representatives  of  the  Em- 
pire. The  Pope  sent  his  Nuncio  to  secure 
the  suppression  of  Protestantism,  when  the 
"Eldest  Son  of  the  Church,"  his  Most  Chris- 
tian Majesty  of  France,  made  a  peace  with 
the  "Holy  Roman  Emperor"  and  the  "Most 
Catholic"  King  of  Spain.  Venice  was  repre- 
sented as  an  honest  broker  doing  the  carry- 
ing trade  of  both  Empire  and  Kingdom  on 
the  Mediterranean.  All  states,  large  and 
small,    in    Continental    Europe,    save    Eng- 


land, Poland,  Russia,  and  Turkey,  sent 
envoys;  but  Count  d'Avaux,  wise  be- 
times, set  the  rule  for  every  future  Con- 
gress by  providing  that  only  belligerents 
should  be  invited,  and  an  elaborate  pro- 
cedure for  separate  treaties  between  the  prin- 
cipals practically  excluded  lesser  lands  from 
the  direct  negotiation  which  fruited  in  agree- 
ment. The  decisive  authority  of  three  pow- 
ers, France,  Sweden  and  the  Empire  settled 
the  final  conclusions.  For  France,  Louis 
XIV  spoke,  for  Sweden,  Queen  Christine, 
as  regent,  guided  by  the  wise  Oxenstiern  and 
the  Emperor  Ferdinand  II  decided  the  fate 
of  all  the  great  area  between  the  Carnic 
Alps,  and  the  Carpathians,  the  Danube  and 
the  march  which  touches  on  its  headwaters 
and  those  of  the  Rhine  and  the  Elbe. 

Every  Congress  since  has  witnessed  this 
concourse  of  lesser  lands  and  the  decisive 
voice  of  the  few'  caused  by  the  gradual 
emergence  of  governments  so  small  in  num- 
ber and  so  strong  in  power  that  they  alone, 
if  they  act  together  in  Congress  or  League, 
constitute  the  supreme  rulers  of  the  hour  of 
destiny  in  the  assemblage  of  nations.  This 
has  been  the  evolution  of  the  World  Con- 
gress from  the  very  first.  Two  and  a  half 
centuries  ago,  though  Spain  and  its  vast 
colonial  empire,  Portugal,  holding  Brazil, 
and  foremost  in  India  and  Africa,  the  States 
general  of  Holland  and  Venice,  still  hold- 
ing "the  East  in  pawn,"  Denmark  having 
the  strongest  fleet  in  North  Europe,  and  for 
the  German  Empire  26  votes  of  its  Diet 
at  Miinster  and  40  at  Osnabriick  gathered 
to  the  Congress  of  Westphalia — these  all 
were  set  aside  in  the  ultimate  action  taken 
by  France,  Sweden,  and  the  Empire. 

Small  states  were  numerous  at  the  Con- 
gress of  Westphalia  and  their  presence  made 
every  step  cumbrous.  First  proposed  and 
under  negotiation  in  1636,  the  mutual  agree- 
ments to  meet  were  not  signed  until  July 
22,  1641 ;  the  imperial  delegates  appeared 
July  11,  1643,  and  the  ratifications  of 
treaties  were  not  exchanged  until  February, 
1649,  thirteen  years  from  the  first  incep- 
tion. 

A   Few   Powers   Decide 

The  Congress  of  Berlin  met  June  13, 
1878,  and  adjourned  in  a  month,  July  13,  its 
work  done  in  a  single  treaty.  The  scores 
and  scores  of  small  powers,  two  centuries 
earlier,  had  vanished.  Instead,  six  great 
powers,  England,  France,  Italy,  Germany, 
Austria-Hungary,  Russia,  decided  all.     Four 


THE    CONGRESS    OF   NATIONS,   PAST   AND    PRESENT 


47 


small  powers,  Greece,  Montenegro,  Serbia 
and  Rumania,  interested  in  the  result,  were 
not  represented  in  the  Congress.  Their 
representatives  held  watching  briefs  outside. 
Turkey,  invited  to  the  Congress  and  present, 
was  not  consulted  as  to  the  sauce  with  which 
an  empfre,  once  great,  should  be  served. 
Only  five  powers,  Japan,  America,  England, 
France  and  Italy  will  decide  the  Congress  of 
Versailles,  and  of  these  the  action  of  only 
four  will  be  effective.  Were  the  United 
Kingdom  and  the  United  States  to  agree  with 
emphasis  on  any  one  point,  it  would  not  be 
easy  for  the  other  three  to  say  them  nay. 
In  the  great  war,  the  twain  could  have  done 
without  the  three;  the  three  could  not  have 
done  without  the  twain. 

The  small  powers  at  Westphalia  cum- 
bered the  ground  at  every  turn.  Numerous, 
scattered,  their  patches  of  territory  not  con- 
tiguous, at  war  by  fits  and  starts,  by  sections 
with  various  belligerents,  months  that  ran 
into  years  were  consumed  in  arranging  safe- 
conducts  across  these  various  territories  for 
the  envoys  of  belligerent  lands.  Other 
months  were  used  in  correspondence  over 
the  invitations.  When  the  Congress  met, 
months — nearly  two  years,  went  deciding 
how  to 

Observe   degree,   priority   and   place 
Insisture,  course,  proportion,  season,  form 
Office  and  customs,  in  all  line  of  order. 

Some  "insisture"  was  unsettled  after  two 
years.  In  the  middle  of  the  Seventeenth 
century  there  were,  the  world  around,  from 
2500  to  3000  small  States,  at  least.  No 
World  Congress  was  possible.  Europe  was, 
1636,  boiled  down  by  the  fiery  furnace  of 
war  to  some  200  to  250  states,  not  less. 
This  was  enough  to  make  a  congress  feasible 
in  Europe,  but  such  a  congress  took  thirteen 
years  from  start  to  finish,  from  the  Pope's 
proposition  to  treaty  ratification.  Europe 
began  the  war  with  twenty  countries  enjoy- 
ing full  diplomatic  relations.  The  war  will 
close  with  about  thirty-five  separate  integers 
claiming  independent  diplomatic  initiative. 
The  experience  of  two  and  a  half  centuries 
unfalteringly  and  unhesitatingly  points  to 
the  conclusion  that  a  given  area  and  popula- 
tion short  of  the  great  power  standard,  if  it 
goes  alone,  may  be  protected,  but  it  cannot 
hope  to  have  a  voice  in  a  World  Congress 
save  those  innocuous  international  assem- 
blages that  deal  with  mails,  postal  affairs, 
sanitation  and  other  technical  issues.  In  the 
real  conduct  of  the  world's  affairs,  they 
can  be  heard.     They  cannot  act.     They  may 


furnish  arbitration  and  aid  to  fill  a  World 
Court.  Even  this  is  dubious.  In  the  Alaska 
Arbitration,  the  Chief  Justice  of  England 
had  a  weight  no  other  judge,  the  world 
around,  could  have  possessed. 

The  application  of  the  example  of  the 
United  States  in  this  particular  is  wholly 
fallacious.  In  the  United  States  the  same 
language  is  spoken  by  more  and  over  a  larger 
area,  than  elsewhere  in  the  world  in  the 
sense  that  language  is  understood  by  hear- 
ing. China  has  one  written  language ;  but 
the  spoken  tongue  is  not  understood  over 
its  area.  To  language,  there  is  added  in  the 
United  States  a  common  standard  of  edu- 
cation, of  law,  of  family  conditions,  of  insti- 
tutions, of  clothing,  of  personal  habits  and 
of  religion.  Nothing  comparable  with  this 
exists  elsewhere  over  4,000,000  square  miles 
and  100,000,000  people.  Even  with  this 
we  have  had  a  civil  war  which  set  more 
men  in  battle  line  than  any  but  tw^o  conflicts 
in  modern  European  history,  the  Napoleonic 
wars  and  the  struggle  just  over.  The  logic 
of  experience  is  inevitable.  In  any  League 
of  Nations,  any  cunningly  devised  apportion- 
ment of  representation  will  break  down. 
Speech  may  go  to  the  many;  power  will  go 
to  the  few. 

Pan-American  Experience 

Give  each  nation,  large  and  small,  a  single 
vote,  and  the  small  will  combine  against  the 
powerful.  The  United  States  has  had  its 
experience.  Once  it  has  called  and  twice  it 
has  sat  in  a  Pan-American  Congress  endeav- 
oring to  make  Latin-America  and  our  Amer- 
ica see  eye  to  eye.  Neither  the  eloquence, 
idealism,  enthusiasm  and  bounce  of  James  G. 
Blaine,  nor  the  sagacity,  shrewdness,  and 
compelling  personal  force  of  Elihu  Root 
could  prevent  all  the  small  lands  combining 
to  thwart  the  one  world  power  of  the  West. 
Yet  in  the  Western  Hemisphere  the  United 
States  has  80  per  cent,  of  the  w^hite  popula- 
tion, 63  per  cent,  of  the  total  population  and 
of  wealth,  military  power  and  material  re- 
source 90  per  cent.  Even  this  leaves  it  pow- 
erless in  a  Pan-American  Congress.  Until 
the  world  is  as  homogeneous  as  the  United 
States  the  governance  of  the  world  must  rest 
with  the  few  great. 

The   Perennial   Hope    of  Peace 

The  big  three  at  the  Con<2;rcss  of  West- 
phalia talked  from  start  to  finish  of  lasting 
peace  and  believed  they  had  closed  a  genera- 
tion of  war  with  continuing  concord.   Every 


C  uxi 
P-i  C  -ti 


THE    CONGRESS    OF   NATIONS,   PAST   AND    PRESENT 


49 


Congress  has  met  with  this  desire  and  ended 
with  this  hope.  Thus  also  the  Congress  of 
Utrecht.  There  had  been  war  again  from 
1689  for  twenty-two  years,  when,  October 
11,  1711,  the  preliminaries  of  a  Congress 
were  signed.  The  contest  had  smouldered 
and  flamed  in  two  vast  curves  by  land  and 
sea,  one  by  land  from  the  Netherlands  bend- 
ing in  a  great  arc  through  the  German  Em- 
pire across  North  Italy  to  Savoy,  and  the 
other  curve  where  the  fleets  of  England  be- 
leaguered the  French  and  Spanish  coasts 
from  Dunkirk  to  the  Balearic  Islands  and 
beyond. 

Withdrawal    of   the    Church 

Begun  in  the  fall  of  1711,  the  last  treaty 
provided  for  in  its  sessions,  from  January  20, 
1712,  to  April  11,  1713,  was  not  signed  un- 
til November  15,  1715 — four  years,  against 
thirteen  years  at  Westphalia  and  a  year  for 
the  Congress  of  Vienna,  in  1815.  Again, 
a  swarm  of  lesser  lands  and  three  powers 
deciding  a  world  fate.  The  final  word  lay 
with  two  men,  Louis  XIV  of  France  and 
Charles  VI  of  Austria,  and  with  an  English 
Tory  ministry  represented  by  a  Bishop,  John 
Robinson  of  Bristol,  and  Lord  Wentworth 
— page  in  his  boyhood  to  Mary  Beatrice, 
Queen  of  James  II,  and  after  years  of  serv- 
ice to  William,  Anne  and  George  I,  in  his 
closing  years  the  correspondent  of  the  son 
of  the  Queen  of  his  youth,  the  Pretender. 
Bishops  swarmed  at  the  Congress  of  West- 
phalia and  a  future  Pope,  Chigi,  spoke  for 
Rome  and  Cardinals  flamed  in  red  at  both 
its  halves.  Ecclesiastics  were  few  at 
Utrecht.  At  Vienna,  the  nearest  approach 
to  the  Episcopate  was  the  Bishop  of  Autun, 
Talleyrand.  Since,  Bishops  and  Cardinals, 
who  from  Charlemagne  to  Louis  XIII,  con- 
ducted the  diplomacy  of  Europe,  have  dis- 
appeared from  the  World  Congress.  When 
the  present  Pope  sought  twice  to  shepherd 
in  peace  the  nations  at  war  he  was  but  fol- 
lowing the  more  successfcil  example  of  his 
twenty-third  predecessor  in  1641,  Urban 
VIII,  as  to  the  Congress  of  Westphalia, 
whose  fruits  Innocent,  his  successor,  hotly  de- 
nounced in  a  famous  Bull,  known  as  Zelo 
Domus  Dei. 

Far-Reaching  Changes 

Utrecht  sought  to  settle  all  Europe.  It 
unconsciously  began  modern  Belgium  by 
giving  the  Spanish  Netherlands  to  Austria. 
It  brought  Sweden  into  Germany  and  began 
the  close  relations  of  Stockholm  and  Berlin, 

Jan. — 4 


to-day  surviving.  The  eastern  boundary 
now  sought  by  France  was  established.  The 
House  of  HohenzoUern  became  royal.  It 
had  reached  the  Rhine  at  Westphalia,  the 
treaty  of  Utrecht  extended  those  scattered 
Rhenish  possessions  whose  boundaries  sixty 
years  ago  taxed  the  memories  of  the  students 
of  primary  geographies.  Bavaria  became 
definitely  German.  Holland  won  that  con- 
trol of  the  Scheldt  at  which  Belgium  now 
protests.  Austria  took  over  from  Spain  that 
control  of  Italy  which  only  ended  in  1870. 
The  English  flag  was  planted  at  Gibraltar. 
The  assured  possession  of  Newfoundland, 
Acadia  and  Nova  Scotia  began  the  winning 
of  North  America  for  the  composite  English- 
speaking  peoples  of  our  day.  The  entrance 
of  the  English  flag  on  the  slave  trade  be- 
tween Africa,  the  Spanish  Main  and  Brazil 
opened  the  North  and  South  Atlantic  to  the 
joint  naval  supremacy  dominant  to-day,  and 
made  secure  the  sea-path  to  India  for  the 
greatest  trading  corporation  ever  known,  the 
East  India  Company,  then  six  years  old. 

Vienna    Congress   and  Its  Results 

These  great  changes  curbed  privilege, 
pruned  the  rights  of  princes  and  pedigrees, 
and  began  the  recognition  of  local,  popular 
claims  and  mutual  religious  toleration.  Re- 
action came  and  reaction  brought  the  suc- 
cessive explosions  of  1776  and  1789  and  war 
again  for  twenty-five  years,  when  the  Con- 
gress of  Vienna  met  with  new  dreams  of 
peace.  The  precedents  of  Westphalia  and 
Utrecht  were  exhumed.  The  invitation  is- 
sued by  Austra  to  all  its  diplomatic  visiting 
list  except  France  brought  together  a  con- 
course of  victorious  powers  determined  for 
one  thing  to  ''punish"  France  and  on  the 
other  side  to  establish  kingdoms,  principali- 
ties and  powers,  an  automatic  protection 
against  democracy,  exactly  as  the  lesser  peo- 
ples are  being  staked  out  now  as  an  auto- 
matic protection  against  autocracy.  The 
Holy  Alliance  was  an  attempt  to  provide 
these  new  thrones  and  territories  born  of 
privilege  with  adequate  defense  through  a 
League  of  crowns.  This  League  broke 
down,  first,  because  it  was  narrow,  so  organ- 
ized that  England  would  not  enter,  and,  sec- 
ond, because  its  makers  believed  that 
the  defeat  in  war  of  the  beginnings  of  self- 
rule  would  end  the  future  .progress  of  the 
principle.  Not  war  but  time  makes  history. 
No  Congress  can  change  the  forces  of  the 
day.  It  can  only  (h'rcct  and  reorganize  them 
and   any   league  of   powers,   to  be  eflfectivc, 


50 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


must  exclude  no  great  power  because  of  cur- 
rent disagreement. 

The  pitiless  logic  of  every  Congress  of 
Nations  brought  it  about  also  that  four 
powers,  England,  Prussia,  Austria,  and  Rus- 
sia, stood  apart  in  control.  They  divided 
and  Talleyrand's  skill  brought  in  France. 
The  five  powers  laid  out  Europe,  and  In  the 
next  half  century  Europe  laid  itself  out  and 
left  unchanged  no  boundary  which  did  not 
rest  on  self-determination,  self-expression, 
and  self-rule.  The  Vienna  Congress  made 
it  clear  that  you  can  exclude  no  great  power 
in  this  angerful  pride  of  victory,  deny  no 
small  people  of  its  future  rights,  but  turning 
and  overturning  will  come  until  permanent 
forces  rule.  Whatever  a  Congress  may 
wish  to  exclude,  the  world  as  a  whole  has 
to  go  on  doing  business  with  everybody. 
Italy  and  Germany  were  cut  out  in  1814  on 
dynastic  consideration  and  they  united  on 
lines  lingual  and  racial.  The  weak  peoples 
of  all  Southeastern  Europe  who  had  fallen 
among  royal  and  imperial  thieves  for  a  thou- 
sand years  were  parcelled  between  Russia, 
Austria,  and  Turkey,  and  all  three  royal  and 
imperial  houses  are  gone  from  power. 

Failures  at  Paris  and  Berlin 

On  the  same  false  basis  as  at  Vienna,  Eu- 
rope met  in  Congress  to  deal  with  the  same 
peoples  at  Paris  after  the  Crimean  War  and 
at  Berlin  after  the  Russo-Turkish  War,  and 
failed  again.  The  dominion  of  the  great 
powers  was  now  accepted  and  complete.  For 
a  network  of  treaties  in  the  past,  a  single  in- 
strument was  submitted.  The  five  great 
powers  pledged  themselves  at  Berlin  to  en- 
force its  provisions.  They  made  no  pro- 
vision for  the  regular  assembly  of  the  powers, 
for  the  ordered  consideration  of  new  issues, 
for  a  permanent  military  and  naval  force 
provided  by  the  powers  and  acting  under  the 
command  of  a  permanent  council. 

War  has  brought  this  precise  instrument 
shared  by  five  great  powers.  The  United 
States  contributes  it^army  and  navy  and  ac- 
cepts this  command,  without  a  treaty  and 


with  no  published  agreement.  President 
Wilson  has  decided  our  policy  in  war  as  in 
peace  President  Monroe  did  in  1823,  launch- 
ing as  executive,  acting  alone  without  con- 
sulting Congress  or  asking  its  sanction,  a 
policy,  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  more  momen- 
tous, more  far-reaching,  better  observed  than 
any  treaty  ever  ratified  by  the  United  States 
Senate. 

As  at  Westphalia,  at  Utrecht,  and  at  Vi- 
enna, it  is  plain  enough  before  the  present 
Congress  meets  what  the  general  settlement 
must  be  and  will  be. 

Need  of  a  Permanent   Council 

But  the  experience  of  277  years  makes  it 
certain  that  this  settlement  will  be  worthless 
unless  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
and  the  four  Premiers  of  Japan,  England, 
France,  and  Italy,  or  their  representatives, 
meet  regularly.  The  world  is  visibly  a  bet- 
ter place  for  us  all  because  the  five  meet 
now.  Visibly  it  would  be  a  safer  place  for 
us  all  if  they  met  once  a  year.  What  harm 
could  such  a  meeting  do  ?  What  untold  good 
could  it  not  accomplish? 

Create  any  central  organization  of  the 
great  powers  and  the  peace  of  1919  may  and 
probably  will  be  kept.  How  difficult  war 
would  have  been  in  1914  if  there  had  been 
such  a  meeting  yearly,  say  for  twenty  years 
from  the  settlements  of  the  Spanish  War, 
China,  or  even  from  that  of  Morocco  in 
1906?  Give  no  such  organization  and  we 
may  look  for  a  war  as  certain  between  1960 
and  1980,  and  such  a  war!  Imagine  it. 
Count  its  dead.  Consider  its  shattering 
wrack. 

Above  all,  and  beyond  all,  unless  new  eco- 
nomic demands  are  met,  war  and  smash  are 
certain.  Labor,  production,  manufacture, 
distribution — these  are  all  to-day  interna- 
tional and  the  world  will  not  be  safe  for 
democracy  until  the  organization  and  control 
of  these  agencies  are  made  democratic  and 
rest  on  the  cooperative  will  of  the  employed. 
Unless  this  is  begun  by  evolution,  it  will 
come  by  dire  revolution. 


GEORGES  GLEMENCEAU, 
PREMIER  OF  FRANCE 

BY  HENRI-MARTIN   BARZUN 

(Former  Secretary  to  the  Minister  of  Labor  and  assistant  to  Premier  Clemenceau  as  editor- 
in-chief  of  UHojnjne  Libre) 


AMERICAN  opinion  follows  eagerly  cur- 
rent events  in  Europe,  whose  capital 
to-day  is  Versailles.  All  the  world  knows 
that  in  this  historic  city  of  fifty  thousand  in- 
habitants, ten  miles  from  Paris,  the  heads 
of  the  coalition  which  has  won  the  war  are 
about  to  meet  several  times  a  day  to  deter- 
mine the  destinies  of  the  universe. 

It  is  there  that  President  Wilson  will  dis- 
cuss with  Clemenceau  the  clauses  of  the  de- 
cisive peace  which  is  going  to  establish  the 
status  of  the  world. 

Under  these  truly  exceptional  circum- 
stances the  Review  of  Reviews  has 
thought  that  its  many  readers  would  be  in- 
terested to  know  better  the  great  and  ex- 
traordinary figure  of  the  Premier  of  the 
French  Republic  whose  guest  and  co-worker 
at  this  moment  is  the  President  of  the 
United   States. 

Clemenceau  s  Popularity 

Little  has  been  left  unsaid  in  these  last 
months  about  the  public  and  private  life  of 
the  man,  his  energy  notwithstanding  his  age, 
his  good  humor,  his  animated  rejoinders,  his 
general  ''tiger"  characteristics.  The  story 
has  been  told  many  times  of  his  sojourn  and 
marriage  in  America  when  as  a  young  man 
he  gained  a  livelihood  by  teaching  French  in 
a  girls'  school. 

Finally,  he  has  been  deservedly  praised 
for  his  admirable  role  during  the  most  criti- 
cal months  of  the  war  at  the  head  of  the 
French  Government,  up  to  the  time  of  vic- 
tory and  peace. 

But  beyond  all  the  sympathetic  traits  that 
have  made  the  man  so  popular,  Clemenceau 
is  and  remains  one  of  the  greatest  charac- 
ters of  contemporaneous  Europe,  and  one  of 
the  greatest  leaders  of  men  of  all  times  and 
all   lands. 

It  is  this  political  character  of  the  man 
which  history  will  preserve  and  determine  in 
the  immediate  future. 


His  Intellectual    Tradition 

The  admiration  generally  shown  for 
France  is  founded  on  the  secular  idealism 
which  this  country  has  never  ceased  to  mani- 
fest, in  favor  of  every  great  cause  of  human- 
ity, because  this  country  is  a  fount  of  ideas. 

But  American  criticism  does  not  often 
enough  insist  on  this  fact,  which  explains  the 
successive  revolutions  of  France  and  her 
role  in  civilization  ever  since  the  Communes 
of  the  Middle  Ages. 

Whether  Encyclopedists  of  1789  or  demo- 
crats of  1830,  1848  or  1871,  the  initiators 
of  great  epochs  in  France  have  always  at  the 
same  time  been  writers,  philosophers,  and 
public  men,  and  sometimes  president,  as  La- 
martine,  of  the  Second  Republic,  or  founder, 
as  Victor  Hugo,  of  the  Third — both  being 
the  greatest  of  our  national  epic  poets. 

How  could  men  called  to  political  and 
moral  leadership  of  a  country  fail  to  im- 
pregnate their  public  activities  with  the  lofty 
thoughts  guiding  their  personal  lives  accord- 
ing to   this  logical   and   natural   tradition? 

Hence  America  should  not  be  surprised  to 
find  French  statesmen  to  be  men  of  the 
highest  intellectual  stamp,  giving  historical 
contribution  to  the  renovating  current  of 
idealism  with  which  this  country  has  filled 
democracy  throughout  the  world. 

Three  Magic  Words  the  Guide  of  His  Life 

Georges  Clemenceau  belongs  to  this  ad- 
mirable line  that  has  come  down  from  the 
Revolution.  Philosopher,  writer,  man  of 
science,  orator,  author,  he  testifies  through 
his  entire  public  career  to  the  fact  that  ideas 
guide  the  world,  drawing  men  and  their  in- 
terests in  their  train. 

Without  doubt  the  war  just  ended  has 
been  an  immense  economic  conflict,  but  it 
has  been  directed  and  won  by  intellectual, 
philosophical  and  moral  forces  since  it 
was  in  the  name  of  Democracy ,  Justice,  and 

51 


52 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


Liberty,  that  the  entire  world  rose  to  win  it. 
It  is  in  the  name  of  these  three  magic 
words  that  Georges  Clemenceau  has  fought 
all  his  life,  in  untiring  opposition  to  every- 
thing which  could  limit  their  promise  or 
dull  their  glow.  Also  of  all  the  political 
heads  of  the  Third  Republic,  he  is  the  one 
who  has  exercised  the  greatest  influence  on 
the  present  generation  and  who  has  most  vig- 
orously directed  the  people  of  his  country 
towards  democracy. 

The  Father   of  Radicalism    Came   into 
Political  Power  at  Sixty-six 

Perhaps  not  without  reason  Clemenceau 
has  been  reproached  for  his  uncompromising 
individualism.  The  same  criticism  called  in 
question  his  most  significant  virtue,  the  one 
by  which  he  was  able  in  a  now  far  distant 
past  to  hold  his  own  against  the  forces  of 
conservatism.  He  founded  radicalism 
through  precisely  such  Jacobin  proclivities; 
and  for  twenty  years  he  alone  in  the  Cham- 
ber constituted  by  himself  the  opposition,  but 
with  such  a  vigor  and  with  so  much  person- 
ality that  it  would  be  unjust  to  separate  his 
role  from  the  reform  action  exercised  since 
then  by  the  radical  party. 

At  the  time  of  his  first  advent  to  power  in 
October,  1906,  Clemenceau  was  sixty-six 
years  old.  For  a  man  who  had  compassed 
the  fall  of  twenty  ministries  whose  conser- 
vative opportunism  he  was  fighting,  this  ad- 
vent may  certainly  be  considered  belated, 
but  all  the  more  public-spirited. 

The    Founder    of    the    Ministry    of    Labor 
Introduced  Socialism 

However,  by  a  singular  irony  Clemen- 
ceau, the  Father  of  Radicalism,  took  office 
with  a  party  whose  chief  aim  was  the  affirma- 
tion of  essentially  republican  principles  at 
the  very  time  when  the  Socialist  party  took 
definite  shape,  with  the  avowed  mission  of 
enriching  those  principles  with  certain  new 
economic  realities. 

Clemenceau  understood  this,  and  from  his 
fi^st  ministry  he  called  to  him  two  young 
heads  of  the  Socialist  movement  who  were 
at  the  time  unknown  and  made  them  his 
collaborators;  namely,  Aristide  Briand  and 
Rene  Viviani. 

To  the  first  he  confided  Public  Instruc- 
tion ;  for  the  second  he  created  an  entirely 
new  ministry — the  Ministry  of  Labor. 

This  double  choice  roused  indignation 
among  conservative  critics,  but  it  bore  the 
clear  injunction  of  Clemenceau:    "You  are 


young,  you  want  to  reform  our  public  in- 
struction? our  labor  system? — Go  to  it! 
That's  been  my  business  for  thirty  years." 

Such  was  the  stand  of  Clemenceau,  al- 
ways seeking  for  simple  solutions  and  for 
young  men  loving  responsible  positions.  And 
it  was  thus  that  the  "Old  Tiger"  introduced 
government  socialism  into  the  country's 
rule. 

Since  then,  Briand  and  Viviani  have  both 
had  successful  careers,  even  to  presidency 
over  the  Council  of  Ministers. 

Clemenreau,   Reformer   of  Manners 

But  in  his  great  ministry  of  1906,  Cle- 
menceau himself  assumed  the  portfolio  of 
the  Interior,  with  the  obvious  purpose  of 
plying  his  most  cherished  sociological  and 
philosophical  ideas  in  the  direction  of  social 
reforms. 

Clemenceau  the  physician  interested  him- 
self particularly  in  social  questions  such  as 
arise  from  environment,  poverty  and  heredity. 
He  thought  that  as  Minister  he  could 
realize  great  things ;  even  at  the  age  of  sixty- 
six  he  had  his  dreams.  He  wanted  to  re- 
form the  police  system,  suppress  the  evil  of 
prostitution  and  fight  alcoholism.  And  he 
added  some  splendid  pages  on  these  poignant 
subjects  to  all  the  fine  pages  already  written 
by  his  predecessors. 

Reform  our  social  life?  no;  but  environ- 
ment, and  Clemenceau  the  Darwinian  knew 
it  better  than  anyone.  And  once  in  power, 
he  admitted,  "there  is  no  time  for  such 
things,"  because  one  must  attend  to  politics. 

Such  were  the  ideas  characteristic  of  this 
first  term  of  office  as  Premier,  which  lasted 
less  than  three  years,  from  October,  1906,  to 
July,  1909. 

Once  Again  Becomes  "The  Free  Man* 

And  so  Clemenceau  dropped  his  power  at 
the  age  of  sixty-nine,  and  all  his  adversaries, 
then  quite  numerous,  looked  on  him  as  defi- 
nitely interred  politically.  According  to  the 
most  reactionary,  it  was  the  end  of  a  nega- 
tive career,  and  a  nefarious  one  in  the  opinion 
of  the  stand-pat  conservatives  who  called  him 
the  demolisher,  the  Jacobin,  the  tyrant;  but 
for  all  the  young  forces  of  democracy,  Cle- 
menceau remained  the  Chief,  the  Leader, 
the  true  Republican.  Clemenceau  again 
took  up  his  journalistic  pen  and  continued 
his  pitiless  combat  against  all  the  weak- 
nesses of  power  and  obstacles  of  justice,  in 
the  organ  which  he  created  in  1912. 
"L' Homme  Libre.** 


GEORGES    CLEMENCEAU,  PREMIER   OF   FRANCE 


53 


©  Kadel  &  Herbert 

PREMIER  CLEMENCEAU  OF  FRANCE,  HEAD  OF  THE  FRENCH  DELEGATION  AT  THE 
^  PEACE  TABLE 

(Born  in  1841,  M.  Clemenceau  was  educated  as  a  physician  and  when  a  young  man  lived 
several  years  in  the  United  States,  practising  his  profession  and  teaching.  After  returning 
to  France  at  the  period  of  the  Franco-Prussian  War  he  was  elected  Mayor  of  the  District 
of  Martre  in  Paris  and  in  1876  was  chosen  as  Republican  member  of  the  Chamber  of 
Deputies.  He  lost  his  seat  in  1893,  but  in  1902  was  elected  Senator  from  the  Department 
of  the  Var.  He  was  Premierfrom  1906  to  1909  and  in  the  autumn  of  1917,  in  the  fourth 
year  of  the  war,  he  was  restored  to  power.  Through  his  various  journals  he  has  exerted 
great  influence  in  French  politics  and  has  been  personally  responsible  for  the  overthrow  of 
many  cabinets.  At  the  age  of  seventy-eight  he  is  everywhere  recognized  as  the  "strong 
man"   of  France) 


His  First  Paper,  Le    Travail 
Journalist?      Clemenceau    has    been    that 
all  his  life  long,  and   for  the  greatest  glory 
of  our  calling. 

When  twenty  years  old,  already  im- 
bued with  the  desire  for  reform,  he  founded 
his  first  journal,  to  which  he  gave  the  name 
''Ze  Travail"  (Labor).  It  was  a  modest 
periodical  carrying  under  the  title  this  elo- 
quent  notice,    "Le    Travail   will    appear    as 


often  as  the  printer  permits."  In  fact,  only 
a  few  numbers  appeared ;  however,  forty 
years  later,  when  he  had  come  to  political 
powTr,  Clemenceau  founded  the  Ministry  of 
Labor.  Wlicre  can  one  find  a  more  sur- 
|-)rising  perseverance  in  purpose  or  greater 
faitli  in  the  people! 

But  the  names  which  Clemenceau  grouped 
around  this,  his  first  paper,  were  equally 
of  singular  significance:   I'mile  Zola,  Camille 


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THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


Pelletan,  Louis  Ranc,  and  Anatole  France, 
all  of  whom  were  later  to  fight  in  the  first 
ranks  with  him  in  behalf  of  Justice. 

Ten   Years  Outside  Parliament — Constancy 
in  Misfortune 

\'La  Justice!"  Such  was  the  title  of  the 
second  journal  which  Clemenceau  founded 
at  middle  age,  when  his  reputation  as  an 
orator  in  the  Chamber  and  controversialist 
in  the  press  was  undisputed.  But  his  cam- 
paigns against  the  governments,  defending 
the  last  manifestations  of  Progressivism  at 
its  decline,  and  his  violent  personal  polemics 
could  only  rouse  rancor  against  him. 

Through  defeat  at  elections,  Parliament 
was  closed  to  him  for  ten  years.  It  is  in 
these  hours  of  misfortune  that  Stephan 
Pichon  gave  him,  in  the  midst  of  desertion 
by  all  his  friends,  the  proof  of  his  staunch 
fidelity.  To-day  Stephan  Pichon  is  his 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs. 

A  New  Career;  The  Writer  Reveals  Himself 

At  the  age  of  fifty  ought  one  to  begin  a 
political  career  again?  Clemenceau  took  up 
the  challenge  and  triumphed  over  his  misfor- 
tunes, his  adversaries,  and  public  opinion.  In 
meeting  the  taunts  now  raised  against  him, 
having  no  longer  a  platform  nor  a  paper  from 
which  to  fight,  Clemenceau  again  took  his 
writer's  pen  in  hand  and  in  these  years  pro- 
duced several  volumes  of  which  three  would 
be  suflficient  to  establish  his  renown :  "'Dans 
la  Melee"  (In  the  Fray),  ''Le  Grand  Pan" 
(The  Great  Pan),  ''Les  Plus  Forts"  (The 
Strong).  Giving  once  more  through  them 
expression  to  his  life's  most  cherished  ideals 
against  social  injustice,  legal  inequality,  and 
the  oppression  of  the  weak,  he  faces  all  the 
grave  problems  of  a  society  in  the  process  of 
transformation  and  gives  his  vigorous  solu- 
tions without  sparing  privileged  interests, 
announcing  to  Conservatism  the  dangers  of 
its  uncom.promising  attitude  and  even  its 
catastrophes  if  these  forces  should  attempt 
to  arrest  the  irresistible  flood  of  mounting 
democracy. 

Clemenceau  had  been  thought  dead — al- 
ready! and  his  admirable  literary  works 
resurrected  him.  On  the  threshold  of  the 
sixties  he  reconquered  the  press,  fascinated 
intellectuals,  and  aroused  the  best  elements 
in  the  masses  by  his  zeal  as  reformer. 

Leader  of  the  People  Against  Injustice 

His  hour  sounded  anew.  To  struggle 
and  struggle  again — such  has  been  his  des- 


tiny. In  1897  a  great  military  trial  was 
about  to  end  in  the  sentence  to  perpetual 
exile  of  an  of^cer  (Captain  Dreyfus)  for  the 
crime  of  high  treason. 

In  the  course  of  a  long-debated  case  po- 
litical passions  were  unloosed  dividing  the 
country  into  two  camps.  Clemenceau  left 
his  books,  founded  a  new  newspaper,  "E' Au- 
rore"  (The  Dawn),  and  walked  out  into 
public  life  to  proclaim  the  innocence  of  the 
condemned  man.  He  denounced  the  errors 
and  the  illegalities  of  the  trial,  revealed  com- 
plicity, and  appealed  to  the  people  to  demand 
the  granting  of  a  new  trial. 

This  was  an  epochal  period  in  which 
Clemenceau  and  his  old  fellow  workers  on 
''Le  Travail"  all  of  them  now  leaders  of 
public  opinion,  headed  by  Emile  Zola  sup- 
ported a  campaign  of  unheard-of  violence, 
the  result  of  which  was  a  new  trial  and  the 
rehabilitation  of  the  prisoner. 

Leading  the  agitators  in  defiance  of  the 
military  and  the  police,  having  behind 
him  the  intellectual  world  of  Paris,  the 
working  class,  and  the  youth  of  the  univer- 
sities, Clemenceau  made  his  stand.  Due 
largely  to  his  championship,  justice  won;  and 
this  tragic  struggle  was  a  decisive  influence  in 
the  lives  of  the  yoi^ng  men  of  my  generation 
who  had  the  honor  of  participating  in  it,  for 
it  won  them  over  forever  to  the  cause  of 
democracy.  '  ■'- '  ''''<■'  '^  " 

The  Philosopher  of  Pity  and  Pardon 

Alone  with  himself,  Clemenceau  in- 
dulges in  no  self-deceptions.  In  the  preface 
of  the  ''Great  Pan"  he  has  written  pages 
so  free  from  illusion  about  the  human  race, 
the  folly  and  the  vanity  of  men  clinging  to 
the  sides  of  our  planet  in  endless  strife,  that 
the  verbal  and  philosophical  magnificence  of 
this  preface  makes  one  oblivious  to  the  au- 
thor's essential  disenchantment. 

But  in  this  preface,  Clemenceau,  writer 
and  thinker,  attains  a  lofty  peak.  Dare  I 
express  my  surprise  that,  so  far  as  my  knowl- 
edge goes,  no  American  publisher  has  thought 
of  translating  this  preface  famous  throughout 
Europe  and  worthy  of  its  anthology. 

However,  Clemenceau  never  gives  vent 
to  the  ''What  is  all  this  worth?"  of  Faust 
or  the  "Abandon  all  hope"  of  Dante.  He  is 
not  resigned ;  he  wants  to  believe,  to  believe 
in  himself — that  is,  in  mankind.  And  he 
brings  to  the  stage  this  dream  and  faith  of 
his,  in  the  ''Reve  du  Bonheur"  (Dream  of 
Happiness)  recently  played  in  New  York, 
he  makes  plain  that  he  has  dedicated  him- 


GEORGES   CLEMENCEAU,  PREMIER   OF  FRANCE 


55 


self  to  wisdom  and  pity.  Not  to  see  ugliness 
in  life  is  his  message;  but  to  instil  optimism 
in  one's  self — that  is  to  say,  hope  expressed 
in  action ;  and  when  poor  humanity  weakens, 
to  forgive;  thus  Clemenceau  leads  us  back 
to  the  highest  tradition  of  human  generosity. 
And  it  is  by  a  like  inspiration  toward 
nobleness  that  it  is  possible  to  explain  why 
from  the  platform  of  the  Senate  some  weeks 
before  the  armistice,  at  a  time  when  public 
opinion  was  ignorant  of  everything  that 
made  the  victory  inevitable,  Clemenceau 
uttered  in  advance  words  excluding  all  idea 
of  vengeance,  or  of  reprisals  in  his  address  to 
the  vanquished,  and  did  not  sully  the  glory 
of  his  country  by  the  barbaric  cry:  '*Vae 
Victis!" 

Other  Difficult  Tasks 
But  the  most  difficult  tasks  have  not  been 
accomplished.  To  restore  a  country  to  nor- 
mal conditions  of  life  after  such  a  time  of 
trial  is  a  task  still  more  difficult  than  the 
tasks  of  war  properly  so-called. 

Social  readjustments  will  be  the  most  deli- 
cate of  all.  Political  rivalries  and  class  an- 
tagonism will  certainly  be  more  acute  by 
reason  of  the  economic  difficulties  created 
by  four  years  of  war,  and  the  great  ideals 
for   which    the   peoples   have   been    fighting 


PREMIER    CLEMENCEAU    WITH    FIELD    MARSHAL    SIR 
DOUGLAS   HAIG 

will  call  for  new  realities  in  the  material  and 

social  order. 

A  Second  Time  in  Power  During  the 
Traffic  Days 

During  the  first  three  years  of  the 
war  he  had  not  ceased  to  point  out 
through  his  daily  editorials  in 
UHomme  Libre  the  dangers  and  the 
weaknesses  of  a  vacillating  war  policy, 
criticizing  errors,  proposing  daring 
solutions,  sustaining  the  public  morale 
during  unhappy  days.  He  wrote 
more  than  a  thousand  of  these  edi- 
torials, which  contributed,  in  the  gen- 
eral estimation,  to  uphold  confidence 
in  the  destinies  and  the  righteous 
cause  of  our  country. 

Then,  being  called  to  power  a  sec- 
ond time,  at  our  most  "trucial  hour, 
when  nobody  dared  face  the  test, 
Clemenceau,  seventy-eight  years  old, 
left  his  edftorial  chair  and  said:  **I 
accept."  He  was  installed  in  the 
Government  on  the  17th  of  October, 
1917,  and  dared  without  a  tremor 
the  outbursts  of  the  double  offensive 
of  March  and  Mav,   1018,  which  al- 


most   lost    us    the    war 


H 


old    on 


PREMIER  CLEMENCEAU  TALKING  WITH  SOLDIERS  ON 
FRENCH  FRONT 


THE 


Hold  on !  had  been  the  daily  cry  of 
Clemenceau.  Hold  on!  was  yet  his 
cry  at  the  helm  of  the  ship  of  state; 
Hold  on,   for  America  comes!     Fol- 


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THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


lowing  the  example  of  its  leader,  public 
opinion  did  hold  on,  the  army  held  on,  the 
country  held  on.     All  was  won. 

History    Will  Duly    Value  His   Work   in 
the  War 

Impartial  history  will  some  day  perhaps 
tell  what  struggles  this  man  had  to  undergo 
in  the  inter-Allied  councils  as  well  as  at  the 
head  of  the  Government,  in  order  to  make 
certain  ideas  and  solutions  prevail, — like 
those  of  unity  of  command  and  the  appoint- 
ment of  Foch — which  were  invaluable.  It 
will  relate  what  fatiguing  physical  effort 
was  exacted  of  him  in  his  uninterrupted 
visits  to  the  front,  questioning  the  soldiers 
and  exhorting  the  commanders,  exposing 
himself  to  first-line  fire;  doing  this  in  spite 
of  all  advice  to  spare  himself,  simply  to  fill 
his  role  as  a  chief  knowing  the  immense 
power  of  personal  example — the  embodiment 
to  all  eyes  of  the  spirit  of  duty. 

Hence  what  an  expenditure  of  intelligence, 
of  wit,  of  daring,  of  cleverness  in  the  for- 
midable questions  of  interior  policy,  relating 
both  to  labor  and  military  affairs.  This  is 
neither  the  time  nor  the  place  to  expatiate 
on  these  delicate  subjects. 

If  all  these  active  virtues  constitute  genius, 
that  of  Clemenceau  is  undeniable,  after  see- 
ing him  face  such  a  situation  with  such  suc- 
cess, obeying  his  clear  intuition  as  to  men, 
choosing  commanders,  rallying  the  young 
about  him,  infusing  in  all  his  confidence  and 
his  faith. 

Victory  and  Alsace-Lorraine! 

Such  is,  summarily  evoked  by  the  suc- 
cessive steps  of  his  public  life,  the  character 
of  the  man  who  will  have  the  honor  of 
signing  the  Treaty  of  Peace  in  the  name  of 
France. 

But  the  most  sceptical  cannot  keep  from 
pondering  over  the  course  of  this  astonishing 
career. 


Clemenceau  already  in  political  life  at 
twenty-five,  mayor  of  a  Parisian  district  in 
the  darkest  days  of  the  Franco-Prussian  war; 
the  invasion  in  1870,  the  tragic  Commune, 
the  Civil  War  born  of  these  disasters  in 
1871 ;  finally  the  loss  of  Alsace-Lorraine. 

And  since  then,  for  half  a  century  battling 
in  the  van  of  democracy,  it  is  he,  still  he, 
who  providentially  assumes  the  reins  of 
power,  in  1917,  to  make  an  end  to  the  war, 
prepare    the    peace,    and    recover    the    lost 


provmces 


No  public  man  ever  realized  a  like  des- 
tiny— none  ever  knew  such  a  consecration  to 
a  life-time  of  effort. 

And  already  public  opinion  sees  him  enter- 
ing into  the  presidency  of  the  republic  with 
the  coming  of  1920! 

Champion  of  Democracy 

Thus,  far  from  being  the  man  elevated  by 
chance  during  exceptional  circumstances, 
Clemenceau  has  been  the  man  who  for  fifty 
years  prepared  himself  to  answer  his  coun- 
try's call  when  danger  arose.  He,  and  he 
alone,  could  accomplish  this  task,  for  circum- 
stances do  not  create  men  if  they  do  not  al- 
ready exist.  They  do  demand  imperiously 
those  who  dare  because  they  can. 

A  whole  existence  of  struggles  without 
other  personal  profit  than  insults  and  in- 
justice from  his  fellow-men,  unwavering 
fidelity  to  the  ideals  which  he  embraced  from 
his  youth,  and  which  the  titles  of  the  four 
papers  animated  by  his  valiant  spirit  sum  up 
admirably:  Labor,  Justice,  Dawn,  the  Free 
Man;  indestructible  confidence  in  the  re- 
public which  he  helped  to  found,  and  de- 
fended unceasingly  against  every  assault; — 
all  this  predestined  Clemenceau  to  the  great 
historic  role  which  he  has  just  played  in  these 
last  months. 

He  was  ordained  by  fate  to  meet  Wilson ; 
the  two  are  worthy  of  standing  face  to  face 
and  of  deliberating  on  democracy's  future. 


WITH  PERSHING  IN  FRANCE 


DISTANCE  and  the  censorship,  while 
the  war  was  on,  sufficed  to  keep  the 
stay-at-homes  on  this  side  of  the  water  in 
dense  ignorance  of  what  was  being  done  in 
France  by  the  American  Expeditionary 
Force.  When  we  read  and  rejoiced  in  the 
reports  of  hard-won  victories,  we  had  no 
conception  of  the  long  months  of  arduous 
preparation  on  the  part  of  staff  and  army 
that  preceded  success  in  the  field.  The  very 
immensity  of  the  task  that  the  Americans 
had  set  themselves  precluded  any  attempt, 
save  by  military  experts,  to  form  a  picture 
of  the  details.  So  it  resulted  that  most  of  us 
had  only  the  vaguest  notions  of  what  the 
American  commander-in-chief  and  the  gen- 
eral staff  were  about  during  the  year  that 
intervened  between  their  arrival  in  France 
and  the  active  participation  of  our  troops 
in  the  fighting  on  the  Western  Front.  We 
were  amazed  and  thrilled  by  the  transpor- 
tation overseas  of  two  million  American 
soldiers,  but  we  gave  scant  heed  to  the  rather 
obvious  consideration  that,  without  a  per- 
fected army  organization  to  absorb  and 
utilize  these  units  furnished  by  the  draft, 
the  perilous  crossing  of  the  Atlantic  would 
have  been  In  vain. 

There  are  only  a  few  men,  after  all,  who 
know  the  whole  story  of  America's  part  in 
the  war.  Those  who  know  it  best  are  the 
members  and  attaches  of  the  General  Staff. 
It  is  a  happy  circumstance  that  one  of  these. 
Major  Frederick  Palmer,  is  an  experienced 
writer,  trained  to  observe  and  report  facts, 
and  particularly  to  make  military  facts  in- 
telligible to  the  general  public.  His  new 
book,  "America  in  France,"^  Is  not  only 
readable  and  Inspiring;  it  is  authentic,  from 
cover  to  cover.  Major  Palmer  went  with 
General  Pershing  to  France  in  the  early 
summer  of  1917  and  remained  on  duty  until 
the  signing  of  the  armistice.  As  a  corre- 
spondent who  had  witnessed  every  war  for 
twenty  years,  he  was  keenly  alive  to  the  de- 
velopments of  the  greatest  of  all  wars,  and 
it  may  be  assumed  that  very  little  of  what 
was  going  on  at  headquarters  escaped  his 
observation. 

Because    Major    Palmer's    book    pictures 

•America    In    France.      By    Frederick   Palmer.      Dodd, 

Mead  and  Company.  479  pp.     $1.75. 


@  Committee  on  Public  Information 

GENERAL    PERSHING    ADDRESSING    THE    WINNERS    OF 
THE  DISTINGUISHED   SERVICE  CROSS   IN   FRANCE 

General  Pershing's  activities  in  France  more 
adequately  than  anything  else  that  has  been 
published,  we  reproduce  several  passages  that 
give  intimate  glimpses  of  the  "C.-In-C." 
about  his  daily  tasks. 

When  General  Pershing  was  selected  "to 
command  all  the  land  forces  of  the  United 
States  operating  in  Continental  Europe 
and  in  the  United  Kingdom  of- Great  Britain 
and  Ireland,"  to  quote  from  the  official  or- 
ders, most  Americans  knew  of  him  only  as 
the  commander  of  the  Mexican  expedition 
with  a  background  of  successful  administra- 
tion in  the  Philippines  and  a  promotion  by 
President  Roosevelt  over  the  heads  of  as- 
piring army  officers.     They  did  not  think  of 

57 


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THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


him  as  a  much  traveled  man  of  the  world 
who  would  be  as  much  at  home  in  Paris  as 
in  the  jungles  of  Mindanao,  where  the  na- 
tives called  him  "Datto."  Major  Palmer 
presents  this  side  of  Pershing's  character  and 
reminds  us  moreover  that  as  American  mili- 
tary representative  with  the  Japanese  army 
in  Manchuria-  fourteen  years  ago  the  Gen- 
eral had  the  opportunity  of  observing  the 
first  great  war  fought  with  modern  armSo 
General  (then  Captain)  Peyton  C.  March, 
now  our  Chief  of  Staf¥,  shared  that  oppor- 
tunity. 

Our  leader  in  France,  then,  was  to  be, 
according  to  Major  Palmer,  *'a  man  thor- 
oughly trained  for  his  task  since  the  day  he 
left  Missouri  to  go  to  West  Point,  intrin- 
sically American  and  representative  of  our 
institutions." 

Why   France  ''Took  to"  Pershing 

y 

No  soldier  could  have  criticized  his  speeches 
for  length,  and  no  diplomat  for  lack  of  appre- 
ciation of  his  position  as  the  ambassador  of  the 
hundred  millions.  France  looked  him  over,  and 
liked  his  firm  jaw,  his  smile,  his  straight  figure 
and  his  straight  way  of  looking  at  everyone  he 
met.  He  brought  cheer  and  promise  of  the  only 
aid  which  France  could  understand,  that  of  an 
armed  force  which  fights  on  land.  For  France 
is  of  the  soil  and  vineyards  and  well-tilled  fields 
and  thrifty  peasants  and  thinks  little  of  the  sea. 

The  "C.-in-C'  as  Leader  and  Organizer 

General  Pershing,  who  had  urged  the  sending 
of  the  million  and  still  another  and  yet  another 
million,  in  order  the  sooner  to  end  the  struggle, 
welcomed  each  addition  to  his  family,  while  he 
was  undaunted  by  tKe  new  burdens  which  they 
and  the  command  in  the  field  of  his  trained 
forces  actively  engaged  brought  to  his  leader- 
ship. Other  Allied  commanders  directed  old  and 
fully  trained  integral  armies  operating  on  fa- 
miliar ground.  They  were  in  as  immediate 
touch  with  their  governments  as  General  Persh- 
ing would  be  if  his  headquarters  were  only  a 
few  hours'  distant  from  Washington  by  auto- 
mobile. His  isolation  from  home  made  his  po- 
sition unique  in  ifs  manifold  requirements.  He 
had  to  iron  out  many  wrinkles  of  controversy. 
Conferences  with  premiers  as  well  as  with  gen^ 
erals  called  for  his  counsel ;  for  it  would  be 
ridiculous  to  conceal  the  fact  that  when  several 
great  nations  are  in  alliance,  differences  of  con- 
ception in  policy,  if  not  innate  difference  in  na- 
tional interests,  require  negotiations  in  effecting 
understandings  and  harmony  of  action  on  many 
subjects. 

Our  general  must  see  his  troops,  too,  the  newlv 
arrived  divisions  as  well  as  the  divisions  which 
were  fighting.  His  insistence  upon  going  under 
fire  was  a  part  with  his  desire  for  a  close  view 
of  the  work  of  his  commanders  and  their  troops. 
Officers  who  knew  that  there  was  something 
wrong  with  an  organization  and  yet  hesitated  to 
impart  their   view   to   him,   were    amazed   to   find 


how  soon  he  diagnosed  the  situation  after  a  few 
minutes  of  personal  observation.  His  long  ex- 
perience as  a  general  officer,  the  thoroughness  of 
his  training  as  a  soldier  and  his  keen  under- 
standing of  human  nature  were  applied  to  those 
essentials  which  are  immutable  whether  an  army 
numbers   ten   thousand    or    a   million   men. 

Even  a  fast  automobile  flying  over  the  good 
roads  of  France  cannot  entirely  eliminate  time 
and  distance.  The  amount  of  traveling  and  the 
amount  of  work  he  was  able  to  do  were  amaz- 
ing. The  drive  that  he  gave  the  A.  E.  F.  was 
largely  due  to  his  own  example  of  industry. 
From  seven  in  the  morning  until  after  midnight, 
with  the  exception  of  his  mealtimes,  he  was  un- 
ceasing in  his  application.  Yet  he  never  seemed 
to  be  hurried,  he  never  showed  the  signs  of  war 
fatigue  which  brought  down  many  strong  men. 
In  any  event,  we  were  always  certain,  too,  that 
the  man  at  the  top  was  keeping  his  head;  and 
one  took  it  for  granted  that  his  recreation  must 
be  in  his  occasional  horseback  rides  and  walks, 
and  his  time  for  reflection  while  he  sat  silently 
with  the  aide-de-camp  in  his  long  motor  rides. 

That  is,  he  was  never  hurried,  unless  after  a 
hard  day  in  the  office,  he  was  away  to  the  troops, 
when  the  eagerness  for  departure  possessed  him 
in  a  fashion  that  made  him  as  young  in  spirit 
as  when  he  was  a  lieutenant  of  cavalry.  The 
soldiers  knew  that  he  was  their  general.  He 
looked  as  a  commander-in-chief  ought  to  look, 
to  their  way  of  thinking;  and  this  means  a  great 
deal  to  the  men  who  bear  the  burden  of  pack  and 
rifle  and  the  brunt  of  battle. 

Building  Our  War  Machine 

As  the  pressure  from  his  scattered  and  grow- 
ing forces  increased,  no  one  person  saw  much 
of  him  except  the  members  of  his  immediate  per- 
sonal staff  and  the  indefatigable  aide-de-camp 
who  was  always  with  him.  In  the  early  days 
he  had  foreseen  the  demands  which  would  re- 
quire the  delegation  of  authority  in  the  future. 
With  the  aid  of  Major-General  Harbord,  his  first 
Chief  of  Staff,  he  had  built  a  machine  which 
would  automatically  expand  to  meet  the  require- 
ments of  the  million  and  the  two  million  men 
who  were  to  come  while  he  was  left  free  to 
direct  his  army  in  action.  Major-General  Wil- 
liam McAndrew,  who  had  established  and  di- 
rected the  system  of  schools  which  were  to  be 
the  guide  of  our  army's  tactics,  came  to  take 
General  Harbord's  place  as  the  general  manager 
of  the  unprecedented  organization;  while  Gen- 
eral Harbord,  after  his  command  of  a  brigade 
and  then  of  a  division  in  the  field,  was  given 
the  task  of  commanding  the  S.  O.  S.,  which,  with 
its  giant  problem  of  supplying  the  millions  with 
their  food  and  all  that  they  needed  for  the  spring 
offensive,  was  the  second  most  responsible  post 
in   France. 

Wherever  the  C.-in-C.  went  he  always  carried 
his  book  of  graphics,  which  kept  him  informed 
up  to  date  of  the  exact  numbers  and  stations  of 
all  our  troops  and  the  state  of  shipping  and 
supplies,  although  his  memory  seemed  to  have 
these  facts  in  call.  Couriers  overtook  him  at  the 
day's  end,  wherever  he  was,  with  papers  which 
required  his  decision ;  the  telephone  could  reach 
him  if  something  vital  required  immediate  atten- 
tion. 


GENERAL   PERSHING'S  STORY 


59 


To  men  working  in  compartments,  who  forgot 
that  he  had  the  key  of  inquiry  into  all  compart- 
ments, it  was  surprising  how  much  the  C.-in-C. 
knew  and  sometimes  how  he  managed  to  know 
it;  so  very  surprising  that  it  became  embarrassing 
for  certain  officers.  Subordinate  chiefs  might  ex- 
plain difficulties  to  him,  but  they  learned  to  be- 
ware of  saying  that  a  thing  "can't  be  done." 
He  would  not  admit  that  anything  could  not  be 
done.  They  learned,  too,  that  they  must  not 
bring  any  air  of  pessimism  into  his  office,  where 
his  own  supply  of  vitality  for  communication  to 
others  seemed  inexhaustible. 

All  this  leaves  us  with  an  impression  that 
in  modern  war  the  part  taken  by  the  general 
in  command  is  something  quite  different 
from  the  kind  of  ''day's  work"  that  Grant 
and  Lee  did — at  least  so  far  as  external  ap- 
pearances go.  We  should  not,  however, 
make  the  mistake  of  assuming  that  General 
Pershing  was  ever  a  mere  slave  of  routine. 
Major  Palmer  tells  us  that  the  General  was 
interested  in  all  the  chaplains  and  the  wel- 
fare workers  and  in  everything  that  pertained 
to  the  care  of  the  soldiers.  No  commander  in 
history  ever  placed  a  higher  estimate  upon 
the  morale  of  the  men  in  the  ranks. 


There  could  be  no  firmer  advocate  of  thor- 
ough training  than  General  Pershing;  yet  no 
soldier  ever  believed  in  swift,  hard,  aggressive 
.  blows  more  indomitably  than  he.  He  is  not  a 
man  of  halfway  measures.  Later,  when  German 
officers  said  that  our  army  was  methodical  in 
preparation  and  bold  in  action,  it  was  merely 
an  expression  of  simple,  immutable  military  prin- 
ciples. 

After  many  months  spent  in  training  and 
organizing  an  army  the  time  at  last  came 
when  that  army  could  be  used  against  the 
common  foe.  From  Major  Palmer's  book 
we  learn  that  Gftieral  Pershing  had  long 
meditated  an  attack  on  the  St.  Mihiel  salient. 
In  June  last,  when  Marshal  Foch  and  Pre- 
mier Clemenceau  came  to  American  head- 
quarters for  conference,  General  Pershing 
reiterated  his  belief  that  the  salient  could 
be  broken  and  urged  an  attack.  What 
was  later  done  on  that  salient  by  the 
American  troops  is  now  a  matter  of  history, 
and  is  related  by  the  General  himself  in 
his  report  to  the  War  Department,  which 
follows. 


GENERAL  PERSHING'S  STORY 

His  Report  to  the  War  Department 


ON  November  20  General  Pershing 
cabled  to  the  Secretary  of  War  a  sum- 
mary of  the  operations  of  the  American 
Expeditionary  Force  from  the  date  of  its 
organization,  May  26,  1917,  to  the  signing 
of  the  armistice,  November  11,  1918.  This 
remarkable  statement  was  made  public  on 
December  5  as  an  appendix  to  Secretary 
Baker's  annual  report.  General  Pershing's 
account  of  the  active  military  operations  is 
reproduced  herewith: 

Combat   Operations 

During  our  period  of  training  in  the  trenches 
some  of  our  divisions  had  engaged  the  enemy  in 
local  combats,  the  most  important  of  which  was 
Seicheprey  by  the  26th  on  April  20,  in  the  Toul 
sector,  but  none  had  participated  in  action  as  a 
unit.  The  1st  Division,  which  had  passed  through 
the  preliminary  stages  of  training,  had  gone  to 
the  trenches  for  its  first  period  of  instruction  at 
the  end  of  October,  and  by  March  21,  when  the 
German  offensive  in  Picardy  began,  we  had  four 
divisions  with  experience  in  the  trenches,  all  of 
which  were  equal  to  any  demands  of  battle  action. 
The  crisis  which  this  offensive  developed  was 
such  that  our  occupation  of  an  American  sector 
must  be  postponed. 

On  March  28  I  placed  at  the  disposal  of  Mar- 
shal  Foch,   who  had  been   agreed   upon   as   Com- 


mander-in-Chief of  the  Allied  Armies,  all  of  our 
forces  to  be  used  as  he  might  decide.  At  his  re- 
quest the  1st  Division  was  transferred  from  the 
Toul  sector  to  a  position  in  reserve  at  Chaumont 
en  Vexin.  As  German  superiority  in  numbers 
required  prompt  action,  an  agreement  was 
reached  at  the  Abbeville  conference  of  the  allied 
Premiers  and  commanders  and  myself  on  May 
2  by  which  British  shipping  was  to  transport  ten 
American  divisions  to  the  British  Army  area, 
where  they  were  to  be  trained  and  equipped  and 
additional  British  shipping  was  to  be  provided 
for  as  many  divisions  as  possible  for  use  else- 
where. 

On  April  26  the  1st  Division  had  gone  into  the 
line  in  the  Montdidier  salient  on  the  Picardy 
battle-front.  Tactics  had  been  suddenly  revolu- 
tionized to  those  of  open  warfare,  and  our  men, 
confident  of  the  results  of  their  training,  were 
eager  for  the  test.  On  the  morning  of  May  28 
this  division  attacked  the  commanding  German 
position  in  its  front,  taking  with  splendid  dash 
the  town  of  Cantigny  and  all  other  objectives, 
which  were  organized  and  held  steadfastly 
against  vicious  counterattacks  and  galling  artil- 
lery fire.  Although  local,  this  brilliant  action 
had  an  electrical  effect,  as  it  demonstrated  our 
fighting  qualities  under  extreme  battle  conditions, 
and  also  that  the  enemy's  troops  were  not  alto- 
.gether  invincible. 

The  German  Aisne  offensi\c,  which  iiecan  on 
May  27,  had  advanced  rapidly  toward  the  River 
Marne   and   Paris,   and   the  Allies   faced   a   crisis 


60 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW   OF   REVIEWS 


TCUR5 
NANTE5    SAUMUR 


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oBOURGES 
o*l5S0UDUN 
CHATEAUROUX 


^ 


,/  oBERN 

'SWDTZEFM'^IIII 


LA  PALLICE 


o 


FMANeE 


BORDEAUX 


T- 


SPAIN 


X 


^^.-/ 


PORTS  AND  BASES  CHIEFLY  USED  BY  THE  AMERICAN  ARMY 


equally  as  grave  as  that  of  the  Picardy  offensive 
in  March.  Again  every  available  man  was 
placed  at  Marshal  Foch's  disposal,  and  the  3d 
Division,  which  had  just  conae  from  its  prelim- 
inary training  in  the  trenches,  was  hurried  to  the 
Marne.  Its  motorized  machine-gun  battalion  pre- 
ceded the  other  units  and  successfully  held  the 
bridgehead  at  the  Marne,  opposite  Chateau- 
Thierry.  The  2d  Division,  in  reserve  near 
Montdidier,  was  sent  by  motor  trucks  and  other 
available  transport  to  check  the  progress  of  the 
enemy  toward  Paris.  The  division  attacked  and 
retook  the  town  and  railroad  station  at  Boure- 
sches  and  sturdily  held  its  ground  against  the 
enemy's  best  guard  divisions.  In  the  battle  of 
Belleau  Wood,  which  followed,  our  men  proved 
their  superiority  and  gained  a  strong  tactical 
position,  with  far  greater  loss  to  the  enemy  than 
to  ourselves.  On  July  1,  before  the  Second  was 
relieved,  it  captured  the  village  of  Vaux  with 
most   splendid    precision. 

Meanwhile  our  2d  Corps,  under  Major-General 
George  W.  Read,  had  been  organized  for  the 
command  of  our  divisions  with  the  British,  which 
were  held  back  in  training  areas  or  assigned  to 
second-line  defenses.  Five  of  the  ten  divisions 
were  withdrawn  from  the  British  area  in  June, 
three  to  relieve  divisions  in  Lorraine  and  in  the 
Vosges  and  two  to  the  Paris  area  to  join,  the 
group  of  American  divisions  which  stood  between 
the  city  and  any  further  advance  of  the  enemy 
in  that  direction. 

American  Divisions  in  the  Fighting 

The  great  June-July  troop  movement  from  the 
States  was  well  under  way,  and,   although  these 


troops  were  to  be  given  some  pre- 
liminary training  before  being  put 
into  action,  their  very  presence  war- 
ranted the  use  of  all  the  older  di- 
visions in  the  confidence  that  we  did 
not  lack  reserves.  Elements  of  the 
42d  Division  were  in  the  line  east  of 
Rheims  against  the  German  offensive 
of  July  15,  and  held  their  ground  un- 
flinchingly. On  the  right  flank  of  this 
offensive  four  companies  of  the  28th 
Division  were  in  position  in  face  of 
the  advancing  waves  of  the  German 
infantry.  The  3d  Division  was  hold- 
ing the  bank  of  the  Marne  from  the 
bend  east  of  the  mouth  of  the  Sur- 
melin  to  the  west  of  Mezy,  opposite 
Chateau-Thierry,  where  a  large 
force  of  German  infantry  sought  to 
force  a  passage  under  support  of 
powerful  artillery  concentrations  and 
under  cover  of  smoke  screens.  A 
single  regiment  of  the  3d  wrote  one 
of  the  most  brilliant  pages  in  our 
military  annals  on  this  occasion.  It 
prevented  the  crossing  at  certain 
points  on  its  front  while,  on  either 
flank,  the  Germans,  who  had  gained 
a  footing,  pressed  forward.  Our 
men,  firing  in  three  directions,  met 
the  German  attacks  with  counter- 
attacks at  critical  points  and  suc- 
ceeded in  throwing  two  German 
divisions  into  complete  confusion, 
capturing   600   prisoners. 

The  great  force  of  the  German 
Chateau-Thierry  offensive  established  the  deep 
Marne  salient,  but  the  enemy  was  taking  chances, 
and  the  vulnerability  of  this  pocket  to  attack 
might  be  turned  to  his  disadvantage.  Seizing 
this  opportunity  to  support  my  conviction,  every 
division  with  any  sort  of  training  was  made  avail- 
able for  use  in  a  counteroffensive.  The  place  of 
honor  in  the  thrust  toward  Soissons  on  July  18  was 
given  to  our  1st  and  2d  Divisions  in  company  with 
chosen  French  divisions.  Without  the  usual  brief 
warning  of  a  preliminary  bombardment,  the  massed 
French  and  American  artillery,  firing  by  the 
map,  laid  down  its  rolling  barrage  at  dawn  while 
the  infantry  began  its  charge.  The  tactical 
handling  of  our  troops  under  these  trying  condi- 
tions was  excellent  throughout  the  action.  The 
enemy  brought  up  large  numbers  of  reserves  and 
made  a  stubborn  defense,  both  with  machine  guns 
and  artillery,  but  through  five  days'  fighting  the 
1st  Division  continued  to  advance  until  it  had 
gained  the  heights  above  Soissons  and  captured 
the  village  of  Berzy-le-Sec.  The  2d  Division 
took  Beau  Repaire  farm  and  Vierzy  in  a  very 
rapid  advance  and  reached  a  position  in  front 
of  Tigny  at  the  end  of  its  second  day.  These 
two  divisions  captured  7000  prisoners  and  over 
100  pieces  of  artillery. 

The  26th  Division,  which,  with  a  French  di- 
vision, was  under  command  of  our  1st  Corps, 
acted  as  a  pivot  of  the  movement  toward  Soissons. 
On  the  18th  it  took  the  village  of  Torcy  while 
the  3d  Division  was  crossing  the  Marne  in  pur- 
suit of  the  retiring  enemy.  The  26th  attacked 
again  on  the  21st,  and  the  enemy  withdrew  past 
the  Chateau-Thierry-Soissons  road.  The  3d  Di- 
vision,  continuing   its   progress,   took   the    heights 


GENERAL    PERSHING'S    STORY 


61 


of  Mont  St.  Pere  and  the  vil- 
lages of  Charteves  and  Jaul- 
gonne  in  the  face  of  both 
machine   gun   and   artillery  fire. 

On  the  24th,  after  the  Ger- 
mans had  fallen  back  from 
Trugny  and  Epieds,  our  42d  Di- 
vision, which  had  been  brought 
over  from  the  Champagne,  re- 
lieved the  Twenty-sixth,  and 
fighting  its  way  through  the 
Foret  de  Fere,  overwhelmed  the 
nest  of  machine  guns  in  its 
path.  By  the  27th  it  had  reached 
the  Ourcq,  whence  the  3d  and 
4th  Divisions  were  already  ad- 
vancing, while  the  French  di- 
visions with  which  we  were 
cooperating  were  moving  for- 
ward   at   other    points. 

The  3d  Division  had  made  its 
advance    into    Roncheres    Wood 
on   the   29th   and   was    relieved 
for    rest    by    a    brigade    of    the 
Thirty-second.      The    Forty-sec- 
ond   and    Thirty-second    under- 
took the  task  of  conquering  the 
heights     beyond      Cierges,     the 
Forty-second    capturing    Sergy    and    the    Thirty- 
second    capturing    Hill    230,    both    American    di- 
visions joining  in  the  pursuit  of  the  enemy  to  the 
Vesle,    and    thus    the    operation    of    reducing    the 
salient  was   finished.     Meanwhile   the    Forty-sec- 
ond was  relieved  by  the  Fourth  at  Chery-Char- 
treuve,    and    the    Thirty-second    by    the    Twenty- 
eighth,  while  the  77th  Division  took  up  a  position 
on  the  Vesle.     The  operations  of  these  divisions 
on  the  Vesle  were  under  the  3d  Corps,  Maj.-Gen. 
Robert   L.   BuUard   commanding. 

Battle  of  St.  Mihiel 

With  the  reduction  of  the  Marne  salient,  we 
could  look  forward  to  the  concentration  of  our 
divisions  in  our  own  zone.  In  view  of  the  forth- 
coming operation  against  the  St.  Mihiel  salient, 
which  had  long  been  planned  as  our  first  offens- 
ive action  on  a  large  scale,  the  First  Army  was 
organized  on  August  10  under  my  personal  com- 
mand. While  American  units  had  held  different 
divisional  and  corps  sectors  along  the  western 
front,  there  had  not  been  up  to  this  time,  for 
obvious  reasons,  a  distinct  American  sector;  but, 
in  view  of  the  important  parts  the  American 
forces  were  now  to  play,  it  was  necessary  to 
take  over  a  permanent  portion  of  the  line.  Ac- 
cordingly, on  August  30,  the  line  beginning  at 
Port  sur  Seille,  east  of  the  Moselle  and  extend- 
ing to  the  west  through  St.  Mihiel,  thence  north 
to  a  point  opposite  Verdun,  was  placed  under 
my  command.  The  American  sector  was  after- 
ward extended  across  the  Meuse  to  the  western 
edge  of  the  Argonne  Forest,  and  included  the  2d 
Colonial  French,  which  held  the  point  of  the 
salient,  and  the  17th  French  Corps,  which  occu- 
pied  the   heights   above   Verdun. 

The  preparation  for  a  complicated  operation 
against  the  formidable  defenses  in  front  of  us 
included  the  assembling  of  divisions  and  of  corps 
and  army  artillery,  transport,  aircraft,  tanks, 
ambulances,  the  location  of  hospitals,  and  the 
molding  together  of  all  of  the  elements  of  a 
great  modern  army  with  its  own  railroads,  sup- 


MARSHAL  FOCH  WITH  GENERAL  PERSHING 

plied  directly  by  our  own  Service  of  Supply. 
The  concentration  for  this  operation,  which  was 
to  be  a  surprise,  involved  the  movement,  mostly 
at  night,  of  approximately  600,000  troops,  and 
required  for  its  success  the  most  careful  atten- 
tion to  every  detail. 

The  French  were  generous  in  giving  us  assist- 
ance ia  corps  and  army  artillery,  with  its  per- 
sonnel, and  we  were  confident  from  the  start  of 
our  superiority  over  the  enemy  in  guns  of  all 
calibers.  Our  heavy  guns  were  able  to  reach 
Metz  and  to  interfere  seriously  with  German 
rail  movements.  The  French  Independent  Air 
Force  was  placed  under  my  command  which,  to- 
gether with  the  British  bombing  squadrons  and 
our  air  forces,  gave  us  the  largest  assembly  of 
aviation  that  had  ever  been  engaged  in  one  oper- 
ation on  the  Western  front. 

From  Les  Eparges  around  the  nose  of  the 
salient  at  St.  Mihiel  to  the  Moselle  River  the 
line  was  roughly  forty  miles  long  and  situated  on 
commanding  ground  greatly  strengthened  by  arti- 
ficial defenses.  Our  1st  Corps  (82d,  90th,  5th 
and  2d  Divisions),  under  command  of  Major- 
Gen.  Hunter  Liggett,  restrung  its  right  on  Pont-a- 
Mousson,  with  its  left  joining  our  3d  Corps  (the 
89th,  42d  and  1st  Divisions),  under  Major-Gen. 
Joseph  T.  Dickman,  in  line  to  Xivray,  were  to 
swing  toward  Vigneulles  on  the  pivot  of  the 
Moselle  River  for  the  initial  assault.  From 
Xivray  to  Mouilly  the  2d  Colonial  French  Corps 
was  in  line  in  the  center,  and  our  5th  Corps, 
under  command  of  Major-Gen.  George  H.  Cam- 
eron, with  our  26th  Division  and  a  French  division 
at  the  western  base  of  the  salient,  were  to  attack 
three  different  hills — Les  Eparges,  Combres  and 
Amaramthe.  Our  1st  Corps  had  in  reserve  the 
78th  Division,  our  4th  Corps  the  3d  Division,  and 
our  First  Army  the  35th  and  91st  Divisions,  with 
the  80th  and  33d  available.  It  should  be  under- 
stood that  our  corps  organizations  are  very 
elastic,  and  that  we  have  at  no  time  had  perma- 
nent assignments  of  divisions  to  corps. 

After    four    hours'    artillery    preparation,    the 


62 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


seven  American  divisions  in  the  front  line  ad- 
vanced at  5  A.  M.  on  September  12,  assisted  by  a 
limited  number  of  tanks  manned  partly  by  Amer- 
icans and  partly  by  French.  These  divisions, 
accompanied  by  groups  of  wire  cutters  and  others 
armed  with  bangalore  torpedoes,  went  through 
the  successive  bands  of  barbed  wire  that  pro- 
tected the  enemy's  front  line  and  support  trenches, 
in  irresistible  waves  on  schedule  time,  breaking 
down  all  defense  of  an  enemy  demoralized  by 
the  great  volume  of  our  artillery  fire  and  our 
sudden   approach  out  of  the   fog. 

Our  1st  Corps  advanced  to  Thiaucourt,  while 
our  4th  Corps  curved  back  to  the  southwest 
through  Nonsard.  The  2d  Colonial  French 
Corps  made  the  slight  advance  required  of  it 
on  very  difficult  ground,  and  the  5th  Corps  took 
its  three  ridges  and  repulsed  a  counterattack.  A 
rapid  march  brought  reserve  regiments  of  a  di- 
vision of  the  5th  Corps  into  Vigneulles  in  the 
early  morning,  where  it  linked  up  with  patrols 
of  our  4th  Corps,  closing  the  salient  and  forming 
a  new  line  west  of  Thiaucourt  to  Vigneulles  and 
beyond  Fresnes-en-Woevre.  At  the  cost  of  only 
7000  casualties,  mostly  light,  we  had  taken  16,000 
prisoners  and  443  guns,  a  great  quantity  of  mate- 
rial, released  the  inhabitants  of  many  villages 
from  enemy  domination,  and  established  our 
lines  in  a  position  to  threaten  Metz.  This  sig- 
nal success  of  the  American  First  Army  in  its 
first  offensive  was  of  prime  importance.  The 
Allies  found  they  had  a  formidable  army  to 
aid  them,  and  the  enemy  learned  finally  that  he 
had  one  to  reckon  with. 

Meuse-Argonne   Offensive,   First  Phase 

On  the  day  after  we  had  taken  the  St.  Mihiel 
salient,  much  of  our  corps  and  army  artillery 
which  had  operated  at  St.  Mihiel,  and  our  di- 
visions in  reserve  at  other  points,  were  already 
on  the  move  toward  the  area  back  of  the  line 
between  the  Meuse  River  and  the  western  edge 
of  the  forest  of  Argonne.  Wi-th  the  exception  of 
St.  Mihiel,  the  old  German  front  line  from 
Switzerland  to  the  east  of  Rheims  was  still  in- 
tact. In  the  general  attack  all  along  the  line, 
the  operatiton  assigned  the  American  Army  as 
the  hinge  of  this  allied  offensive  was  directed 
toward  the  important  railroad  communications  of 
the  German  armies  through  Mezieres  and  Sedan. 
The  enemy  must  hold  fast  to  this  part  of  hjs 
lines  or  the  withdrawal  of  his  forces  with  four 
years'  accumulation  of  plants  and  material  would 
be  dangerously   imperiled. 

The  German  Army  had  as  yet  shown  no  de- 
moralization, and,  while  the  mass  of  its  troops 
had  suffered  in  morale,  its  first-class  divisions, 
and  notably  its  machine-gun  defense,  were  ex- 
hibiting remarkable  tactical  efficiency  as  well  as 
courage.  The  German  General  Staff  was  fully 
aware  of  the  consequences  of  a  success  on  the 
Meuse-Argonne  line.  Certain  that  he  would  do 
everything  in  his  power  to  oppose  us,  the  action 
was  planned  with  as  much  secrecy  as  possible 
and  was  undertaken  with  the  determination  to 
use  all  our  divisions  in  forcing  decision.  We  ex- 
pected to  draw  the  best  German  divisions  to  our 
front  and  to  consume  them  while  the  enemy  was 
held  under  grave  apprehension  lest  our  attack 
should  break  his  line,  which  it  was  our  firm  pur- 
pose to  do. 


Our  right  flank  was  protected  by  the  Meuse, 
while  our  left  embraced  the  Argonne  Forest, 
whose  ravines,  hills,  and  elaborate  defense, 
screened  by  dense  thickets,  had  been  generally 
considered  impregnable.  Our  order  of  battle 
from  right  to  left  was  the  3d  Corps  from  the 
Meuse  to  Malancourt,  with  the  33d,  80th  and 
4th  Divisions  in  line,  and  the  3d  Division  as  corps 
reserve;  the  5th  Corps  from  Malancourt  to  Vau- 
quois,  with  79th,  87th  and  91st  Divisions  in  line, 
and  the  32d  in  corps  reserve,  and  the  1st  Corps, 
from  Vauquois  to  Vienne  le  Chateau,  with  35th, 
28th  and  77th  Divisions  in  line,  and  the  92d 
in  corps  reserve.  The  army  reserve  consisted  of 
the  1st,  29th  and  82d  Divisions. 

On  the  night  of  September  25  our  troops  quiet- 
ly took  the  place  of  the  French  who  thinly  held 
the  line  in  this  sector,  which  had  long  been  in- 
active. In  the  attack  which  began  on  the  26th 
we  drove  through  the  barbed  wire  entanglements 
and  the  sea  of  shell  craters  across  No  Man's 
Land,  mastering  all  the  first-line  defenses.  Con- 
tinuing on  the  27th  and  28th,  against  machine 
guns  and  artillery  of  an  increasing  number  of 
enemy  reserve  divisions,  we  penetrated  to  a  depth 
of  from  three  to  seven  miles  and  took  the  village 
of  Montfaucon  and  its  commanding  hill  and 
Exermont,  Gercourt,  Cuisy,  Septsarges,  Malan- 
court, Ivoiry,  Epinonville,  Charpentry,  Very  and 
other  villages.  East  of  the  Meuse  one  of  our 
divisions,  which  was  with  the  2d  Colonial  French 
Corps,  captured  M'archeville  and  Rieville,  giving 
further  protection  to  the  flank  of  our  main  body. 
We  had  taken  10,000  prisoners,  we  had  gained 
our  point  of  forcing  the  battle  into  the  open,  and 
were  prepared  for  the  enemy's  reaction,  which 
was  bound  to  come,  as  he  had  good  roads  and 
ample  railroad  facilities  for  bringing  up  his  ar- 
tillery and  reserves. 

In  the  chill  rain  of  dark  nights  our  engineer* 
had  to  build  new  roads  across  spongy  shell-torn 
areas,  repair  broken  roads  beyond  No  Man's 
Land,  and  build  bridges.  Our  gunners,  with  no 
thought  of  sleep,  put  their  shoulders  to  wheels 
and  drag-ropes  to  bring  their  guns  through  the 
mire  in  support  of  the  infantry,  now  under  the 
increasing  fire  of  the  enemy's  artillery.  Our  at- 
tack had  taken  the  enemy  by  surprise,  but,  quickly 
recovering  himself,  he  began  to  fire  counter- 
attacks in  strong  force,  supported  by  heayy  bom- 
bardments, with  large  quantities  of  gas.  From 
September  28  until  October  4  we  maintained  the 
offensive  against  patches  of  woods  defended  by 
snipers  and  continuous  lines  of  machine  guns, 
and  pushed  forward  our  guns  and  transport, 
seizing  strategical  points  in  preparation  for  fur- 
ther attacks. 

Other  Units  With  Allies 

Other  divisions  attached  to  the  allied  armies 
we're  doing  their  part.  It  was  the  fortune  of  our 
2d  Corps,  composed  of  the  27th  and  30th  Divi- 
sions, which  had  remained  with  the  British,  to 
have  a  place  of  honor  in  cooperation  with  the 
Australian  Corps  on  September  29  and  October 
1  in  the  assault  on  the  Hindenburg  Line  where 
the  St.  Quentin  Canal  passes  through  a  tunnel 
under  a  ridge.  The  30th  Division  speedily  broke 
through  the  main  line  of  defense  for  all  its  ob- 
jectives, while  the  27th  pushed  on  impetuously 
through  the  main  line  until  some  of  its  elements 


GENERAL   PERSHING'S   STORY 


63 


reached  Gouy.  In  the  midst  of  the  maze  of 
trenches  and  shell  craters  and  under  crossfire 
from  machine  guns  the  other  elements  fought 
desperately  against  odds.  In  this  and  in  later 
actions,  from  October  6  to  October  19,  our  2d 
Corps  captured  over  6000  prisoners  and  advanced 
over  thirteen  miles.  The  spirit  and  aggressive- 
ness of  these  divisions  have  been  highly  praised 
by  the  British  Army  commander  under  whom 
they  served. 

On  October  2-9  our  2d  and  36th  Divisions 
were  sent  to  assist  the  French  in  an  important 
attack  against  the  old  German  positions  before 
Rheims.  The  2d  conquered  the  complicated  de- 
fense works  on  their  front  against  a  persistent 
defense  worthy  of  the  grimmest  period  of  trench 
warfare  and  attacked  the  strongly  held  wooded 
hill  of  Blanc  Mont,  which  they  captured  in  a 
second  assault,  sweeping  over  it  with  consum- 
mate dash  and  skill.  This  division  then  re- 
pulsed strong  counterattacks  before  the  village 
and  cemetery  of  Ste.  Etienne  and  took  the  town, 
forcing  the  Germans  to  fall  back  from  before 
Rheims  and  yield  positions  they  had  held  since 
September,  1914.  On  October  9  the  36th  Division 
relieved  the  2d,  and  in  its  first  experience  under 
fire  withstood  very  severe  artillery  bombard- 
ment and  rapidly  took  up  the  pursuit  of  the 
enemy,   now   retiring  behind   the   Aisne. 

Meuse-Argonne  Offensive,  Second  Phase 

The  allied  progress  elsewhere  cheered  the  ef- 
forts of  our  men  in  this  crucial  contest,  as  the 
German  command  threw  in  more  and  more  first- 
class  troops  to  stop  our  advance.  We  made 
steady  headway  in  the  almost  impenetrable  and 
strongly  held  Argonne  Forest,  for,  despite  this  re- 
inforcement, it  was  our  army  that  was  doing  the 
driving.  Our  aircraft  was  increasing  in  skill  and 
numbers  and  forcing  the  issue,  and  our  infantry 
and  artillery  were  improving  rapidly  with  each 
new  experience.  The  replacements  fresh  from 
home  v^ere  put  into  exhausted  divisions  with  little 
time  for  training,  but  they  had  the  advantage  of 
serving  beside  men  who  knew  their  business  and 
who  had  almost  become  veterans  overnight.  The 
enemy  had  taken  every  advantage  of  the  terrain, 
which  especially  favored  the  defense  by  a  prodi- 
gal use  of  machine  guns  manned  by  highly  trained 
veterans  and  by  using  his  artillery  at  short 
ranges.  In  the  face  of  such  strong  frontal  posi- 
tions we  should  have  been  unable  to  accomplish 
any  progress  according  to  previously  accepted 
standards,  but  I  had  every  confidence  in  our 
aggressive  tactics  and  the  courage  of  our  troops. 

On  October  4  the  attack  was  renewed  all  along 
our  front.  The  3d  Corps,  tilting  to  the  left,  fol- 
lowed the  Brieulles-Cunel  Road;  our  5th  Corps 
took  Gesnes,  while  the  1st  Corps  advanced  for 
over  two  miles  along  the  irregular  valley  of  the 
Aire  River  and  in  the  wooded  hills  of  the  Ar- 
gonne that  bordered  the  river,  used  by  the  enemy 
with  all  his  art  and  weapons  of  defense.  This 
sort  of  fighting  continued  against  an  enemy  striv- 
ing to  hold  every  foot  of  ground  and  whose  very 
strong  counterattacks  challenged  us  at  every  point. 
On  the  7th  the  1st  Corps  captured  Chatel-Chenery 
and  continued  along  the  river  to  Cornay.  On 
the  east  of  Meuse  sector  one  of  the  two  divisions, 
cooperating  with  the  French,  captured  Consen- 
voye  and  the  Haumont  Woods.     On  the  9th  the 


Committee  on  Public  Information 


GENERAL    PERSHING    DECORATING    A     SOLDIER    WITH 
THE  D.   S.   C.  FOR  BRAVERY  AT  CHATEAU-THIERRY 

5th  Corps,  in  its  progress  up  the  Aire,  took 
Fleville,  and  the  3d  Corps,  which  had  continuous 
fighting  against  oddsi,  was  working  its  way 
through  Briueulles  and  Cunel.  On  the  10th  we 
had  cleared  the  Argonne  Forest  of  the  enemy. 

It  was  now  necessary  to  constitute  a  second 
army,  and  on  October  9  the  immediate  command 
of  the  First  Army  was  turned  over  to  Lieut.-Gen. 
Hunter  Liggett.  The  command  of  the  Second 
Army,  whose  divisions  occupied  a  sector  in  the 
Woevre,  was  given  to  Lieut.-Gen.  Robert  L. 
Bullard,  who  had  been  commander  of  the  1st 
Division  and  then  of  the  3d  Corps.  Major-Gen. 
Dickman  was  transferred  to  the  command  of  the 
1st  Corps,  while  the  5th  Corps  was  placed  under 
Major-Gen.  Charles  P.  Summerall,  who  had  re- 
cently commanded  the  1st  Division.  Major-Gen. 
John  L.  Hines,  who  had  gone  rapidly  up  from 
regimental  to  division  commander,  was  assigned 
to  the  3d  Corps.  These  four  officers  had  been  in 
France  from  the  early  days  of  the  expedition  and 
had  learned  their  lessons  in  the  school  of  practi- 
cal warfare. 

Our  constant  pressure  against  the  enemy 
brought  day  by  day  more  prisoners,  mostly  sur- 
vivors from  machine-gun  nests  captured  in  fight- 
ing at  close  quarters.  On  October  18  there  was 
very  fierce  fighting  in  the  Caures  Woods  east 
of  the  Meuse  and  in  the  Ormont  Woods.  On 
the  14th  the  1st  Corps  took  St.  Juvin,  and  the 
5th  Corps,  in  hand-to-hand  encounters,  entered  the 
formidable  Kriemhilde  line,  where  the  enemy  had 
hoped  to  check  us  indefinitely.  Later  the  5th 
Corps  penetrated  further  the  Kriemhilde  line,  and 
the  1st  Corps  took  Champigneulles  and  the  im- 
portant town  of  Grandpre.  Our  dogged  offensive 
was  wearing  down  the  enemy,  who  continued 
desperately  to  throw  his  best  troops  against  us, 
thus  weakening  his  line  in  front  of  our  Allies 
and  making  their  advance  less  dithcult. 


64 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


Divisions  in   Belgium 

Meanwhile  we  were  not  only  able  to  continue 
the  battle,  but  our  37th  and  91st  Divisions  were 
hastily  withdrawn  from  our  front  and  dispatched 
to  help  the  French  Army  in  Belgium.  Detraining 
in  the  neighborhood  of  Ypres,  these  divisions  ad- 
vanced by  rapid  stages  -to  the  fighting  line  and 
were  assigned  to  adjacent  French  corps.  On  Oc- 
tober 31,  in  continuation  of  the  Flanders  offensive, 
they  attacked  and  methodically  broke  down  all 
enemy  resistance.  On  Nov.  3  the  37th  had  com- 
pleted its  mission  in  dividing  the  enemy  across 
the  Escaut  River  and  firmly  established  itself 
along  the  east  bank  included  in  the  division  zone 
of  action.  By  a  clever  flanking  movement  troops 
of  the  91st  Division  captured  Spitaals  Bosschen, 
a  difficult  wood  extending  across  the  central  part 
of  the  division  sector,  reached  the  Escaut,  and 
penetrated  into  the  town  of  Audenarde.  The?e 
divisions  received  high  commendation  from  their 
corps  commanders  for  their  dash  and  energy. 

Meuse-Argonne — Last   Phase 

On  the  23d  the  3d  and  5th  Corps  pushed  north- 
ward to  the  level  of  Bantheville.  While  we 
continued  to  press  forward  and  throw  back  the 
enemy's  violent  counterattacks  with  great  loss  to 
him,  a  regrouping  of  our  forces  was  under  way 
for  the  final  assault.  Evidences  of  loss  of  morale 
by  the  enemy  gave  our  men  more  confidence  in 
attack  and  more  fortitude  in  enduring  the  fatigue 
of  incessant  eff^ort  and  the  hardships  of  very  in- 
clement weather. 

With  comparatively  well-rested  divisions,  the 
final  advance  in  the  Meuse-Argonne  front  was 
begun  on  November  1.  Our  increased  artillery 
force  acquitted  itself  magnificently  in  support 
of  the  advance,  and  the  enemy  broke  before  the 
determined  infantry,  which,  by  its  persistent  fight- 
ing of  the  past  weeks  and  the  dash  of  this  at- 
tack, had  overcome  his  will  to  resist.  The  3d 
Corps  took  Ancreville,  Doulcon  and  Andevanne, 
and  the  5th  Corps  took  Landres  et  St.  Georges  and 
pressed  through  successive  lines  of  resistance  to 
Bayonville  and  Chennery.  On  the  2d  the  1st 
Corps  joined  in  the  movement,  which  now  became 
an  impetuous  onslaught  that  could  not  be  stayed. 

On  the  3d  advance  troops  surged  forward  in 
pursuit,  some  by  motor  trucks,  while  the  artillery 
pressed  along  the  country  roads  close  behind. 
The  1st  Corps  reached  Authe  and  Chatillon-Sur- 
Bar,  the  5th  Corps,  Fosse  and  Nouart,  and  the  3d 
Corps,  Halles,  penetrating  the  enemy's  line  to  a 
depth  of  twelve  miles.  Our  large-caliber  guns 
had  advanced  and  were  skilfully  brought  into 
position  to  fire  upon  the  important  lines  at  Mont- 
medy,  Longuyon  and  Conflans.  Our  3d  Corps 
crossed  the  Meuse  on  the  5th  and  the  other  corps, 
in  the  full  confidence  that  the  day  was  theirs, 
eagerly  cleared  the  way  of  machine  guns  as  they 
swept  northward,  maintaining  complete  coordina- 
tion throughout.  On  the  6th,  a  division  of  the 
1st  Corps  reached  a  point  on  the  Meuse  opposite 
Sedan,  twenty-five  miles  from  our  line  of  de- 
parture. The  strategical  goal  which  was  our 
highest  hope  was  gained.  We  had  cut  the 
enemy's  main  line  of  communications,  and  nothing 
but  surrender  or  an  armistice  could  save  his 
army  from  complete  disaster. 

In  all  forty  enemy  divisions  had  been  used 
against  us  in  the  Meuse-Argonne  battle.     Between 


September  26  and  November  6  we  took  26,059 
prisoners  and  468  guns  on  this  front.  Our  di- 
visions engaged  were  the  1st,  2d,  3d,  4th,  5th, 
26th,  28,  29th,  32d,  33d,  35th,  37th,  42d,  77th,  78th, 
79th,  80th,  82d,  89th,  90th  and  91st.  Many  of  our 
divisions  remained  in  line  for  a  length  6f  time 
that  required  nerves  of  steel,  while  others  were 
sent  in  again  after  only  a  few  days  of  rest.  The 
1st,  5th,  26th,  77th,  80th,  89th,  and  90th  were  in 
the  line  twice.  Although  some  of  the  divisions 
were  fighting  their  first  battle,  they  soon  became 
equal   to  the  best. 

Operations  East  of  the   Meuse 

On  the  three  days  preceding  November  10, 
the  3d,  the  2d  Colonial  and  the  ,17th  French  Corps 
fought  a  difficult  struggle  through  the  Meuse 
Hills  south  of  Stenay  and  forced  the  enemy  into 
the  plain.  Meanwhile  my  plans  for  further  use 
of  the  American  forces  contemplated  an  advance 
between  the  Meuse  and  the  Moselle  in  the  direc- 
tion of  Longwy  by  the  First  Army,  while,  at  the 
same  time,  the  Second  Army  should  assure  the 
offensive  toward  the  rich  coal  fields  of  Briey. 
These  operations  were  to  be  followed  by  an  of- 
fensive toward  Chateau-Salins  east  of  the  Moselle, 
thus  isolating  Metz.  Accordingly,  attacks  on  the 
American  front  had  been  ordered,  and  that  of 
the  Second  Army  was  in  progress  on  the  morning 
of  November  11,  when  instructions  were  received 
that  hostilities  should  cease  at  11  o'clock  A.  m. 

At  this  moment  the  line  of  the  American  sec- 
tor, from  right  to  left,  began  at  Port-sur-Seille, 
thence  across  the  Mioselle  to  Vandieres  and 
through  the  Woevre  to  Bezonvaux,  in  the  foot- 
hills of  the  Meuse,  thence  along  to  the  foothills 
and  through  the  northern  edge  of  the  Woevre 
forests  to  the  Meuse  at  Mouzay,  thence  along  the 
Meuse  connecting  with  the  French  under  Sedan. 

Relations  with  the  Allies 

Cooperation  among  the  Allies  has  at  all  times 
been  most  cordial.  A  far  greater  effort  has 
been  put  forth  by  the  allied  armies  and  staffs  to 
assist  us  than  could  have  been  expected.  The 
French  Government  and  Army  have  always  stood 
ready  to  furnish  us  with  supplies,  equipment  and 
transportation  and  to  aid  us  in  every  way.  In 
the  towns  and  hamlets  wherever  our  troops  have 
been  stationed  or  billeted  the  French  people  have 
everywhere  received  them  more  as  relatives  and 
intimate  friends  than  as  soldiers  of  a  foreign 
army.  For  these  things  words  are  quite  inade- 
quate to  express  our  gratitude.  There  can  be  no 
doubt  that  the  relations  growing  out  of  our  asso- 
ciations here  assure  a  permanent  friendship  be- 
tween the  two  peoples.  Although  we  have  not 
been  so  intimately  associated  with  the  people  of 
Great  Britain,  yet  their  troops  and  ours  when 
thrown  together  have  always  warmly  fraternized. 
The  reception  of  those  of  our  forces  who  have 
passed  through  England  and  of  those  who  have 
been  stationed  there  has  always  been  enthusiastic. 
Altogether  it  has  been  deeply  impressed  upon  us 
that  the  ties  of  language  and  blood  bring  the 
British  and  ourselves  together  completely  and 
inseparably. 

Strength 

There  are  in  Europe  altogether,  including  a 
regiment  and  some  sanitary  units  with  the  Ital- 


GENERAL   PERSHING'S   STORY 


65 


lan  Army  and  the  organizations  at  Murmansk, 
also  including  those  en  route  from  the  States, 
approximately  2,053,347  men,  less  our  losses.  Of 
this  total  there  are  in  France  1,338,169  combatant 
troops.  Fort}'^  divisions  have  arrived,  of  which 
the  infantry  personnel  of  ten  have  been  used  as 
replacements,  leaving  thirty  divisions  now  in 
France  organized  into  three  armies  of  three 
corps   each. 

The  losses  of  the  Americans  up  to  November 
18  are:  Killed  and  wounded  36,145;  died  of  dis- 
ease, 14,81,1;  deaths  unclassified,  2204;  wounded, 
179,625;  prisoners,  2163;  missing,  1160.  We  have 
captured  about  44,000  prisoners  and  1400  guns, 
howitzers  and  trench  mortars. 

Commendation 

TheMuties  of  the  General  Staff,  as  well  as  those 
of  the  army  and  corps  staffs,  have  been  very  ably 
performed.  Especially  is  this  true  when  we  con- 
sider the  new  and  difficult  problems  with  which 
they  have  been  confronted.  This  body  of  officers, 
both  as  individuals  and  as  an  organization,  have, 
I  believe,  no  superiors  in  professional  ability,  in 
efficiency,  or  in  loyalty. 

Nothing  that  we  have  in  France  better  reflects 
the  efficiency  and  devotion  to  duty  of  Americans 
in  general  than  the  Service  of  Supply,  whose 
personnel  is  thoroughly  imbued  with  a  patriotic 
desire  to  do  its  full  duty.  They  have  at  all 
times  fully  appreciated  their  responsibility  to  the 
rest  of  the  army,  and  the  results  produced  have 
been  m.ost  gratifying. 

Our  Medical  Corps  is  especially  entitled  to 
praise  for  the  general  effectiveness  of  its  work, 
both  in  hospital  and  at  the  front.  Embracing 
men  of  high  professional  attainments,  and  splen- 
did women  devoted  to  their  calling  and  untiring 
in  their  efforts,  this  department  has  made  a  new 
record  for  medical  and  sanitary  efficiency. 

The  Quartermaster  Department  has  had  diffi- 
cult and  various  tasks,  but  it  has  more  than  met 
all  demands  that  have  been  made  upon  it.  Its 
management  and  its  personnel  have  been  excep- 
tionally efficient,  and  deserve  every  possible  com- 
mendation. 

As  to  the  more  technical  services,  the  able  per- 
sonnel of  the  Ordnance  Department  in  France  has 
splendidly  fulfilled  its  functions,  both  in  procure- 
ment and  in  forwarding  the  immense  quantities 
of  ordnance  required.  The  officers  and  men  and 
the  young  women  of  the  Signal  Corps  have  per- 
formed their  duties  with  a  large  conception  of 
the   problem,   and   with   a  devoted   and   patriotic 


spirit  to  which  the  perfection  of  our  communica- 
tions daily  testifies.  While  the  Engineer  Corps 
has  been  referred  to  in  another  part  of  this  report, 
it  should  be  further  stated  that  the  work  has  re- 
quired large  vision  and  high  professional  skill, 
and  great  credit  is  due  their  personnel  for  the 
high  proficiency  that  they  have  constantly  main- 
tained. 

Our  aviators  have  no  equals  in  daring  or  in 
fighting  ability,  and  have  left  a  record  of  cour- 
ageous deeds  that  will  ever  remain  a  brilliant 
page  in  the  annals  of  our  army.  While  the  Tank 
Corps  has  had  limited  opportunities,  its  per- 
sonnel has  responded  gallantly  on  every  possible 
occasion,  and  has  shown  courage  of  the  highest 
order. 

The  Adjutant  General's  Department  has  been 
directed  with  a  systematic  thoroughness  and  ex- 
cellence that  surpassed  any  previous  work  of  its 
kind.  The  Inspector  General's  Department  has 
risen  to  the  highest  standards,  and  through- 
out has  ably  assisted  commanders  to  the  enforce- 
ment of  discipline.  The  able  personnel  of  the 
Judge  Advocate  General's  Department  has  solved 
with  judgment  and  wisdom  the  multitude  of  diffi- 
cult legal  problems,  many  of  them  involving  ques- 
tions  of   great  international   importance. 

It  would  be  impossible  in  this  brief  preliminary 
report  to  do  justice  to  the  personnel  of  all  the 
different  branches  of  this  organization,  which  I 
shall  cover  in  detail  in  a  later  report. 

The  navy  in  European  waters  has  at  all  times 
most  cordially  aided  the  army,  and  it  is  most 
gratifying  to  report  that  there  has  never  before 
been  such  perfect  cooperation  between  those  two 
branches  of  the  service. 

As  to  the  Americans  in  Europe  not  in  the  mili- 
tary service,  it  is  the  greatest  pleasure  to  say 
that,  both  in  official  and  in  private  life,  they  are 
intensely  patriotic  and  loyal,  and  have  been  in- 
variably sympathetic  and  helpful  to  the  army. 

Finally,  I  pay  supreme  tribute  to  our  offi- 
cers and  soldiers  of  the  line.  When  I  think  of 
their  heroism,  their  patience  under  hardships, 
their  unflinching  spirit  of  offensive  action,  I  am 
filled  with  emotion  which  I  am  unable  to  express. 
Their  deeds  are  immortal,  and  they  have  earned 
the  eternal  gratitude  of  our  country. 

I   am,   Mr.   Secretary,  very   respectfully, 
JOHN    J.    PERSHING, 
General,    Commander-in-Chief, 
American   Expeditionary   Forces. 

To  the  Secretary  of  War. 


Jan. — 5 


PRESIDENT  WILSON'S  SERVICE 

TO  THE  WORLD 

BY  A.  MAURICE  LOW 

[Mr.  Low,  who  contributes  the  following  interpretation  of  President  Wilson's  influence  and  place 
In  the  Great  War  and  its  results,  is  a  distinguished  English  publicist  who  has  done  much  to  make  the 
British  and  American  peoples  understand  each  other.  For  some  years  he  has  been  the  Washington  cor- 
respondent   of    a    leading    British    journal. — The  Editor.] 


PROVERBIALLY,  lookers-on  see  more 
of  the  game  than  the  players,  and  an 
Englishman  who  takes  a  very  real  interest  in 
American  politics,  but  has  not  the  least  in- 
terest in  American  political  parties,  may  be 
permitted  to  point  out  to  his  American 
friends  what  some  of  them,  their  vision  per- 
haps clouded  by  prejudice  or  partisan  con- 
sideration, may  as  yet  have  been  unable  to 
see. 

What  I  think  many  Americans  fail  to  see 
is  the  great,  the  almost  immeasurable  service 
President  Wilson  has  rendered  to  the  moral- 
ity of  the  world.  The  Allied  Nations,  Great 
Britain,  France,  Italy,  Belgium;  the  smaller 
states,  such  as  Serbia  and  Rumania ;  those 
Republics  of  South  America  who  joined  in 
this  great  war  for  freedom,  appreciate  the 
material  assistance  of  the  United  States.  We 
know  that  America  threw  in  her  force  at  a 
time  when  it  was  badly  needed ;  we  know 
what  Americans  have  done  on  land  and  sea. 
We  should  have  defeated  Germany  had 
America  continued  her  neutrality,  for  since 
the  signing  of  the  armistice  it  has  been  re- 
vealed that  British  sea  power  was  slowly 
strangling  Germany  to  death ;  that  Germany 
was  starving  as  the  Confederacy  starved  un- 
der the  resistless  pressure  of  the  Northern 
blockade ;  that  the  battle  of  Jutland,  pro- 
claimed to  the  German  people  as  a  great  Ger- 
man naval  victory,  was  the  death  blow  to 
German  hopes. 

These  things  we  know,  but  it  does  not 
lessen  our  gratitude.  Without  the  material 
assistance  of  America,  without  her  money 
and  her  abundant  resources,  without  her  in- 
ventive genius  and  ready  adaptability,  our 
task  would  have  been  much  harder.  With- 
out the  cooperation  of  the  American  army 
and  the  American  navy,  without  the  ships 
that  rose  like  magic  from  American  shipyards 
that  seemingly  were  created  by  some  invis- 
'ible   power,   so   quickly   were   barren   places 


transformed  into  great  workshops;  without 
the  food  that  America  denied  herself  so  that 
the  Allies  might  be  fed,  we  should  not  be 
celebrating  peace.     These  things  we  know. 

A  Lone  Instance  of  National  Altruism 

But  the  great  work  performed  by  Mr. 
Wilson  was  not  in  giving  the  strength  of  a 
powerful  country  to  a  common  cause,  but  in 
investing  the  war  with  a  moral  grandeur. 
The  verdict  of  history  will  be — in  the  cer- 
titude of  that  verdict  we  can  rest  secure — 
that  Germany  forced  the  war  upon  the  Allies, 
that  when  France  had  no  alternative  except 
to  fight,  and  England  must  fight  or  lie  under 
the  imputation  of  cowardice  and  mercenary 
desire;  England  and  France  (and  later 
Italy)  were  driven  to  war  in  self-defense; 
just  as  Belgium,  earlier  confronted  with  the 
choice  between  safety  purchased  at  the  price 
of  dishonorable  surrender  or  honor  bought 
at  the  price  of  blood,  counted  not  the  price 
of  blood  so  long  as  her  honor  was  untar- 
nished. The  Allies  were  truly  animated  by 
motives  of  morality,  and  they  were  resisting 
aggression  and  opposing  the  forces  of  civili- 
zation against  the  forces  of  barbarism.  But 
as  the  war  developed,  as  it  was  seen  that  it 
was  to  be  a  war  to  the  death,  the  prime 
motive  became  self-defense.  The  Allied 
nations  were  battling  for  their  very  exist- 
ence. If  defeated,  they  would  be  crushed, 
their  liberty  lost,  they  would  be  slaves  to 
the   German    taskmaster. 

Forced  into  the  war  by  Germany,  as  Eng- 
land, France  and  Italy  had  been,  the  United 
States  might  coin  victory  into  profit  by  terri- 
torial or  other  gains,  or  seek  its  profit  in 
altruism.  The  long  record  of  history  affords 
few  examples  of  a  nation  going  to  war, 
knowing  that  it  would  be  compelled  to  make 
great  sacrifices,  but  asking  no  reward  other 
than  the  privilege  of  disinterested  service. 
In   all   the  long  record  of  history  there  is 


PRESIDENT   WILSON'S   SERVICE    TO    THE    WORLD 


67 


nothing  quite  parallel  to  the  action  of  the 
United  States  when,  on  April  6,  1917,  it 
took  up  the  challenge  that  Germany  had  so 
insolently  flung  down.  There  is,  I  think,  no 
similar  case  of  a  nation  asking  for  nothing 
and  declaring  it  would  accept  nothing. 
Never  before,  I  believe,  has  a  nation  joined 
an  alliance  without  treaty  or  engagement. 
The  United  States  pledged  its  word,  and 
that  was  sufficient. 

In  asking  Congress  to  declare  war  against 
Germany  Mr.  Wilson  said  on  that  memor- 
able night  of  April  2,  1917:  ''Our  object 
is  to  vindicate  the  principles  of  peace  and 
justice  in  the  life  of  the  world  as  against 
selfish  and  autocratic  power,  and  to  set  up 
amongst  the  really  free  and  self-governed 
peoples  of  the  world  such  a  concert  of  pur- 
pose and  of  action  as  will  henceforth  ensure 
the  observance  of  those  principles.  . 
The  world  must  be  made  safe  for  democ- 
racy. Its  peace  must  be  planted  upon  the 
tested  foundations  of  political  liberty.  We 
have  no  selfish  ends  to  serve.  We  desire 
no  conquest,  no  dominion.  We  seek  no  in- 
demnities for  ourselves,  no  material  compen- 
sation for  the  sacrifices  we  shall  freely  make. 
We  are  but  one  of  the  champions  of  the  rights 
of  mankind.  We  shall  be  satisfied  when 
those  rights  have  been  made  as  secure  as  the 
faith  and  freedom  of  nations  can  make  them." 

In  that  spirit  America  went  to  war,  large- 
ly, I  think,  because  of  the  influence  Mr.  Wil- 
son exercised.  From  the  first  day  of  the 
war,  almost,  he  had  preached  from  this  text 
of  unselfishness,  this  desire  to  serve,  the  high 
privilege  to  champion  the  rights  of  mankind. 
When  war  broke  out  he  had  tried  to  play  the 
part  of  mediator,  and  his  ofifer  was  declined. 
When  he  issued  his  appeal  to  his  fellow- 
citizens  exhorting  them  to  observe  neutrality, 
to  be  neutral  in  thought  as  w^ell  as  in  action, 
it  was  because  he  hoped  that  by  remaining 
neutral  they  might  be  ready  "to  play  a  part 
of  impartial  mediation  and  speak  the  coun- 
sels of  peace  and  accommodation,  not  as  a 
partisan,  but  as  a  friend."  Many  Americans 
condemned  Mr.  Wilson  for  counseling  neu- 
trality. .  They  were  not  neutral  even  in 
August,  1914,  they  were  even  then  either 
pro-Ally  or  pro-German ;  and  it  seemed  the 
policy  of  caution  akin  to  cowardice  for  Amer- 
ica to  remain  neutral  instead  of  having  the 
courage  to  stand  with  one  side  or  the  other. 
Yet  to  Mr.  Wilson  it  was  clear  that  the 
world  could  be  better  served  by  a  friend 
than  a  partisan.  That  the  United  States 
was  not  able  to  play  this  role  of  friend,  that 


she  was  forced  to  become  a  partisan,   Ger- 
many is  alone  to  blame. 

Advantage    of   Delayed    Entrance    into    the 
War 

As  we  look  back  we  can  see  how  fortu- 
nate it  was  that  the  United  States  did  not 
take  up  arms  in  1914,  and  that  more  than 
two  years  and  a  half  were  to  elapse  before 
America  was  to  play  her  part  in  the  great 
cause.  Those  two  years  and  a  half  were  not 
wasted,  there  was  neither  material  nor  spirit- 
ual loss.  Had  the  United  States  declared 
war  in  1914  or  in  the  early  months  of  1915, 
when  the  great  and  very  costly  and  tragic 
experience  of  England  and  France  was  still 
to  be  learned,  America,  like  them,  would 
have  paid  tlie  price  of  her  ignorance.  Amer- 
ican armies,  insufficiently  trained;,  insuffi- 
ciently equipped,  knowing  little  or  nothing 
of  the  art  of  modern  warfare,  would  have 
been  thrown  into  that  furnace  of  death,  to  be 
slaughtered  as  the  British  and  French  w^ere, 
bravely  to  face  machine  guns,  but  their 
bravery  futile.  When  America  marched  her 
legions;  the  technical  superiority  of  Germany 
was  no  longer  to  be  feared.  The  advantage 
Germany  had  at  the  beginning,  because  she 
alone  of  all  nations  was  prepared,  had  passed. 

But  even  more  than  that  w^as  the  spiritual 
strength  gained  by  delay.  What  Mr.  Wilson 
said  in  his  appeal  for  neutrality  in  August, 
1914,  and  what  he  said  in  his  Address  to 
Congress  on  April  2,  1917,  he  had  said 
scores  of  times  in  the  intervening  months, 
and  he  was  to  say  again  and  again  between 
the  time  America  declared  war  and  Ger- 
many, broken  and  defeated,  was  forced  to 
sign  the  armistice.  He  preached  morality. 
There  was  no  selfish  purpose  that  could 
carry  the  United  States  into  war,  but  if  the 
United  States  was  compelled  to  go  to  war, 
then  it  must  be  a  war  for  the  sake  of  moral- 
ity. The  moral  duty  imposed  upon  the 
world,  upon  the  United  States  especially, 
was  to  uphold  democracy  against  autocracy; 
to  champion  small  and  weak  nations,  to  be 
the  means  whereby  justice  should   be   done. 

The    President's   Spiritual   Appeal 

The  great  purpose  Mr.  Wilson  had  in. 
view  was  not  understood,  nor  is  that  sur- 
prising. Men's  blood  boiled  when  they 
heard  of  the  crime  of  the  Lusitania.  and  in 
their  leaping  passion  they  were  ready  to 
fight  to  avenge  the  crinu".  It  \\as  to  them 
a  cause  that  was  holy ;  but  to  figlit  for  a 
thing  so   abstract   as   international   morality, 


68 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


to  be  the  champions  of  peoples  with  whom 
they  had  no  intimate  relations,  of  whose  ex- 
istence almost  they  were  unaware,  simply  to 
spread  the  gospel  of  altruism,  stirred  no 
great  emotion. 

Yet  Mr.  Wilson  stirred  emotion  as  no 
man  has  in  our  day,  as  few  men  have  in  the 
age-long  struggle  between  liberty  and  abso- 
lutism, which  is  the  road  civilization  has  trav- 
eled. Men  will  fight  with  the  gallantry  of 
their  blood  in  defense  of  country  or  to  avenge 
a  long  and  deep-seated  wrong ;  they  will 
fight  w^ith  the  cool  courage  of  grim  deter- 
mination when  urged  by  patriotism ;  but  they 
will  fight  more  desperately  and  die  more 
gladly  for  a  principle.  And  it  is  that  ex- 
traordinary trait  in  human  nature,  it  is,  per- 
haps, because  in  every  man  there  is  im- 
planted the  divine  spark,  it  is  because,  per- 
haps, in  every  man,  even  the  most  material, 
there  is  a  touch  of  the  mystic,  that  a  great 
spiritual  cause,  the  meaning  of  which  is  only 
dimly  revealed,  makes  its  most  powerful  ap- 
peal. Men  of  learning  and  illiterate,  men 
from  the  great  cities  and  little  rural  com- 
munities,/  were  thrilled  and  uplifted  at  the 
thought  they  were  to  carry  the  banner  of 
freedom  three  thousand  miles  across  the  seas. 

Across  those  three  thousand  miles  of  sea 
there  flowed  not  only  the  troops  that  were 
to  be  the  undoing  of  Germany,  but  the  in- 
visible ether  was  crowded  with  the  waves  of 
new  thoughts.  They  spread  and  spread  until 
they  engulfed  the  world.  In  places  and  lands 
where  Democracy  had  no  meaning  men  were 
asking  what  was  this  force  that  could  make 
a  great  nation  take  up  arms;  what  new  re- 
ligion it  was  that  could  inspire  men  to  sacri- 
fice and  devotion.  Democracy  might  not  re- 
form the  world,  but  it  could  be  the  means 
to  cure  many  of  its  ills.  The  example  was 
infectious.  A  great  spiritual  force  was  un- 
loosed. The  little  stone  in  the  sling  was  to 
bring  the  giant  low. 

This  war  has  ended  as  no  war  in  history 
has  been  brought  to  an  end.  After  every 
other  war  new  states  have  been  created,  for 
the  victors  have  sliced  up  the  territory  of 
the  vanquished  to  gratify  their  selfish  inter- 
ests or  to  take  from  the  weak  what  they  long 
coveted.  This  war  sees  new  states  created, 
brought  into  being  by  the  spirit  of  Democ- 
racy. It  is  wonderful  when  one  looks  at 
the  map  of  1914  and  compares  it  with  the 
new  map.  Republics  rising  on  the  thrones 
of  kings.  Races  long  oppressed,  in  whom 
the  aspiration  for  freedom  has  never  been 
crushed,    liberated    from    their    bonds,    and 


turning  not  to  kings  to  be  their  masters 
but  to  presidents  to  guide  them.  Mighty 
empires  that  have  been  created  by  fraud  and 
force  and  cunning,  that  have  lived  by  op- 
pression and  thrived  on  deceit,  that  have 
stood  the  storm  and  stress  of  centuries,  that 
have  met  craft  with  intrigue  and  chicanery 
with  duplicity,  have  crumbled.  Verily  the 
old  era  is  passing,  and  we  stand  at  the  dawn 
of  a  new  age  and  a  better  world. 

Mr.  Wilson  lit  a  flame  that  ran  around 
the  world.  America  has  been  the  promise 
of  hope  to  the  down-trodden  and  the  de- 
spairing. Mr.  Wilson's  idealism,  scoffed  at 
and  laughed  at  when  to  men  of  stunted 
vision  it  was  the  dream  of  a  visionary,  is 
now  recognized  as  the  words  of  the  prophet 
inspired. 

It  is  the  dreamers  weaving  their  dreams 
in  the  spiritual  exaltation  of  their  own  high 
ideals  who  have  brought  progress  to  the 
world.  It  is  the  dreamers,  the  poets,  the 
prophets,  the  statesmen  of  large  imagination, 
endowed  with  the  power  to  see  the  future, 
who  have  led  mankind  to  their  own  high 
plane.  It  is  the  visionary  who  makes  things 
real.  In  belligerent  as  well  as  Allied  and 
neutral  countries,  even  in  the  United  States 
itself,  in  those  places  and  among  those  peo- 
ples to  whom  Democracy  was  either  meaning- 
less or  a  word  of  little  meaning,  it  was  given 
a  meaning,  a  vital  force  and  substance,  which 
has  made  the  world  incomparably  richer.  It 
has  quickened  thought.  Even  while  men 
were  fighting — forced  against  their  will  to 
fight  because  they  were  helpless  in  the  grasp 
of  an  immoral  and  vicious  system — the  spirit- 
ual force  of  Democracy  was  sapping  their 
morale.  Men  were  reading  and  puzzled  and 
in  doubt.  They  were  trying  to  find  the 
truth.  They  were  like  little  children  in 
the  fear  of  darkness  groping  for  the  light. 
Autocracy  had  brought  its  own  condemna- 
tion. Might  not  Democracy  be  its  own  vin- 
dication ? 

The  world  is  ennobled  by  its  visions. 
Progress  is  measured  by  dreams  transformed 
into  actions.  The  dream  and  the  vision  are 
the  parents  of  thought.  At  every  supreme 
crisis,  when  the  structure  of  civilization 
which  men  with  bleeding  hands  have  so  pain- 
fully erected  is  in  danger  of  destruction, 
there  comes  forward  a  man  who  gives  a 
fresh  impetus  to  thought  and  holds  aloft 
the  ideals  which  are  to  their  fellow  men 
their  inspiration  and  their  strength.  The 
crisis  broke  upon  the  world,  and  the  man  was 
there.  ' 


THE  RECENT  EPIDEMIC  OF 

INFLUENZA 

BY  HERMANN  M.  BIGGS,  M.D. 

[Dr.  Biggs  has  long  been  recognized  as  one  of  the  most  eminent  pathologists  of  the  country.  He 
served  for  fourteen  years  as  the  general  medical  officer  of  the  New  York  Department  of  Health,  and 
since  1914  has  been  State  Public  Health  Commissioner.  He  is  a  leading  authority  on  contagious  dis- 
eases.— The  Editor.] 


k 


THE  recent  epidemic  of  influenza  has 
brought  to  this  country  a  disaster  of 
great  magnitude.  The  crest  of  the  wave  of 
the  epidemic  has  passed,  but  the  reappear- 
ance of  influenza  in  somewhat  less  severe 
form  in  many  localities  throughout  the 
country  indicates  quite  clearly  the  fact  that 
we  shall  have  this  disease  to  deal  with  for 
at  least  many  months  to  come. 

A  Heavy  Death  Rate 

In  the  last  great  epidemic,  in  1890,  1891 
and  1892,  the  greatest  mortality  occurred  in 
1891,  the  second  year,  although  all  three 
of  these  years  showed  a  higher  death  rate 
from  the  acute  respiratory  diseases  in  New 
York  City  than  had  been  experienced  before 
for  many  years.  It  is  not  as  yet  possible  to 
assess  even  approximately  the  extent  of  the 
loss  which  influenza  has  brought  and  will 
bring  to  the  country  before  the  sickness  and 
death  rates  are  freed  from  its  malign  influ- 
ence. The  present  indications,  however, 
would  seem  to  show  quite  clearly  that  the 
immediate  deaths  resulting  from  influenza 
and  its  complications  in  the  United  States 
during  the  present  year  will  probably  exceed 
300,000. 

In  the  epidemic  of  1891,  it  was  the  opin- 
ion of  the  best  pbservers  that  the  deaths 
caused  by  the  disease  and  its  immediate, 
complications  did  not  represent  more  than 
one-half  of  those  which  were  properly 
chargeable  to  this  cause.  The  sequelae  in 
many  instances  were  so  serious  that  a  large 
number  of  persons  who  recovered  from  the 
immediate  effects  of  the  disease  subsequently 
died  from  the  remote  results.  It  was  well 
said  some  years  after  this  epidemic  by  one 
of  the  keenest  clinical  observers  in  this 
country,  that  we  had  come  to  recognize  in 
grippe,  or  true  influenza,  a  most  potent  in- 
fluence in  the  development  of  every  form  of 
latent  weakness  or  disease. 


In  1890  it  was  reported  by  the  Registrar- 
General  of  England  and  Wales  that  the 
number  of  deaths  directly  ascribed  to  influ- 
enza was  45.2  per  10,000,  but  that  an 
analysis  of  the  vital  statistics  of  the  period 
showed  that  the  number  of  deaths  directly 
or  indirectly  attributed  to  it  was  271  per 
10,000,  or  more  than  six  times  the  apparent 
rate. 

The  present  epidemic  has  differed  from 
the  last  in  several  respects  and,  so  far  as  we 
are  now  able  to  judge,  has  been  attended 
with  a  higher  immediate  mortality,  but  has 
apparently  left  less  serious  results  on  the 
health  and  vitality  of  those  who  have  recov- 
ered. It  seems  likely,  therefore,  that  we 
shall  not  be  compelled  to  pay  proportionate- 
ly so  heavy  a  penalty  in  subsequent  years  as 
we  did  in  the  last  outbreak.  In  any  event, 
however,  so  far  as  life  and  health  are  con- 
cerned, it  is  apparent  that  the  toll  of  the  epi- 
demic measured  in  deaths  and  disabilities 
will  be  for  the  United  States  four  or  five 
times  as  great  as  that  of  the  war. 

These  deaths,  too,  and  the  invalidism 
which  will  follow,  like  those  of  the  war, 
have  fallen  for  the  most  part  upon  the  age 
groups  of  the  population  which  are  at  the 
period  of  greatest  usefulness,  that  is,  in  the 
age  groups  between  fifteen  and  forty-five, 
and  especially  between  the  ages  of  twenty 
and  thirty.  The  casualties  of  the  war  are 
in  many  respects  far  less  serious  than  the 
disabilities  which  will  be  left  from  influ- 
enza. 

How  the  Disease  is   Transmitted 

The  question  naturally  arises  as  to  how 
such  a  pandemic  of  disease  should  be  possi- 
ble at  the  present  time.  It  is  a  matter  of 
common  knowledge  that  extensive  advances 
have  been  made  in  the  last  thirty  years  in 
our  knowledge  of  bactcriolog>'  and  the  rela- 
tion   of    microorganisms    to    the     infective 

69 


70  THE   AMERICAN  REVIEW   OF  REVIEWS 

diseases,  and  that  the  application  of  this  little  has  as  yet  been  added  to  our  actual 
knowledge  in  respect  to  so  many  other  knowledge,  although  the  disease  has  been 
diseases  has  brought  about  an  enormous  re-  prevailing  almost  continuously  either  in 
duction  in  the  sickness  and  death  rate  Spain  or  France  or  Great  Britain  or  the 
caused  by  them  and  has  placed  in  the  hands  United  States  for  nearly  a  year, 
of  public-health  officials  adequate  measures  xr  ^  -  i  a  i  i  i^' 
for  their  control.  How  then  should  it  be  ^^  Organized  Study  of  the  Disease 
possible  that  in  spite  of  this  knowledge  Most  unfortunate,  too,  it  must  seem  to 
every  country  in  Europe  and  North  Amer-  everyone  who  thoughtfully  considers  this 
ica  should  experience  an  epidemic,  which  has  question,  that  there  has  been  during  this 
been  attended  with  the  greatest  loss  of  time  no  systematic,  concerted  effort  on  an 
life  that  has  occurred  in  a  century?  adequate  scale  by  a  highly  qualified  group 
The  files  of  the  daily  papers  during  the  of  scientific  men  to  solve  this  problem,  al- 
month  of  October  and  early  November,  though  influenza  presents  a  world  health 
1918,  give  full  indication  of  the  almost  problem  of  stupendous  importance  and  mag- 
hopeless,  helpless  attitude  of  the  authorities  nitude.  But  the  reason  for  this  is  evident 
toward  the  outbreak.  Still  we  know  quite  enough  even  on  casual  consideration.  There 
definitely  that  the  disease  is  transmitted  does  not  exist  in  any  country  an  institution 
solely  through  the  infective  organisms  con-  or  an  organization  which  has  the  resources, 
tained  in  the  discharges  from  the  nose  and  the  personnel,  or  the  facilities  for  imme- 
mouth,  and  therefore,  theoretically  at  least,  diately  taking  up  the  study  of  such  a  prob- 
should  be  preventable.  lem,  when  it  presents  itself,  or  which  con- 
There  may  be,  and  undoubtedly  there  is,  templates  within  its  program  of  work  the 
some  question  as  to  whether  the  cause  of  the  investigation  of  such  problems.  It  is  mani- 
disease  is  the  influenza  bacillus — the  so-  festly  not  for  our  local  or  State  authorities 
called  'Tfeiffer  Bacillus" — or  is  some  as  to  undertake  such  a  work  and  the  Federal 
yet  unrecognized  organism;  but  there  is  no  Government  has  no  facilities  for  it.  Neither 
doubt  whatever  of  the  fact  that  the  organ-  the  United  States  Public  Health  Service, 
isms  causing  the  disease  are  contained  solely  nor  the  Medical  Service  of  the  Army  or  the 
in  the  discharges  from  the  nose  and  mouth.  Navy  is  equipped  for  such  a  study — and 
Moreover,  whatever  their  nature  may  be,  there  is  no  scientific  institution  prepared  for 
it  is  quite  certain  that  they  do  not  undergo  such  work. 

any  multiplication  outside  of  the  living  The  Rockefeller  Institute  for  Medical 
body  and  are  quickly  destroyed  when  the  Research  might  be  thought  of  in  this  con- 
secretions  are  exposed  to  drying  or  to  direct  nection,  but  this  institution  is  primarily  de- 
sunlight  or  even  diffuse  daylight.  signed  for  special  scientific  investigations 
Like  measles,  the  period  of  the  greatest  dealing  with  medicine  and  carried  on  for 
infectivity  in  influenza  comprises  the  early  the  most  part  in  the  Institute  itself.  Its 
days  of  the  disease,  and  the  agency  and  the  resources,  while  large,  are  already  heavily 
importance  of  "disease  carriers"  in  its  trans-  taxed  by  the  great  demands  of  the  work 
mission  are  uncertain  and  somewhat  doubt-  which  it  is  undertaking,  and  it  could  not 
ful.  In  sparsely  settled  rural  districts,  in  now  well  add  the  heavy  burden  which  the 
several  instances,  it  has  been  possible  to  investigation  of  world  health  problems,  such 
trace  every  case  to  direct  exposure  to  some  as  this  one  is,  would  involve, 
previous  case  and  the  period  of  incubation  There  are  many  publi^health  problems 
was  rarely  longer  than  two  days.  of  other  kinds  which  ought  to  be  dealt  with 
Vaccines  of  various  kinds  for  the  preven-  as  research  problems.  Unfortunately,  there 
tion  and  for  the  treatment  of  the  disease  has  been  very  little  real  research  devoted  to 
have  been  extensively  used.  Small  groups  the  questions  of  public  health,  administra- 
of  workers  have  been  engaged  in  the  study  of  tion  and  policy.  Public-health  administra- 
its  pathology  and  bacteriology  and  have  tors  have  generally  had  neither  the  training, 
been  endeavoring  to  definitely  determine  the  facilities,  nor  the  resources  to  undertake- 
what  the  relation  of  the  influenza  bacillus  work  of  this  kind,  and  they  have  been  com- 
is  to  it,  but  no  definite  conclusions  have  thus  pelled  to  confine  their  activities  solely  to  the 
far  been  reached.  This  seems  the  more  un-  practical  aspects  of  their  work.  The  meth- 
fortunate  because  the  most  favorable  oppor-  ods  employed  and  the  results  obtained  in 
tunities  for  the  study  of  the  disease  have  public-health  work  should  be  subjected  to 
already  passed,  and  probably  will  not  recur  critical  study, 
again  until  another  epidemic  appears.  Very          There  is,  then,  the  greatest  urgency  for 


THE   RECENT   EPIDEMIC    OF   INFLUENZA  71 

providing  in  some  way  for  an  institution  we  have  even  now  no  definite  information, 
or  an  organization  which  can  undertake  the  This  is  one  of  the  problems  which  is  being 
study  of  such  world  health  problems  as  most  earnestly  studied  by  the  New  York 
influenza  presents,  and  which  shall  be  pre-  State  Commission  appointed  by  Governor 
pared  to  take  up  the  investigation  at  once.  Whitman  for  the  investigation  of  influenza, 
and  anywhere  and  at  any  time,  of  health  This  commission  numbers  among  its  mem- 
subjects  which  are  of  the  first  importance.  hers  many  of  the  most  distinguished  bac- 
In  the  present  instance,  if  the  real  cause  of  teriologists,  sanitarians  and  clinicians  of  the 
this  disease  and  the  final  solution  of  its  pre-  country. 

vention  could  not  have  been  at  once  found  The  total  number  of  deaths  resulting 
(for  we  must  all  believe  that  eventually  the  from  the  present  pandemic  of  influenza  will 
explanation  of  every  infectious  disease  will  never  be  known,  even  approximately.  The 
be  discovered),  yet  the  nature,  the  manner  disease  has  been  more  fatal  through  its  com- 
of  spread  of  the  infection,  the  best  methods  plications  apparently  in  this  country  than 
to  be  adopted  for  the  prevention,  the  value  anywhere  el5e,  but  recent  reports  show  that 
of  vaccines  and  the  influence  of  various  con-  it  is  reappearing  in  France  and  Great  Brit- 
ditions  on  the  development  and  the  exten-  ain  in  a  more  virulent  form  than  was  the 
sion  of  the  disease — these  are  -questions  to  case  last  year, 
which  most  important  contributions  could  ^  ,.  .  .  .  ^ .. 
have  been  made,  and  which  would  have  Conditions  of  Army  Life 
been  of  incalculable  value  in  all  countries,  The  experience  during  this  epidemic  in 
when  the  health  authorities  were  actually  the  camps  and  barracks,  and  among  mem- 
called  upon  to  formulate  administrative  bers  of  the  student  army  training  corps,  and 
measures  to  deal  with  epidemics.  in  institutions,  has  shown  clearly  the  great 
rr,  .  .  ,  „,  TM  infectivity  at  this  time  of  the  acute  respira- 
Transmission  from  Place  to  Place  ^ory  diseases,   and   the   relatively  high   mor- 

The   rapidity  of   the   spread  of   influenza  bidity    and    mortality    from    these    diseases 

throughout  a  country  is  only  limited  by  the  where    barrack    living    conditions    exist ;    in 

rapidity  of  the  means  of  transportation.  The  other    words,     where    comparatively     large 

disease    is   carried    from    place    to    place    by  groups  of  persons  live   and   sleep   in  single 

persons,  not  things.      Its  rapid   extension  is  rooms. 

due  to  its  great  infectivity,  the  short  period  It  is  estimated  that  in  the  army,  in  this 
of  incubation,  usually  two  days  or  less,  the  country,  the  total  death  rate  per  thousand 
mild  or  missed  cases,  and  the  absence  of  in  the  age  group  between  twenty  and 
proper  precautionary  measures.  There  is  thirty,  was  over  twelve.  This  is  at  least 
no  mystery  about  its  spread,  and  it  is  per-  twice  the  average  mortality  at  this  age 
fectly  possible  by  proper  isolation,  although  group  under  ordinary  civilian  conditions, 
it  is  not  usually  practicable,  to  protect  a  and  is  probably  four  times  the  mortality  at 
group  or  a  community  from  the  infection.  this  age  group  throughout  the  county.  If 
The  epidemics  in  different  regions  bear  it  were  maintained  for  the  whole  country 
an  extraordinary  similarity  to  each  other,  it  would  mean  that  the  mortality  from  the 
and  finally  check  themselves.  The  whole  epidemic  would  be  over  1,250,000. 
period,  from  the  appearance  of  the  first  ^  j  t-  •  t 
cases  in  an  outbreak  to  the  subsidence,  is  Tremendous  Economic  Loss 
rarely  in  excess  of  six  weeks,  and  often  not  It  must  be  remembered,  in  addition  to  all 
more  than  four  or  five  weeks.  There  is  humanitarian  considerations,  how  great  is 
first  the  appearance  of  a  few  cases,  than  a  the  economic  loss  which  has  been  encoun- 
rapid  rise,  covering  a  period  of  ten  days  or  tered.  The  deaths  have  occurred  at  the 
two  weeks,  a  short  period  of  only  three  or  period  of  life  at  which  the  greatest  outlay 
four  days  in  which  the  epidemic  remains  at  has  been  made,  and  when  scarcely  any  return 
a  maximum,  then  a  rapid  decline  for  eight  has  been  received  by  the  community  for  the 
or  ten  days,  which  is  followed  by  a  further  investment.  Human  life  is  a  great  finan- 
slow  decline,  and  often  by  a  subsequent  re-  cial  asset,  and  its  vahie  is  rapidly  increasing, 
crudescence.  for  while  the  death  rates  have  fallen  stead- 
Vaccination  is  now  practicable  for  several  ily  in  these  recent  years,  they  have  been  con- 
varieties  of  pneumonia,  but  as  to  the  value  stantly  outstripped  by  the  rapidity  of  the 
of   such   preventive   treatment    in    influenza,  fall  in  birth  rates. 


THE  GERMAN  COLONIES  AND 

THEIR  FUTURE 

BY  CHARLES  BURKE  ELLIOTT,  Ph.D.,  LL.D. 

(Formerly  a  member  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  Philippine  Islands 
and  member  United  States  Philippine  Commission) 

[Judge  Elliott,  who  writes  the  present  article  is  the  author  of  an  elaborate  work  upon  the  Philip- 
pine Islands,  and  is  a  recognized  Jfuthority  in  the  field  of  colonial  government.  As  respects  the 
German  colonies,  there  will  be  full  and  detailed  discussion  in  the  forthcoming  Peace  Conference. 
Probably  the  best  disposal  of  German  Southwest  Africa  would  be  its  permanent  annexation  by  the 
South  African  Union.  Australia  will  naturally  desire  to  have  a  determining  part  in  shaping  the 
destiny  of  islands  in  the  Antipodes.  Equatorial  Africa  ought  to  come  under  the  authority  of  the 
League  of  Nations.  The  bad  administration  which  Judge  Elliott  describes  was  a  part  of  Germany's 
militaristic  commercial  system.  A  disarmed  German  Republic  may  not  have  imperial  ambitions, 
and  may  not  contend  for  the  return  of  the  colonies. — The  Editor.] 


A  LEAGUE  to  Enforce  Peace  presupposes 
a  peace  worth  guaranteeing  and  pre- 
serving. It  must  be  a  peace  which  repre- 
sents "a  new  international  order  based  upon 
the  broad  and  universal  principles  of  right 
and  justice."  Peace  in  itself  has  no  inherent 
merit ;  it  can  always  be  obtained  by  submis- 
sion to  force,  tyranny,  and  injustice. 

The  present  war  was  begun  for  conquest 
and  dominion ;  it  developed  into  a  titanic  con- 
test between  forces  representing  antagonistic 
political  systems ;  it  became  simply  a  struggle 
between  right  and  wrong.  The  Allies  were 
fighting  for  the  simple,  elementary  principles 
of  common  justice,  and  to  bring  about  condi- 
tions under  which  another  great  war  will  be 
impossible.  They  will  dictate  a  peace  of 
victory,  but  unless  it  is  a  peace  of  justice  the 
war  will  have  been  lost.  Germany  is  an  in- 
ternational criminal,  and  justice  for  a  crim- 
inal implies  punishment.  Generosity  must 
follow,  not  precede,  punishment ;  otherwise 
it  is  mere  maudlin  sentimentalism — sending 
flowers  to  jails  for  efficient  murderers  and 
chivalric  burglars. 

The  Holy  Alliance  of  the  Last  Century 

There  is  nothing  novel  in  the  idea  of  a 
federation  of  the  world  nor  in  an  alliance  of 
certain  nations  for  worthy  and  unselfish  ends. 
The  idea  of  a  League  of  Nations,  such  as 
has  been  approved  by  the  Governments  of  the 
United  States  and  France,  and  by  statesmen 
and  publicists  the  world  over,  had  its  theo- 
retical counterpart  in  that  Holy  Alliance  of 
evil  memory,  which  for  years  after  Napoleon 
had  been  sent  to  St.  Helena  maintained  the 
72 


peace  of  Europe.  Much  of  present  value 
may  be  learned  from  the  history  of  that 
League  of  Monarchs. 

The  Congress  of  Vienna  remade  the  map 
of  Europe  arbitrarily  as  dynastic  and  princely 
interests  required,  without  the  slightest  re- 
gard for  the  wishes  or  welfare  of  the  people. 
Absolutism,  which  had  been  so  rudely  shaken 
by  the  French  Revolution,  was  to  be  made 
secure ;  and  for  almost  half  a  century  the 
Alliance  enforced  peace  throughout  Europe. 
But  it  was  a  peace  based  on  wrong  and  in- 
justice, a  curse  instead  of  a  blessing. 

Among  the  extremely  practical  statesmen 
assembled  at  Vienna  there  was  one  war-weary 
monarch,  who  dreamed  of  a  Europe  in  which 
kings  and  their  subjects  should  live  in  peace 
and  amity,  according  to  the  principles  of  the 
Christian  religion.  Metternich  regarded  the 
Emperor  Alexander  as  an  "eccentric"  and 
"a  madman,"  but,  as  he  was  **a  madman  to 
be  humored,"  he  gave  verbal  adherence  to 
the  proposal  that  the  rulers  of  Russia,  Aus- 
tria, and  Prussia  should  agree  to  conduct  the 
domestic  and  foreign  affairs  of  their  king- 
doms according  to  the  principles  of  the 
Christian  religion,  and  support  each  other  in 
maintaining  peace  and  justice  on  earth.  So 
on  the  occasion  of  a  review  on  the  plains  of 
Vertus  the  Holy  Alliance  was  solemnly  pro- 
claimed. The  Prince  Regent  of  England 
approved  the  principles  upon  which  it  was 
based,  and  most  of  the  states  of  Europe  sub- 
sequently adhered  to  the  treaty. 

That  the  Czar  was  sincere  is  no  longer 
questioned.  But  the  King  of  Prussia  was 
under  the  influence  of  the  Emperor  Francis 


THE    GERMAN    COLONIES    AND    THEIR    FUTURE 


73 


of  Austria,  whose  master,  Metternich,  re- 
garded the  suggestion  that  Christian  prin- 
ciples should  be  applied  to  politics  "as  merely 
the  overflow  of  the  patriotic  feelings  of  the 
Emperor  Alexander."  According  to  the 
astute  Chancellor,  the  alliance  was  not  an  in- 
stitution designed  *'to  keep  down  the  rights 
of  the  people  and  to  promote  absolutism  or 
any  other  tyranny."  Certain  it  is,  however, 
that  he  used  it  for  that  purpose. 

Justice  for  All  Races  and  Peoples 

The  complicated  treaties  which  constituted 
the  Peace  of  Vienna  were  designed  to  stereo- 
type a  medieval  system  of  absolutism  based  on 
tyranny  and  injustice,  and  the  result  demon- 
strated that  an  unjust  system  can  neither  be 
operated  on  Christian  principles  nor  perma- 
nently maintained  by  any  measure  of  skill  or 
force.  Neither  a  selfish  alliance  nor  the  most 
altruistic  and  elaborately  organized  and  sanc- 
tioned league  of  nations  can  enforce  perma- 
nently a  peace  based  on  injustice.  Hence  a 
peace  of  justice  must  precede  the  formation  of 
such  a  League  of  Nations  as  the  Allies  now 
have  in  contemplation.  Only  after  great 
wrongs  are  righted  can  the  organization  of  a 
League  to  Enforce  Peace  be  brought  within 
the  sphere  of  practical  world  politics. 

That  the  diverse  cultural  races  must  be 
protected  in  the  right  to  determine  their  po- 
litical relations  is  now  conceded  even  by  Ger- 
many. Many  millions  of  people  who  are 
not  sufficiently  developed  for  self-determina- 
tion will  be  represented  in  the  peace  council 
by  those  who  hold  dominion  over  them.  But 
justice  is  universal,  not  tribal,  racial  or  na- 
tional, and  no  peace  and  no  new  international 
order  will  be  worth  preservation  which  does 
not  protect  and  secure  justice  for  these  back- 
ward races. 

Germany's  Colonies  Might  Be  Held  Subject 
to  a  league  of  Nations 

Germany  will  never  willingly  consent  to 
the  permanent  loss  of  the  colonial  possessions 
to  which  she  looks  for  the  raw  material  es- 
sential for  the  rehabilitation  of  her  commerce 
and  industries.  It  will  be  one  of  her  last 
ditches.  As  late  as  October  2,  Foreign  Min- 
ister Solf  restated  the  demand  for  the  return 
of  the  colonies  and  for  a  new  partition  of 
Africa,  in  order  to  consolidate  Germany's 
scattered  colonies.  British  and  French  sen- 
timent is  strongly  in  favor  of  holding  perma- 
nently the  German  colonies.  According  to 
Mr.  Walter  Long,  the  British  Colonial  Sec- 
retary, the  colonies  should  be  held  at  least 


until  Germany  demonstrates  a  willingness  to 
"act  in  conformity  with  the  ordinary  rules 
that  govern  nations  in  their  treatment  of  na- 
tives, and  in  their  relations  with  other  coun- 
tries." General  Smuts,  the  South  African 
member  of  the  War  Cabinet,  recommends 
that  they  be  returned  only  when  Germany  "is 
run  on  the  same  lines  as  the  British  Empire." 
The  scheme  of  the  British  Labor  Party  for 
the  government  of  all  colonies  by  an  inter- 
national commission  has  met  with  some  de- 
gree of  approval.  Any  arrangement  such  as 
suggested  for  holding  the  colonies  while  Ger- 
many is  serving  a  reformatory  sentence  or 
on  parole  is  utterly  impracticable,  unless  su- 
pervised by  a  League  of  Nations. 

Interests  of  the  Native  Populations 

The  fifth  of  President  Wilson's  principles, 
which  have  been  accepted  by  Germany  and 
Austria-Hungary  as  bases  for  peace  nogotia- 
tions,  provides  little  more  than  a  starting 
point  for  the  discussion  of  the  colonial  prob- 
lem.    It  reads: 

A  free,  open-minded,  and  absolutely  impartial 
adjustment  of  all  colonial  claims,  based  upon  a 
strict  observance  of  the  principle  that  in  deter- 
mining all  such  questions  of  sovereignty  the  in- 
terests of  the  populations  concerned  must  have 
equal  weight  with  the  equitable  claims  of  the 
government  whose  title  is  to  be  determined. 

While  this  language  is  of  general  applica- 
tion, it  is  evident  that  only  German  colonial 
claims  are  under  consideration.  There  is  no 
intention  of  investigating  and  adjudicating 
the  titles  of  the  Allied  nations  to  their  va- 
rious colonies  and  dependencies.  A  victo- 
rious Allied  peace  is  implied,  and  the  sov- 
ereignty of  Great  Britain  over  India,  Egypt, 
and  the  Crown  colonies,  of  France  over  Al- 
giers and  Tonkin,  and  of  America  over  the 
Philippines  and  Porto  Rico,  is  not  involved. 
It  is  equally  certain  that  in  1914  the  title  of 
Germany  to  her  African  and  Pacific  colonies 
was  unquestionable  under  the  established  law 
of  nations.  The  necessary  inference  is  that 
President  Wilson  understood  that  Ger- 
many's sovereignty  over  the  lands  in  ques- 
tion had  been  lost  by  their  conquest  (which 
of  course  is  not  true  legally),  and  that  her 
"title"  and  "colonial  claims"  were  to  be 
"determined." 

Unfortunately  in  this  statement  the  inter- 
ests of  the  inhabitants  are  given  only  equal 
weight  with  the  equitable  claims  (whatever 
they  are)  of  Germany.  Among  the  cnliglit- 
encd  colonizing  powers,  the  interests  of  the 
natives  are  now  recognized   as  the  primary 


74 


THE   AMERICAN  REVIEW   OF  REVIEWS 


and  controlling  consideration,  not  to  be  out- 
weighed by  any  equitable  or  other  claims  of  a 
metropolitan  state. 

Germany  s  Faults  as  a  Colonial  Ruler 

There  can  be  no  peace  of  justice  which 
leaves  ten  million  black  and  brow^n  men  to 
be  exploited  by  Germany.  The  history  of 
her  three  decades  of  colonization  disqualify 
her  for  control  over  backward  people,  for 
whom  and  their  possessions  civilization  is 
the  trustee.  If  any  doubts  remained,  they 
have  been  removed  by  the  recent  report  of 
the  Administrator  of  Southwest  Africa, 
which  is  based  largely  on  facts  drawn  from 
the  German  records  left  at  Windhuk,  and 
from  the  writings  of  Governor  Leutwein, 
Karl  Dove,  and  other  recognized  German 
authorities.  As  the  London  Telegraph  says, 
it  is  a  sad  story^  of  treachery  and  of  ^'un- 
ashamed,  calculated,  and  relentless  cruelty 
and  nameless  atrocities." 

The  tropics,  which  socially  and  politically 
lie  in  the  twilight  zone  of  civilization,  are 
inhabited  by  people  who  have  been  unable 
either  to  develop  a  distinct  civilization  of 
their  own,  to  resist  the  onslaughts  of  disin- 
tegrating forces  from  without,  or  to  accept 
and  assimilate  a  foreign  system.  Their  fer- 
tile lands,  under  native  control,  have  not 
produced  the  products  which  the  world  re- 
quires from  them.  They  have,  thus,  invited 
commercial  and  political  exploitation.  Weak 
politically  and  economically,  and  incapable  of 
defense,  they  have  been  a  standing  invitation 
to  the  ambition  of  states  and  the  cupidity  of 
individuals.  For  centuries,  they  were  har- 
ried, oppressed,  and  exploited,  but  during 
the  last  few  decades  people  generally  have 
been  growing  kinder,  more  sympathetic,  more 
willing  to  aid  in  bearing  the  burdens  of  the 
weak  and  unfortunate,  more  willing  to  rec- 
ognize the  obligations  of  a  common  humanity. 

The  Modernized  Spirit  of  Great  Colonizing 
States 

With  this  more  generous  and  humane  atti- 
tude there  came  a  change  over  the  spirit  in 
which  the  great  colonizing  states  had  been 
dealing  with  their  dependent  people.  Col- 
onization came  to  signify  the  extension,  by 
annexation  or  some  form  of  protectorate,  of 
the  authority  and  activities  of  an  established 
power  over  lands  vacated,  or  inhabited  to 
some  extent,  by  people  of  a  lower  order  of 
civilization,  with  the  object  of  developing 
the  resources  of  the  country  and  improving 
the  physical  and  moral  condition  of  the  na- 


tives. They  were  to  be  uplifted  instead  of 
destroyed  or  converted  into  slaves. 

Germany,  alone,  openly  adhered  to  the  the- 
ory that  colonies  exist  solely  for  the  benefit  of 
the  metropolitan  state.  She  deliberately,  and 
on  alleged  scientific  grounds,  adopted  as  a 
permanent  policy  the  medieval  plantation 
theory  of  colonization.  In  England,  France, 
Italy,  and  the  United  States  it  had  become 
the  accepted  view  that  the  welfare  of  the  na- 
tives was  the  primary  consideration,  and  that 
the  home  state  must  be  satisfied  with  inci- 
dental benefits.  The  stress  was  placed  on 
the  idea  of  duty  toward  the  weak  and  un- 
developed. 

Of  course,  this  was  a  modern  conception, 
and  it  must  be  confessed  that  prior  to  the  year 
1900  it  found  little  expression  in  practice. 

The  conversion  of  the  natives  to  Christi- 
anity was  a  controlling  motive  in  early  col- 
onization, but  the  idea  of  converting  them 
into  citizens  as  well  as  saints  was  still 
deemed  ridiculous.  Charles  Dickens  amused 
the  public  with  his  satirical  portrait  of  the 
philanthropic  Mrs.  Jellaby,  who  was  "de- 
voted to  the  subject  of  Africa,  with  a  view 
to  the  general  cultivation  of  coffee  and  the 
natives."  But  the  sense  of  obligation  for 
the  cultivation  of  the  natives,  as  well  as  the 
coffee,  developed  with  the  growth  of  liberal- 
ism, and  Lord  Milner  expressed  the  con- 
trolling thought  of  English  statesmen  when 
he  said  that  in  the  rivalry  between  the  na- 
tions ^'the  one  will  be  most  successful  which 
exhibits  the  greatest  wisdom  in  its  efforts  to 
promote  the  welfare,  and  progress,  and  con- 
tentment of  its  subject  people." 

Self -Government  as  a  Goal 

It  was  thus  generally  recognized  by  states- 
men, as  well  as  by  reformers,  that  the  con- 
trol of  backward  races  involved  moral  as 
well  as  political  and  economic  considerations. 

The  United  States  was  th^  first  great  col- 
onizing power  to  announce,  in  connection 
with  its  Philippine  policy,  that  complete  self- 
government  and,  ultimately,  an  independent 
state,  was  not  only  the  incidental  and  pos- 
sible result,  but  the  direct  object  of  its  ac- 
tivities. The  spectacle  of  a  great  nation  de- 
liberately assuming  the  task  of  training  a  de- 
pendent people  for  self-government  had  a  tre- 
mendous influence  upon  the  minds  of  the 
natives  of  the  Orient,  and  the  backward  peo- 
ple of  the  world  under  the  guidance  of  the 
United  States,  Great  Britain,  and  France, 
were  making  great  strides  toward  realizing 
their   laudable    desire    for    self-government. 


THE    GERMAN    COLONIES    AND    THEIR    FUTURE 


75 


The  Teutonic  Conception 

Germany,  who  was  assumed  to  be  within 
the  pale  of  the  Christian  civilization  of  the 
West,  was  trying  to  create  a  tribal  civiliza- 
tion based  on  biological  theories  and  the  as- 
sumed superiority  of  the  German  blood, 
which,  under  the  guidance  of  a  God  inter- 
ested only  in  Prussians  and  the  Kaiser,  was 
to  conquer  and  govern  the  world  for  its  own 
good  and  the  glory  of  militarism.  It  was  to 
do  this  by  force  of  arms  and  the  elimination 
of  the  weak.  For  cold-blooded  and  scientific 
diabolism  the  conceptions  on  which  this  sys- 
tem rested  were  without  parallel  in  human 
history.  It  was  the  very  apotheosis  of  force. 
It  worshiped  the  destructive  forces  of  nature, 
while  ignoring  its  altruistic  and  ameliorating 
forces.  It  discarded  the  sentiments  of 
pity  for  the  weak  and  unfortunate  which  the 
liberal  spirit  of  the  age  had  cultivated.  It 
bowed  before  the  shrine  of  the  god  of  Effi- 
ciency, which  was  but  another  name  for  or- 
ganized force.  It  trained  and  cared  for  the 
working  classes  solely  in  order  that  they 
might  constitute  a  useful  part  of  the  machine. 

Mastery  of  Inferior  Races 

After  the  defeat  of  France  in  1870,  and 
especially  after  the  accession  of  William  II 
in  1888,  the  glorification  of  Prussia  and  the 
Prussian  spirit  became  an  obsession.  Arro- 
gance and  contempt  for  all  that  was  not  Ger- 
man reached  incredible  heights.  As  expressed 
by  a  distinguished  author,  ''He  who  does  not 
believe  in  the  divine  mission  of  Germany  had 
better  hang  himself,  and  rather  to-day  than 
to-morrow."  "God  has  taken  the  German 
nation  under  his  special  care,"  wrote  Pastor 
Lehmann.  Under  such  guidance,  with  the 
Kaiser  assumed  to  be  in  personal  relation 
with  the  German  God,  it  is  not  surprising 
that  Germany  dreamed  of  conquest  in  Europe 
and  beyond  the  seas.  As  expressed  by  Felix 
Dahn: 

"...  'tis   the   joyous   German   right 
With  the  hammer  lands  to  win. 
We  mean   to  inherit  world-wide  might 
As  the  Hammer-God's  kith  and  kin." 

In  such  a  system  there  was,  of  course,  no 
place  for  theories  of  colonization  based  upon 
humanitarian  considerations,  sympathy  for 
the  weak,  and  the  mutual  obligations  of  man 
to  man,  regardless  of  race.  The  undeveloped 
parts  of  the  world  were  to  be  included  in 
Germany's  dominions.  The  inhabitants,  be- 
ing non-German  in  blood  and  culture,  and 


therefore  of  slight  value,  were  to  be  taught 
the  goose  step  and  made  to  fight,  fetch  and 
carry  for  their  masters,  or  be  eliminated. 
Treitschke  taught  that  the  outcome  of  the 
next  war  "must  be  the  acquisition  of  colonies 
by  any  means''  Ludwig  Reimer  argued  that 
while  hu?nanity  may  be  very  well  for  infe- 
rior races,  Germanicism  may  not  be  ham- 
pered by  its  restraints.  "Do  they  stand  in 
the  way  of  our  expansion,  or  do  they  not?" 
If  they  do  not,  Herr  Reimer  says,  "Let  them 
develop  as  their  nature  prescribes."  If  they 
do,  ^'it  would  be  folly  to  spare  them,  for 
they  would  be  like  a  wedge  in  our  flesh  which 
we  refrain  from  extracting  only  for  their 
sake.  If  we  found  ourselves  forced  to  break 
up  the  historical  form  of  the  nation,  in  order 
to  separate  its  racial  elements,  taking  what 
belongs  to  our  race  and  rejecting  what  is  for- 
eign, we  ought  not,  therefore,  to  have  any 
moral  scruples." 

A   Colonizing  Power  for  Thirty  Years 

After  the  revolution  of  1848,  most  of  the  '^ 
German  liberal  thinkers  and  patriots  who 
were  not  imprisoned  or  shot  emigrated  to 
America  and  the  drain  continued  during  the 
succeeding  years.  The  industrial  develop- 
ment, which  was  fostered  and  financed  by 
the  government,  largely  by  means  of  the  in- 
demnity wrung  from  France,  stopped  emi- 
gration to  some  extent. 

Bismarck  was  never  in  favor  of  an  exten- 
sive scheme  of  colonization.  He  thought 
that  Germany  "had  enough  hay  on  her  fork," 
and  that  colonies  at  her  then  stage  of  devel- 
opment would  be  like  the  ermine  cloak  of  the 
Polish  noble  who  had  no  shirt.  However, 
under  pressure  and  against  his  better  judg- 
ment, he  finally  adopted  the  policy  of  expan- 
sion beyond  European  limits. 

Having  determined  to  acquire  colonies, 
Germany  acted  with^  characteristic  prompt- 
ness and  precision.  In  1884,  she  held  no 
lands  beyond  the  seas.  Ont  year  later  she 
had  acquired  an  exterior  empire  of  more  than 
one  million  square  miles  of  territory,  on 
which  lived  about  ten  million  natives.  ^Vith 
the  exception  of  the  Bismarck  Archipelago 
and  a  few  small  islands  such  as  those  in  the 
Samoan  group,  and  Kiao  Chau,  which  was 
her  gateway  to  China,  her  possessions  in  Au- 
gust, 1914,  were  in  Africa — Togo,  the  Kam- 
erun,  German  East  Africa,  and  German 
West  Africa.  She  was,  thus,  in  possession 
of  a  great  territory  in  the  tropics.  The  at- 
tempt to  establish  settlement  colonies  failed. 
Not  only  were  climatic  conditions  generally 


76 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


unfavorable,  but  the  German  workmen  no 
longer  cared  to  emigrate.  Vast  sums  were 
expended  by  the  government  on  these  colo- 
nies. The  burden  on  the  treasury  became 
serious,  and  it  could  be  relieved  only  by  the 
exploitation  of  the  natives.  The  German 
has  never  been  able  to  deal  successfully  with 
such  people  because  he  recognizes  only  force 
and  frightfulness.  He  made  himself  hated 
and  feared,  and  the  atrocities  committed  be- 
hind the  veil  which  enshrouded  the  dark  con- 
tinent merely  foreshadowed  those  which  have 
made  the  German  name  anathema  through- 
out the  world. 

Exploitation  versus  Settlement 

Germany's  colonial  methods  were  those  of 
the  Dark  Ages  of  colonization ;  her  theories 
made  the  development  of  the  natives  impos- 
sible ;  she  expressly  repudiated  any  obligation 
toward  the  natives  as  men ;  she  thought  of 
their  well  being  only  as  it  affected  their  value 
as  forced  laborers.  She  tried  to  make  each 
^  colony  a  little  Prussia.  The  colonial  govern- 
ments were  military  in  form  and  character. 
The  local  officers  were  soldiers  in  full  uni- 
form. J'erboten  was  as  familiar  in  Kiao 
Chau  as  in  Berlin.  She  built  fine  buildings, 
docks,  and  broad  streets,  but  trade  would  not 
come.  Even  her  own  traders  settled  in 
Hong  Kong,  Singapore,  and  other  British 
colonies  where  they  enjoyed  perfect  liberty 
and  equality  with  the  British. 

The  German  colonies  were  designed  to 
produce  raw  material  and  develop  markets 
for  manufactured  articles.  The  outlook  was 
hopeless  unless  the  natives  could  be  so  trained 
and  disciplined  as  to  render  them  efficient 
producers.  About  a  year  before  the  war, 
Professor  Bonn,  of  the  University  of  Mu- 
nich, delivered  an  address  at  the  Colonial 
Institute  in  London,  in  which  he  described 
the  methods  and  results  of  German  coloniza- 
tion.   With  reference  to  the  natives,  he  said : 

The  question  is,  what  are  we  to  do  with  the 
natives  when  we  have  the  power  to  shape  their 
fate  ?  We  want  them  to  be  as  numerous  as  pos- 
sible and  as  skilful  and  intelligent  as  we  can 
make  them,  for  only  their  numbers  and  industry 
can  make  our  colonial  empire  as  useful  and  as 
necessary  as  it  ought  to  be  to  us. 

While  a  few  enthusiasts  still  hoped  to  es- 
tablish settlement  colonies.  Professor  Bonn 
conceded  that  the  government  had  "shown 
plainly  enough  that  its  idea  of  colonization  is 
not  a  policy  of  settlement,  but  one  of  com- 
mercial exploitation."  It  cared  nothing  for 
the  inhabitants  as  men.     They  were  raw  ma- 


terial out  of  which,  under  German  di3cipline, 
efficient  laborers  were  to  be  made.  They 
were  also  to  be  drilled  and  trained  as  sol- 
diers, and  an  army  of  blacks,  under  German 
discipline,  was  to  sweep  the  British,  French, 
and  Italians  from  Africa.  English  rule  in 
India  was  to  be  overthrown  and  the  wealth 
of  that  vast  empire  turned  away  from  India 
and  into  the  coffers  of  Germany.  The  facts 
of  the  conspiracy  are  slowly  coming  to  light. 
August  Thyssen,  one  of  the  leading  finan- 
ciers of  Germany,  has  recently  published  3 
pamphlet  in  which  he  tells  of  the  promises 
made  by  the  Emperor  to  German  business 
men,  to  induce  them  to  aid  in  financing  the 
war.     The  Kaiser  said  : 

India  is  occupied  by  the  British.  It  is,  in  a 
way,  governed  by  the  British,  but  it  is  by  no 
means  completely  governed  by  them.  We  shall 
not  merely  occupy  India,  we  shall  conquer  it,  and 
the  'vast  revenues  njoh'ich  the  British  alloiv  to  be 
taken  by  Indian  princes  ivill,  after  our  conquest, 
flow  in  a  golden  stream  into  the  fatherland.  In 
all  the  richest  lands  in  the  earth,  the  German  flag 
will  fly  over  every  other,  flag. 

For  years  before  the  war  there  had  been 
peace,  quiet  and  prosperity  in  every  British, 
French,  and  American  colony.  The  increase 
of  population  was  normal.  During  that  time 
Germany  was  S5^stematically,  with  fire, 
sword,  and  poison,  destroying  the  natives  of 
her  African  colonies  who  resented  her  brutal 
methods.  The  German  census  of  1911  shows 
that  between  1904  and  1911  the  Hereros 
were  reduced  from  80,000  to  15,000,  the 
Hottentots  from  20,000  to  9800,  and  the 
Berg  Damaros  from  30,000  to  12,800. 

The  return  of  the  colonies  to  Germany 
would  again  subject  these  poor  people  to  the 
most  cruel  and  ferocious  system  of  govern- 
ment which  has  existed  since  the  days  of  the 
Spanish  conquistadores.  Germany  cannot 
act  as  trustee  for  the  weak  and  defenseless. 

Of  course,  the  German  colonies  cannot  be 
cast  adrift,  as  the  inhabitants  are  utterly  in- 
capable of  governing  themselves.  Nor  are 
they  capable  of  deciding  their  own  future. 
The  most  liberal  interpretation  of  the  right 
of  self-determination  cannot  make  it  appli- 
cable to  African  savages.  Evidently  then 
the  choice  is  between  the  retention  of  the 
colonies  by  Great  Britain  under  some  ar- 
rangement with  her  self-governing  colonies 
and  dependencies,  or  holding  them  for  a 
chastened  and  reformed  Germany.  If  the 
latter  plan  is  adopted,  they  must  be  under 
the  immediate  supervision  of  an  international 
commission  or  subject  to  the  control  of  a 
League  of  Nations. 


OUR  MINERAL  RESOURCES 

How  THE  Stimulus  of  War  Demands  Developed  Old 
Resources  and  Discovered  New  Ones 

BY  THEODORE  MACFARLANE  KNAPPEN 


NOT  many  months  ago  the  Secretary  of 
the  Interior,  Franklin  K.  Lane,  ad- 
vertised for  the  discovery  of  America.  The 
advertisement  brought  prompt  results.  On 
the  426th  anniversary  of  the  geographical 
discovery  of  America,  Mr.  Lane  vras  able  to 
announce  that  the  discovery  had  been  ac- 
complished— the  discovery  and  utilization  of 
America's  natural  resources — the  discovery 
of  the  unknown  America  of  mineral  and 
metal  and  of  metallurgical  store,  the 
America  of  latent  power,  untouched  re- 
source and  wonder-working  elements;  the 
symmetrical  terranean  body  with  its  pri- 
mordial potentialities  ready  to  be  mobilized 
for  the  battle  of  the  giants. 

It  had  always  been  an  American  boast 
that  we  were  a  self-sufficient  country — that 
we  could  independently  maintain  and  sus- 
tain ourselves.  The  war  jolted  us  out  of 
this,  as  out  of  many  other  smug  compla- 
cencies. We  discovered  that  before  the 
modern  soldier  can  spring  to  arms  myriads 
of  complex  activities  must  take  place  to  pro- 
vide the  arms,  and  th^  creating  armies  was 
not  merely  calling  out  men  but  calling  out 
mountain  and  valley,  forest  and  plain,  lake 
and  river,  the  air  above  and  the  earth  be- 
neath. We  found  that  warfare  between  men, 
become  supermen  and  masters  at  last  of  the 
physical  world,  was  a  veritable  hurling  of 
mountain  against  mountain  and  continent 
against  continent — that  the  whole  physio- 
graphic basis  of  the  nation  is  its  vast  arsenal. 
We  found  that  our  continental  arsenal  was 
neglected,  unorganized  and  partly  empty. 

A  Nation  Dependent   Upon   Others 

We  discovered  that  in  this  war  of  the 
very  elements  we  could  not  maintain  our- 
selves militarily  without  the  nitrates  of 
Chile,  and  that  the  fertility  of  our  fields  was 
dependent  on  those  nitrates  and  the  potash 
salts  of  Germany  itself.  Loss  of  control  of 
the  seas  or  insufficiency  of  tonnage  might 
cut  us  off  from  the  Chilean  sources  of  fer- 
tility and  explosives,  and  the  war  itself  de- 


nied us  the  potash  salts  of  Stassfurt  in 
Saxony  from  which  we  have  been  wont  to 
draw  a  million  tons  a  year  for  the  replenish- 
ment of  our  fields  and  the  supplying  of  our 
chemical  industries. 

Nor  was  that  all.  We  were  dependent 
on  Spain  for  part  of  the  explosive  energy 
that  must  be  wielded  against  Germany.  Sul- 
phuric acid,  indispensable  in  the  making  of 
explosives,  is  largely  derived  from  iron  py- 
rites, which  came  chiefly  from  Spain.  So 
with  many  other  minerals  and  metals,  es- 
sential either  to  military  purposes  or  manu- 
facturing independence.  We  imported  most 
of  our  requirements  of  manganese,  essential 
in  the  manufacture  of  all  steel ;  and  it  was 
likewise  with  chromite,  tungsten,  and  anti- 
mony. We  were  utterly  dependent  on  Rus- 
sia and  Colombia  for  platinum.  We  ,were 
short  of  mica.  We  did  not  have  enough 
asbestos.  Canada  supplied  our  nickel  and 
cobalt.  Outside  of  the  major  metals — iron, 
copper,  lead,  and  zinc — and  the  mineral 
fuels,  of  which  the  United  States  has  an 
ample  supply,  the  minerals  essential  to  mod- 
ern warfare,  are  sulphur,  nitrate,  platinum, 
and  mercury,  which  are  used  in  the  manu- 
facture of  explosives;  and  the  minerals  es- 
sential for  the  making  of  steel  alloys,  which 
are  manganese,  tungsten,  chromium,  nickel, 
cobalt,  molybdenum,  vanadium,  and  uran- 
ium. Other  minerals  required  in  the  manii- 
facture  of  munitions  and  military  equip- 
ment are  aluminum  and  bauxite,  antimony 
and  magnesium.  The  minerals  necessary 
to  the  essential  industries  in  addition  to  the 
above  are  potash,  nitrate,  phosphate  (the 
third  of  the  chief  fertilizers,  of  which  the 
United  States  is  the  greatest  producer),  tin, 
graphite,  mica,  asbestos,  magnesite,  gold  and 
silver. 

We  had  most  of  these  minerals  and  metals 
in  our  own  country,  but  either  they  were 
not  mined  at  all,  or  not  in  sufficient  quanti- 
ties. The  demand  for  some  of  them  was 
so  small  that  they  did  not  appeal  to  the 
wholesale    American    enterprise,    and    some 

77 


7^ 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


could  be  laid  down  from  foreign  countries 
in  our  Eastern  ports,  near  the  consuming 
centers,  for  less  than  the  freight  rates  alone 
on  the  domestic  products,  hauled  all  or  half 
way  across  the  continent  by  rail. 

The  Awakening 

With  the  possibility  that  the  submarines 
of  Germany  might  temporarily  get  control 
of  the  sea,  and  with  the  shortage  in  ship- 
ping acute  at  best,  it  became  a  matter  of 
supreme  importance  to  find  out  how,  and  to 
what  extent,  the  United  States  could  pro- 
vide for  itself  all  these  things  that  it  had 
been  importing — to  discover  a  materially 
autonomous  America  and  conscript  its  re- 
sources for  democracy's  war.  This  was  the 
war  job  of  the  Department  of  the  Interior, 
operating  through  the  Bureau  of  Mines  and 
the  Geological  Survey.  The  Army  for  sol- 
diers, the  Navy  for  sailors,  the  Treasury 
for  finances,  the  Interior  for  the  ultimate 
material  sinews  of  war. 

The  greatest  weakness  was  in  potash.  We 
produced  none  ourselves  and  the  world's 
supply  was  in  the  adversary's  hands.  We 
had  the  fields  for  food  production  but  he 
controlled  their  fertility.  We  had  the 
world's  granaries  but  he  held  the  keys.  Lack- 
ing in  many  natural  resources,  largely  de- 
pendent on  foreign  supplies  for  food,  pos- 
sessed of  a  poor  and  sandy  soil,  Germany 
had  the  good  fortune  to  have  within  her 
borders  practically  the  only  known  potash 
salts  deposits  in  the  world.  The  produc- 
tivity of  our  cotton  fields  depends  upon 
potash.  It  is  necessary  in  potato  culture. 
Worn-out  wheat  fields  cannot  be  restored 
without  it.  It  is  an  essential  fertilizer  for 
most  fruit,  truck,  and  garden  crops.  It  is 
used  in  some  forms  of  explosive  manufac- 
ture, also  in  the  manufacture  of  glass,  as 
well  in  that  of  various  chemicals. 

Germany's  Potash  Monopoly 

Germany  was  well  aware  of  her  advan- 
tage. Some  of  her  sympathizers  predicted 
that  the  war  would  end  in  1917,  because  the 
outside  world  would  be  reduced  to  starva- 
tion for  lack  of  an  essential  fertilizer.  When 
we  finally  entered  the  war  German  scien- 
tists chuckled  at  our  folly.  ''America  went 
into  the  war  like  a  man  with  a  rope  around 
his  neck,"  said  Dr.  W.  Ostwald,  an  imperial 
German  Privy  Councilor,  *'a  rope  which  is 
in  enemy  hands,  because  Germany,  having  a 
world  monopoly  of  potash,  can  dictate  which 
of  the  nations  shall  have  plenty  of  food  and 


which  shall  starve."  Professor  Roth,  of 
Greifswald  University,  declared  that  potash 
was  Germany's  strongest  economic  weapon. 
As  the  war  went  on,  and  the  Allies  managed 
to  get  along  without  German  potash,  the 
Germans  fell  back  on  the  idea  that  their 
monopoly  would  be  the  great  negotiative 
counter  in  the  play  for  economic  equality 
after  the  war.  Now  that  hope,  too,  has  been 
demolished.  From  nothing  our  potash 
(KoO)  production  has  risen  to  more  than 
60,000  tons  annually,  and  to  above  240,000 
tons  of  all  the  potash  salts.  Secretary  Lane 
declares  that  within  two  years  we  shall  be 
producing  all  of  the  potash  we  require.  Ger- 
many will  thus  have  no  natural  resource  with 
which  to  bargain  at  Versailles  in  the  con- 
ferences that  will  determine  her  economic 
status  after  the  war.  She  will  not  only 
have  nothing  to  trade,  but  will  even  be  in 
dire  need  of  American  phosphates  to  restore 
the  wasted  fertility  of  her  own  fields.  Beaten 
Germany,  on  her  knees,  is  begging  humbly 
for  food  from  the  fields  she  sought  to 
sterilize. 

Germany's  legislation  governing  the  ex- 
portation of  potash  began  to  alarm  American 
users  of  potash  as  long  ago  as  1910,  and  al- 
most precipitated  a  diplomatic  rupture  at 
that  time  between  the  United  States  and 
Germany.  In  consequence.  Congress  made 
an  appropriation  in  1911  for  potash  research 
in  the  United  States,  and  the  Geological 
Survey  took  up  the  work.  Attention  nat- 
urally turned  to  the  great  basins,  dried  up 
lake  beds  of  the  Southwest,  of  the  Salt  Lake 
Valley,  of  the  Nevada  deserts,  and  to  the 
alkaline  lakes  of  the  great  plains. 

A  Potash  ''Boom''  in  America 

After  the  war  in  Europe  began  and  the 
need  of  potash  became  acute,  there  was  a 
potash  boom  throughout  the  regions  where 
it  was  thought  it  might  be  found.  Pros- 
pectors combed  the  Carson  Sink,  the  Ral- 
ston Valley,  Death  Valley,  the  neighborhood 
of  Great  Salt  Lake,  the  deserts  of  Southern 
California,  and  the  shores  of  the  alkaline 
lakes.  They  were  lured  on  by  the  hope  of 
acquisition  of  great  wealth,  as  potash  salts 
jumped  from  $25  or  $30  a  ton  to  as  much  as 
$450.  Reports  came  in  from  numerous 
quarters  of  promising  discoveries.  A  potash 
land  law  was  passed  to  encourage  the  pros- 
pectors, and  representatives  of  the  Geological 
Survey  checked  up  all  reported  discoveries 
and    undertook    original    investigations. 

But  out  of  all  this  turmoil  and  anticipa- 


OUR   MINERAL    RESOURCES 


79 


tive  hope  came  general  dis- 
appointment, relieved  by  two 
discoveries — the  saline  lakes 
of  the  Nebraska  sand-hills, 
and  Searles  Lake  in  Cali- 
fornia. 

From  the  muck  underly- 
ing the  lakes  of  the  sand-hill 
region  in  Nebraska  there  is 
pumped  a  brine  which  upon 
evaporation  yields  a  precipi- 
tate that  is  stronger  in  pot- 
ash than  the  salts  of  Stass- 
furt.  These  alkaline  lakes 
saved  the  day.  They  are 
producing  some  25,000  tons 
of  potash  annually.  The 
brines  underlying  the  an- 
cient Searles  Lake  bed  in 
California  are  also  yielding  20,000  to  25,000  be  a  difficult  matter  to  persuade  our  agri 
tons  a  year,  and  may,  if  economic  conditions      culturists  to  pay  several  times  as  much  ^for 


1 

r 

I 

I 

' 

( 

f 

t'A. 

Itek^ 

^to 

mKr^^ 

SEARLES  "LAKE"— WITH  BILLIONS  OF  TONS  OF  POTASH  DEPOSITS 
(This  veritable  Dead  Sea,  in  California,  is  an  ancient  lake  of  twelve  square 
The  surface  is  hard,  but  underneath  there  is  a  brine  rich  in  potash) 


iles. 


justify,  yield  as  much  as  a  million  tons 
annually  for  twenty  to  forty  years.  The 
alkaline  lakes,  it  is  feared,  will  not  last  as 
a  source  of  potash  more  than  a  few  years. 

With  the  further  development  of  the 
Searles  Lake  fields,  however,  the  United 
States  can  be  made  independent  of  Ger- 
many's potash  for  at  least  a  generation.  It 
would  be  a  costly  independence,  for  the  Cali- 
fornia desert,  like  the  lakes  of  Nebraska,  is 
remote  from  the  regions  in  which  potash  is 
chiefly  consumed.  Freight  rates  from  these 
sources  to  the  East  and  South  are  alone  more 
than  the  cost  of  potash  salts  from  Germany 
delivered  at  the  Atlantic  seaports.  The  cost 
will  be  nothing  as  a  means  of  maintaining 
national  independence  in  peace  and  war,  but 
with  the  soft  times  of  peace  returning  it  may 


SEARLES  LAKE.  WITH  FLOOD    WATERS   ON   THE   SURFACE  OF  THE  POTASH 

SALTS  DEPOSITS 


California  or  Nebraska  potash  as  they  might 
pay  for  that  from  Germany.  It  was  plain, 
therefore,  that  Germany's  potash  resources 
would  still  give  her  a  great  advantage  in 
the  bartering  of  economic  materials  at  the 
end  of  the  war. 

More  Potash — By   Accident! 

Then  occurred  a  romantic  accident  of  in- 
dustry that  forever  laid  the  spectre  of  a 
beaten  Germany  holding  the  fertility  of  the 
world  in  her  grasp  and  wrenching  economic 
victory  from  military  defeat.  At  Riverside, 
in  the  heart  of  the  beautiful  orange  groves 
of  Southern  California  was  and  is  a  cement 
factory.  The  dust  from  the  kilns  of  this 
factory  injured  the  orchards.  The  orchard- 
ists  protested  and  litigation  ensued.  The 
owners  of  the  plant,  in  self- 
defense,  installed  a  device  to 
suppress  chemical  fumes  and 
dust — and  found  that  they 
were  getting  potash  !  They 
sought  to  avoid  losses,  and 
stumbled  into  profits.  They 
sought  to  save  orange  groves 
from  pestiferous  dust,  and 
the  dust  turned  into  a  benign 
mantle  of  fertility  for  the 
groves  and  all  the  phmt  life. 
A  local  eyesore  became  a  na- 
tional blessing. 

To-day  this  Cottrell  de- 
vice, further  elaborated  and 
specialized,  is  making  more 
money  by  far  for  the  cement- 


80 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


mill  owners  than  their  cement.  Another  ce- 
ment plant,  in  Maryland,  has  found  its  b}^- 
product  thus  become  its  chief  asset,  and  in 
two  3'ears  it  has  made  $700,000  of  profits  be- 
sides fully  amortizing  its  plant.  A  dozen 
other  Portland  cement  plants  are  now  install- 
ing the  Cottrell  apparatus.  Simply  as  a  cheap 
by-product  of  their  regular  business  the  ce- 
ment mills  of  America  will  find  it  possible  to 
produce  from  50,000  to  100,000  tons  of 
potash  a  year. 

The  Cottrell  device  is  the  invention  of  Dr. 
Frederick  G.  Cottrell — now  chief  metallur- 
gist of  the  Bureau  of  Mines,  then  a  profes- 
sor in  the  University  of  California — who  has 
made  it  available  to  all  legitimate  users 
through  patents  vested  in  the  Research  Cor- 
poration and  the  Western  Precipitation 
Company  under  the  auspices  of  the  Smith- 
sonian Institution.  So,  out  of  a  local  neigh- 
borhood quarrel  in  California  has  come  the 
overthrow  of  Germany's  potash  supremacy. 

But  that  is  not  all.  If  the  sand-hill  lakes 
and  the  forbidding  sink  of  Searles  Lake  held 
the  potash  pass  to  German  economic  victory, 
and  the  cement  plant  utilization  turned  the 
tide,  the  application  of  the  Cottrell  device 
to  blast  furnaces  turns  German  defeat  into 
disaster.  Experiments  conducted  at  the 
Bethlehem  Steel  Corporation's  works  showed 
that  potash  could  be  realized  from  the  dust 
of  iron  ores,  incidental  to  the  production  of 
iron.  Morever,  it  was  found  that  the  Cam- 
brian iron  ores  of  the  Birmingham  district 
in  Alabama,  right  in  the  center  of  the  chief 
potash  consumption,  were  the  richest  of  all 
in  potash.  As  yet  the  production  of  cement 
by  the  blast  furnaces  is  small,  but  in  time  it 
will  likely  exceed  all  other  sources. 

Complete  Potash  Independence 

While  these  manufacturing  sources  of 
potash  are  developing,  the  natural  sources 
already  mentioned  and  other  such  sources 
are  holding  the  fort.  The  Salduro  Salt 
Marsh  in  bleak  western  Utah,  and  other 
saline  marshes  and  sinks  are  yielding  up 
quantities  of  potash.  The  alunite  rocks  of 
Utah  are  being  systematically  worked  and 
in  the  greensands  of  New  Jersey,  the  shales 
of  Georgia,  and  the  leucite  hills  of  Wyom- 
ing, there  are  great  possibilities  of  potash 
production  when  successful  commercial  proc- 
esses of  extraction  shall  have  been  evolved. 
Already  they  are  yielding  a  certain  quantity. 
Organic  wastes,  such  as  the  molasses  resi- 
dues, wood  ashes  and  wool-scourings,  are 
giving  some  potash. 


Even  the  ocean  has  been  summoned  to 
fight  the  German  monopoly,  and  the  giant 
kelps  of  the  Pacific  Coast  are  at  present,  in 
point  of  volume,  the  third  source  of  potash. 
Steamboat  harvesters  put  to  sea  and  cut  the 
giant  weeds  below  the  surface,  and  the  re- 
sulting harvests  are  brought  ashore  in  great 
barge  loads.  The  kelp  is  put  through  an 
elaborate  process  which  yields  not  only  pot- 
ash, but  many  other  chemicals,  including 
acetone,  necessary  to  the  manufacture  of 
explosives.  As  the  kelp  renews  itself  from 
year  to  year,  this  source  of  supply  is  inex- 
haustible though  expensive. 

So  it  was  that  Secretary  Lane  was  able 
recently  to  announce  that  within  two  years 
the  United  States  will  be  self-suflRcient  in 
the  matter  of  potash.  The  potash  victory 
has  been  achieved  by  private  enterprise,  as- 
sisted and  stimulated  by  the  activities  of  the 
Bureau  of  Mines  and  the  Geological  Survey, 
but  without  Governmental  financial  assist- 
ance, and  even  without  such  cooperation  as 
priorities  and  preferences  in  transportation 
and  materials.  The  same  is  true  of  the 
wonderful  things  that  have  been  accom- 
plished in  the  production  of  manganese,  iron 
pyrites,  and  chromite. 

A    Search    for   Rare   Minerals 

Although  the  Department  of  the  Interior 
has  been  working  almost  since  the  beginning 
of  the  war  for  an  appropriation  and  author- 
ization to  assist  in  and  stimulate  the  pro- 
duction of  necessary  minerals  and  metals, 
which  by  being  produced  at  home  would  save 
precious  ship  tonnage  for  immediate  war 
uses  and  make  America  independent  of  out- 
side supplies,  it  was  not  until  the  last  days 
of  September  that  Congress  finally  passed 
and  the  President  approved  a  bill  for  those 
purposes,  carrying  with  it  an  appropriation 
of  $50,000,000  for  capital  and  $500,000  for 
administrative  expenses.  Congress  did,  how- 
ever, early  appropriate  $150,000  for  the 
Bureau  of  Mines  to  use  in  making  a  survey 
of  developmental  possibilities  and  for  cooper- 
ative work  with  private  producers.  With 
this  small  fund  the  Bureau  created  an  inves- 
tigating corps  of  about  fifty  scientists,  engi- 
neers, and  helpers,  supplemented  by  occa- 
sional cooperators.  Directly  or  indirectly 
the  mineral  possibilities  of  the  country  were 
minutely  examined  from  the  Atlantic  to  the 
Pacific,  and  from  Canada  to  Mexico.  Inves- 
tigations even  included  Canada  and  Cuba, 
and  Alaska  was  not  overlooked.  As  a  result 
of   this   work   and    the   natural    response   to 


OUR   MINERAL    RESOURCES 


81 


A  MANGANESE  MINE  IN  THE  CACTUS  REGION  OF 
ARIZONA 


OPEN-CUT  MINING  OF  MANGANESE  ORE  IN  A  WOODED 
SECTION  OF  NORTHERN  CALIFORNIA 


high  prices  the  spirit  of  adventure  has  been 
aroused — prospectors  have  swarmed  to  the 
mountains  and  plains,  and  there  has  been  an 
amazing  increase  in  the  production  of  some 
of  the  rare  minerals  essential  in  the  manu- 
facture of  war  materials,  such  as  tungsten, 
molybdenum,  mercury,  magnesium,  and  mag- 
nesite. 

Essentia!  Steel  Alloys 

Perhaps  the  most  gratifying  advance  has 
been  made  in  regard  to  chromium.  The 
only  important  source  of  the  salts  and  alloys 
is  chromic-iron  ore,  or  chromite.  Ferro- 
chromium,  an  alloy  of  iron,  is  essential  to 
the  manufacture  of  most  alloy  steel,  partic- 
ularly that  used  for  projectiles,  armor  plate, 
cannon  linings,  high-speed  tools,  automobile 
axles  and  springs,  locomotiv^e  frames  and 
springs,  and  all  steel  parts  that  must  stand 
hard  usage.  Chromite  is  necessary  for  the 
refractory  brick  of  furnace  linings  in  metal- 
lurgical plants,  for  certain  chemical  colors 
and  dyes,  and  for  special  leather  tanning. 
Most,  if  not  all,  of  these  uses  are  essential. 
Before  the  war  the  United  States  was  con- 
suming 65,000  tons  of  chromite  annually 
and  was  producing  only  250  tons.  Now  we 
are  mining  at  the  rate  of  90,000  tons  of  all 
grades,  chiefly  on  the  Pacific  Coast.  Our 
importations  have  also  greatly  increased,  but 
in  a  pinch  we  could  get  along  with  what 
we  can  now  supply  at  home.  The  mines  are 
so  distant  from  the  chief  market  that  there 
is  no  hope  for  successful  competition  in 
peace,  except  through  protection,  which 
under  the  minerals  development  law  may  be 

Jan. — 6 


extended  by  the  President  for  two  years  after 
the  close  of  the  war. 

Manganese  is  absolutely  essential  to  the 
manufacture  of  practically  all  steel.  Though 
we  are  the  greatest  steel-producing  nation, 
we  imported  before  the  war  576,000  tons  of 
manganese  ore  alone,  besides  about  90,000 
tons  of  ferro-manganese,  and  we  produced 
only  27,000  tons.  The  chief  sources  of  sup- 
ply were  India,  Brazil,  and  Russia.  The 
Bureau  of  Mines  described  the  lack  of  man- 
ganese as  fully  as  serious  as  that  of  potash 
and  nitrate.  Prices  trebled  and  even  quad- 
rupled, and  shipping  difficulties  practically 
confined  the  supply  to  Brazil,  a  very  long 
haul  at  that.  Despite  long  railway  hauls 
and  metallurgical  difficulties,  great  progress 
has  been  made  in  home  production.  Man- 
ganese ores  in  silver  and  copper  mines  have 
been  treated  and  made  to  yield  manganese. 
Its  production  has  been  taken  on  as  a  by- 
product on  a  large  scale  by  the  Anaconda 
Copper  Mining  Company  of  Butte.  A  great 
manganese  '*camp,"  with  twenty-eight  mines, 
has  been  developed  at  Philipsburg,  Mont. 
Progress  has  been  made  in  working 
out  metallurgical  processes  for  extracting 
manganese  from  the  manganiferous  ores  of 
Minnesota,  and  from  the  low-grade  manga- 
nese ores  which  w^ere  found  both  East  and 
West.  The  total  production  this  year  will 
be  about  240,000  tons,  or  almost  one-half 
of  the  country's  requirements.  The  by-prod- 
uct operations  will  probably  survive  peace- 
time competition  with  the  foreign  product, 
but  most  of  the  exchisively  manganese  mines 
will  probabh'  shut  down. 


82 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


Sulphuric  Acid  and  Graphite 

Sulphuric  acid,  indispensable  in  the  manu- 
facture of  explosives,  is  largely  made  from 
iron  pyrites,  which  contain  about  45  per  cent 
of  sulphur.  In  1913  we  imported  some 
850,000  tons  of  pyrite,  mostly  from  Spain, 
and  produced  341,000  tons.  This  year  we 
will  mine  more  than  600,000  tons,  and  under 
the  stimulation  of  continued  high  prices  we 
could  easily  meet  all  our  requirements.  In 
fact,  the  situation  has  already  reached  the 
point  where  the  problem  is  one  of  protec- 
tion of  the  pyrite  properties  that  have  been 
developed  and  the  avoidance  of  stimulation 
of  further  costly  production.  The  pyrite 
problem  is  closely  associated  with  that  of 
natural  sulphur  production.  If  sufficient 
natural  sulphur  can  be  produced  at  a  reason- 
able price,  it  is  not  economical  to  mine  pyrite 
at  a  higher  relative  price.  The  United  States 
is  rich  in  sulphur,  and  the  already  enormous 
production  can  be  considerably  increased. 
Moreover,  tremendous  quantities  of  sul- 
phuric acid  can  be  manufactured  from  the 
fumes  of  the  smelters  of  Montana,  Califor- 
nia, Utah,  and  Arizona. 

There  are  large  deposits  of  graphite  in 
the  United  States,  but  most  of  them  are  in 
the  amorphous  form,  whereas  the  flake  va- 
riety is  needed  for  making  crucibles  for  the 
manufacture  of  crucible  steel,  brass,  bronze, 
and  various  other  forms  of  alloys  and  metals. 
There  has  been  a  large  expansion  of  produc- 
tion of  flake  graphite,  however,  and  we  could 
probably  produce  to-day  half  of  our  mini- 
mum requirements. 

All  the  prospecting  and  research  of  a  hun- 
dred years,  together  with  the  special  efforts 
recently  prompted  by  the  needs  of  warfare, 
have  failed  to  reveal  appreciable  or  commer- 
cially competitive  supplies  of  platinum,  co- 
balt, tin,  nickel,  or  antimony.  For  practi- 
cally all  of  our  needs  of   these  metals  and 


for  ample  quantities  of  others,  we  are  de- 
pendent on  other  countries.  Of  nitrate,  nec- 
essary in  the  manufacture  of  explosives  and 
as  a  fertilizer,  there  are  no  known  domestic 
deposits  of  importance  and  there  is  little  hope 
of  ever  finding  any.  The  building  of  great 
government  plants  for  the  fixation  of  nitrate 
from  the  atmosphere  will,  however,  solve 
that  problem  and  make  it  possible  for  the 
United  States  to  go  to  war  and  pursue  agri- 
culture without  the  consent  of  Chile.  For 
nickel  we  shall  always  be  dependent  on 
Canada,  and  probably  for  cobalt,  too.  Plat- 
inum must  come  from  Russia  and  Colombia. 

What  of  the  Future? 

Thanks  to  substitutes  or  substitute  proc- 
esses, some  of  which  our  scientists  have  dis- 
covered or  developed  since  we  entered  the 
war,  we  could  get  along  in  an  extreme  emer- 
gency without  any  of  the  minerals  or  metals 
that  can  not  be  obtained  from  our  own 
mines.  It  is  safe  to  say  to-day  that  it  would 
be  possible  for  the  United  States  successfully 
to  conduct  warfare,  on  the  gigantic  modern 
scale,  without  recourse  to  any  other  nation 
for  mineral  or  metallic  aid.  Our  case  at  the 
beginning  of  the  war  was  utterly  and  deplor- 
ably different,  and  had  Germany  won  con- 
trol of  the  ocean  routes  we  would  have  been 
helpless  for  a  long  time.  Without  Chile's 
nitrates  our  guns  would  have  been  impo- 
tently  silent,  and  our  deficits  of  pyrite,  man- 
ganese, chromium,  and  graphite  would  have 
terribly  crippled  our  war  preparations. 

There  remains  the  question — now  that  the 
war  and  its  imperative  requirements  of  home 
production  have  ceased — of  whether  the  new- 
ly discovered  America  shall  be  maintained  by 
some  suitable  legislation,  or  whether  the  new 
continent  of  resources  shall  be  allowed  in  the 
years  of  peace  to  sink  again  below  the  waves 
of  the  ocean  of  free  competition  in  natural 
resources. 


WHERE  THE  MANGANESE  BOOM  HAS  DEVELOPED  TWENTY-EIGHT  MINES— AT  PHILIPSBURGH.  MONT. 


LEADING  ARTICLES  OF  THE 

MONTH 


CAN  A  LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS  PREVENT 

WAR? 


THE  proposed  establishment  of  a  League 
of  Nations  to  put  a  stop  to  all  wars  in 
the  future,  is  studied  in  some  of  its  aspects 
by  Prof.  G.  Sergi,  of  the  Royal  University 
of  Rome,  in  Nuova  Antologia. 

The  writer  recalls  the  efforts  that  were 
made  not  many  years  ago  to  broaden  the  scope 
of  the  various  international  scientific  associa- 
tions so  as  to  make  of  them  a  foundation  for 
an  international  association  which,  although 
not  expressly  a  peace  association  should, 
nevertheless,  lead  the  nations  to  this  desired 
goal.  In  this  connection  he  notes  that  even 
one  of  the  ardent  supporters  of  German 
Kaiserism,  the  eminent  chemist,  Professor 
Ostwald,  had  founded  a  journal  to  further 
the  idea  in  Germany. 

As  regards  the  more  direct  and  practicable 
realization  of  the  project  of  a  League  of  Na- 
tions that  is  now  so  much  agitated.  Professor 
Sergi  recognizes  that  it  cannot  be  formed  in 
a  single  day,  nor  can  the  difficulties  involved 
be  overcome  at  a  single  conference,  all  the 
more  so  as  they  cannot  all  be  foreseen  before 
the  application  of  the  agreements. 

The  greatest  of  these  difficulties  will  per- 
haps arise  in  what  concerns  the  foreign  rela- 
tions of  the  several  states,  and  as  to  their 
armaments;  for  the  latter  would  constitute 
a  serious  danger  if  they  were  not  limited  to 
what  is  strictly  necessary. 

The  chief  problem,  however,  regards  the 
execution  of  the  international  laws,  and  of 
the  decrees  and  decisions.  It  would  be  a 
great  delusion  to  believe  that  the  League  of 
Nations  should  rest  upon  moral  foundations 
alone.  The  law  for  the  private  citizen  of  a 
state  has  a  material  sanction,  and  a  force 
which  operates  in  case  of  disobedience,  and 
without  this  it  would  be  altogether  illusory. 
Now  international  legislation,  and  arbitration 
like  that  of  the  Hague  Conference,  or  a 
supreme  court,  would  be  merely  formal  in- 
stitutions, and  would  lack  the  support  of  any 
executive    power,    if    there    were    not    some 


means  of  coercion,  some  means  of  enforcing 
the  execution  of  what  had  been  decreed,  in 
case  of  refusal  or  disobedience. 

Professor  Sergi  does  not  believe  it  possible 
to  constitute  an  international  army  that 
could  serve  as  a  means  of  coercion  for  any 
member-nation  which  might  become  insub- 
ordinate. It  would  be  an  extremely  grave 
measure  to  make  war  on  a  nation  that  should 
attempt  to  disobey  the  international  decrees. 
Such  a  nation  could  only  be  one  of  the  great 
powers  which  had  in  secret  armed  itself  for 
defense,  while  the  other  members  of  the 
League  would  only  have  such  forces  at  their 
disposal  as  were  requisite  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  order  within  their  boundaries.  A  con- 
flict of  this  kind  would  result  in  a  w^ar  al- 
most similar  to  the  one  that  has  just  been 
waged.  Germany  planned  and  prepared  for 
the  war,  while  most  of  the  other  nations  were 
striving  in  every  way  to  maintain  a  durable 
peace.  Thus  the  aggressive  act  found  them 
unprepared   for  defense. 

A  possible  solution  of  the  difficulties  in- 
volved in  the  coercion  of  a  state  that  rebels 
against  the  decrees  of  the  League  is  found  by 
Professor  Sergi  in  a  proposition  he  has  met 
with  somewhere,  but  of  which  he  cannot 
recall  the  origin.  As  the  Romans  had  their 
''interdict  of  water  and  fire,"  so  in  the  case 
of  any  state  which  refused  to  obey  the  inter- 
national laws,  there  could  be  adopted  an 
interdict  of  all  commercial  Intercourse,  a  sus- 
pension of  all  international  relations,  which 
would  paralyze  all  the  external  activities  of 
the  disobedient  state,  and  would  force  it  to 
yield  to  the  will  of  the  League. 

One  danger  would  always  remain.  Should 
there  be  a  nation  perfidious  enough  to  pre- 
pare secretly  for  war,  It  would  not  only  fail 
to  obey,  but  It  would  attack  the  other  un- 
prepared nations  unawares,  and  would  per- 
haps overcome  them,  at  least  at  the  outset. 
However,  this  secret  preparation  is  unllkelv 
to  escape  the  prudent  vigilance  of  the  other 

83 


84 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


states,  and  as  soon  as  it  was  noted,  it  would  to  terms.     Otherwise  the  interdicted  nation 

serve  as  a  signal  for  the  proclamation  of  the  would  be  constrained  to  cede,  because  of  the 

interdict,  which  would  be  enforced  after  an  grave  situation  in  which  it  would  be  placed 

interval,  brief  indeed,  but  sufficient  to  give  if  cut  off  from  all  other  nations,  both  by  land 

the  offending  state  an  opportunity  to  come  and  by  sea. 


LATIN  VERSUS  TEUTONIC  IDEALS 


A  RECENT  work  by  the  distinguished 
historian  Guglielmo  Ferrero,  is  the 
subject  of  an  article  in  Rtvista  Internazion- 
ale  (Rome).  The  author  seeks  to  present 
some  of  the  striking  aspects  of  European  civ- 
ilization in  their  relation  to  the  great  world 
conflict  that  has  already  passed  through  its 
most  destructive  phase,  and  we  all  hope  is 
destined  to  eventuate  in  a  better  order  of 
things  for  the  entire  world. 

The  view-point  of  Signer  Ferrero  is  natu- 
rally rather  that  of  the  historian  than  that 
of  the  politician,  and  is  perhaps  none  the  less 
valuable  on  this  account  at  a  time  when  the 
events  of  the  present  moment  are  so  over- 
whelmingly impressive  that  it  is  not  easy  to 
see  them  in  the  light  of  historic  evolution. 

He  finds  that  what  the  ancients  in  the 
period  of  Rome's  greatness  pronounced  to 
be  corruption  is  what  the  world  of  to-day 
regards  as  progress,  namely,  the  striving 
after  increasing  comfort,  luxury,  and  pleas- 
ure; the  headlong  race  for  success,  and  the 
heaping  up  of  money,  which  brings  no  peace 
to  man. 

If  these  defects  should  prove  grave 
enough  to  destroy  the  fabric  of  nations,  our 
vaunted  progress  might  not  unjustly  be 
termed  corruption,  for  wealth  is  no  index 
of  the  virtue  of  a  people.  Thus  Italy,  with 
a  population  of  but  37,000,000,  confined  to 
a  tenitory  of  little  over  110,000  square 
miles,  and  which  can  neither  show  opulent 
industries  nor  large  masses  of  capital,  is 
none  the  less  the  inheritor  and  perpetrator 
of  an  old  civilization,  and  holds  her  place  in 
the  ranks  of  the  most  illustrious  nations. 

The  merits  of  the  Italian,  which  some  al- 
most look  upon  as  defects,  are  simplicity  of 
manners,  economy,  devotion  to  tradition  and 
family  usage.  It  is  this  that  draws  the  Ital- 
ian to  agriculture,  the  primal  source  of  the 
world's  prosperity. 

True  progress,  Signor  Ferrero  finds,  does 
not  consist  in  the  mere  multiplication  of  ma- 
chines and  scientific  discoveries.  It  consists 
in  the  logical  sequence  of  the  work  of  gen- 
erations, by  which,  in  spite  of  occasional  set- 


backs, the  common  patrimony  of  the  human 
race  continues  to  grow  from  century  to  cen- 
tury. 

Those  whom  we  now  denominate  the  an- 
cients lived  within  narrow  confines,  subser- 
vient to  the  principle  of  authority;  after  the 
Renaissance,  however,  men  began  to  per- 
ceive that  new  and  powerful  means  had  been 
placed  at  the  service  of  their  ambition,  and 
above  authority  they  raised  the  banner  of 
liberty.  But  having  once  passed  the  boun- 
dary they  became  insatiable.  The  more  they 
possessed  the  more  they  craved.  So  that 
quantity  gained  the  victory  over  quality,  as 
is  the  case  in  our  modern  civilization. 

The  great  historical  transformation  by 
which  the  ancient  world  passes  into  the  mod- 
ern world,  dates  from  the  discovery  of  Am- 
erica by  Columbus.  Until  then  Europe  had 
indeed  art,  religion,  philosophy  and  morals, 
but  she  was  poor,  worked  little  and  slowly, 
and  her  energy  was  confined  by  innumerable 
laws,  precepts  and  prejudices.  After  the 
conquest  of  a  new  continent  she  became 
bolder,  and  invented  the  word  progress  to 
designate  the  tireless  search  for  riches  and 
liberty.  The  struggle  was  of  quantity 
against  quality,  and  everything  must  be  in- 
vented and  produced  quickly. 

Novelty,  in  contradistinction  to  the  teach- 
ings of  the  past,  was  looked  upon  as  the 
greatest  of  merits;  only  what  was  new,  and 
simply  because  it  was  new,  was  considered 
better  than  the  old.  However,  true  glory 
and  true  greatness  do  not  consist  in  number 
and  quantity,  but  in  quality,  that  is  to  say 
in  perfection. 

In  our  day,  while  Republican  France, 
where  the  sense  of  order  and  measure  pre- 
dominates, and  England,  where  the  great 
preoccupation  is  industrial  growth  and  the 
jealous  maintenance  of  tradition,  had  no 
longing  for  war,  Germany,  where  the  mystic 
principle  of  authority  clashed  with  a  perfect 
anarchy  of  tastes,  aspirations  and  ideals,  was 
forced  to  seek  in  war  the  realization  of  its 
future. 

German  civilization  had  lost  the  sense  of 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE   MONTH 


85 


limitation,  and  had  therefore  lost  the  power 
to  keep  the  problems  of  life  within  their 
normal  boundaries,  and  this  lack  of  equi- 
librium between  intellectual  disruption  and 
strict  political  discipline  gave  birth  to  the 
devastating  cyclone  that  has  swept  over 
Europe.  It  was  the  common  belief  that 
Germany  was  the  model  of  order  in  Europe, 
but  orderj  is  a  word  with  many  meanings. 
The  German  understood  by  it  docile  obe- 
dience to  those  in  authority,  but  the  Latins 
understood  by  it  the  realization  that  there 
are  limits  beyond  which  reason  loses  her 
sway. 


In  1900,  it  appeared  that  Germany  domi- 
nated the  other  peoples  of  Europe,  who  were 
dazzled  and  intimidated  by  her  power.  But 
this  power  was  only  apparent,  to  such  a  de- 
gree that  in  1914  a  sudden  mighty  turn  of 
the  tide,  one  of  the  greatest  revulsions  in  all 
history,  served  to  change  the  face  of  things, 
and  led  millions  of  men  to  call  down  impre- 
cations upon  Germany  as  the  terror  of  man- 
kind. For  the  author  this  was  a  result  of 
the  conflict  between  two  different  worlds, 
between  an  ideal  of  perfection,  that  of  the 
Latins,  and  an  ideal  of  force,  that  of  the 
Germans. 


HOW  PRESIDENT   WILSON   IMPRESSES 

THE  FRENCH  MIND 


THE  famous  French  publicist,  Emile 
Boutroux,  a  member  of  the  French 
Academy,  has  written  an  article  for  a  late 
number  of  the  Revue  des  Deux  Mondes  on 
President  Wilson  as  historian  and  national 
leader,  on  the  occasion  of  the  appearance  in 
France  of  a  translation  by  yi.  Desire  Rous- 
tan  of  Wilson's  ^'History  of  the  American 
People."  This  work,  he  maintains,  gives  the 
Frenchman  a  long-needed  insight  "into  the 
American  soul  from  the  American's  own 
viewpoint."  Our  President  proves  himself  a 
clear  interpreter  of  the  national  tendencies 
and  inter-State  and  inter-regional  policies, 
which,  from  the  very  founding  of  the  nation, 
have  eventuated  in  the  molding  of  a  close- 
knit  Americanism  that  has  derived  valuable 
lessons  from  the  experiences  of  its  own  past, 
and  consolidated  the  qualities  and  aims  of  its 
conservative,  its  youthful,  and  to  no  small 
extent  even  its  polyglot  elements  into  the  uni- 
fied expression  of  American  character. 

H^  is  above  all  desirous  of  thinking,  not  in 
East-American  terms,  nor  in  those  of  the  South, 
the  West,  or  the  North,  but  in  all-American 
terms.  His  idealism  combines  what  the  diverse 
populations  making  up  the  United  States  have 
together  contributed  to  the  national  spirit:  the 
Puritan  notion  of  duty  and  responsibility;  the 
generous  and  humane  democracy  of  the  Missis- 
sippi Valley;  the  independent,  equality-loving 
though  conservative  spirit  of  the  South;  and  the 
practical  activity  of  them  all. 

President  Wilson  has  ever  been  the  foe  of 
"capitalistic  feudalism."  and  has  always 
sought  to  establish 

a   close    union    of   the    President   with    the    nation 
from  which  he  has  emanated — that  is,  the  realiza- 


tion of  a  democracy  not  merely  formal,  but  real; 
assuring  every  citizen  in  an  effective  way  the 
exercise  of  his  legitimate  rights.  Then,  too,  he 
has  been  tireless  in  his  efforts  to  enhance  to  this 
end  that  education  of  the  working  class  which 
does  not  aim  only  at  making  good  workers  in 
their  respective  employments,  but  at  creating  men 
capable  of  thinking,  exercised  in  matters  of 
thought,  putting  all  their  interest  and  ambition 
into  these  things. 

Such  have  been  the  views  long  entertained 
for  his  fellow-Americans  by  this  "positive 
idealist." 

Suddenly  the  European  War  arose.  For 
so  humanitarian  a  mind,  the  thought  of  pro- 
longed neutrality  for  America  in  that  conflict 
of  ideals  was  Impossible. 

Having  convinced  himself  that  this  w^ar  was 
really  a  contest  between  right  and  might,  of  lib- 
erty against  tyranny,  of  spirit  against  matter,  he 
deemed  that  America,  in  keeping  out  of  the 
struggle,  would  yield  herself  up  indeed  to  the 
materialism  that  menaced  her  from  within;  while 
by  embracing  the  cause  of  freedom,  she  settled 
the  problem  of  her  destiny  in  the  spirit  dictated 
by  her  sense  of  duty  and  the  example  of  her  great 
forbears. 

In  forming  this  judgment,  President  Wilson  felt 
that  he  was  in  communion  with  his  country's  con- 
science. He  spoke  to  it,  and  it  accepted  his  inspi- 
ration; at  the  same  time  communicating  its  own 
to  him.  From  the  reciprocal  action  of  the  nation 
on  its  leader  and  of  the  leader  on  the  nation, 
there  resulted  a  decision  which  history  will  surely 
register  as  one  of  the  most  momentous  facts  of 
which  she  makes  mention.  It  was  not  the  will  of 
an  indixidunl  but  that  of  a  whole  people  which, 
conscious  of  its  ability  to  accomplish  nn\  end,  sub- 
mitted humbl\'  this  otiiiiipotence  to  the  authority 
of   the   moral    law    and   of   the   ideal.     . 

America,  by  foll()^ving  the  exhortation  of  one 
of  her  national  poets,  has  taken  for  her  device 
the  word  "Excelsior!"      lUr  nationality  from  this 


86 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


day  forth  means:  Work,  education,  nobleness  of 
soul,  freedom,  equal  rights  for  great  and  small, 
good-will,  humanity,  mutual  penetration  of  intel- 


ligence and  heart,  a  worthy  and  stable  peace,  as- 
sured to  the  world  by  the  sincere  and.  strong 
constitution  of  a  rule  of  justice. 


AFRICA  AT  THE  PEACE  CONFERENCE 


LEADING  British  authorities  on  colonial 
matters  are  agreed  that  the  German 
colonies  in  Africa  must  be  under  some  form 
of  international  influence,  but  some  of  them 
advocate  a  fully  fledged  international  author- 
ity with  administrative  powers,  while  others 
would  go  no  farther  than  to  set  up  an  inter- 
national "control."  Just  what  is  meant  by 
this  system  of  control,  as  opposed  to  actual 
administration,  is  set  forth  in  the  Conte?npo- 
rary  Review  by  Noel  Buxton,  M.  P. : 

The  proposal  is,  briefly,  on  the  political  side, 
to  leave  the  national  sovereignties  untouched,  ex- 
cept as  they  may  be  changed  by  mutual  con- 
cessions as  distinguished  from  conquest;  but  to 
extend  the  area  of  neutralization  so  as  to  in- 
clude the  'whole  of  tropical  Africa — i.e.,  all 
Africa  except  the  Mediterranean  countries,  South- 
west Africa,  the  Union  and  Rhodesia.  This  neu- 
tralization would  be  made  compulsory,  and  pro- 
visions made  prohibiting  the  arming  and  drilling 
of  the  natives  except  for  police  purposes.  The 
sanction  would  be  invested  in  the  League  of 
Nations,  so  that  it  would  be  valid  as  long  as  the 
League  existed,  and  a  special  commission  would 
be  appointed  to  supervise  this  arrangement  and 
investigate  complaints   made   by   any   one   nation. 

On  the  economic  side  it  is  proposed  to  make  the 
free-trade  clause  more  explicitly  practical  by 
substituting  the  principle  of  equal  economic  op- 
portunities. It  is  doubtful  otherwise  whether 
France  would  be  willing  to  pass  at  a  bound  from 
high  differential  protective  tariffs  to  free  trade, 
but  she  might  consent  to  levy  the  same  tariff 
impartially  on  all  comers,  whether  nationals  or 
foreigners.  And  in  this  case  the  tariffs  would 
soon  come  down.  The  arrangement,  again, 
should  be  made  obligatory — under  the  aegis,  say, 
of  a  commission  on  raw  materials  set  up  by  the 
powers  constituting  the  League  of  Nations.  Guar- 
anteed by  the  League,  this  act  might  further  be 
grounded  on  a  general  charter  of  native  rights, 
guaranteeing  them  their  communal  ownership 
of  the  soil  and  its  products,  both  against  Euro- 
pean and  native  exploiters.  The  League  might 
have  as  its  representative  in  Africa  a  permanent 
commission,  which  would  send  out  inspectors  to 
report  on  the  condition  of  the  natives  under  the 
various  administrations;  and  it  would  set  up  a 
court  of  appeal  before  which  breaches  of  the 
treat>'   would    be   brought   for   judgment. 

As  to  the  disposition  of  the  German  colo- 
nies, this  writer  maintains  that  their  future 
must  be  the  subject  of  negotiation  and  that 
"a  policy  of  rearrangement  must  be  arrived 
at  by  means  of  free  exchange  or  compensa- 
tion."    In  other  words,  no  German  colonial 


possessions    are    to    be    annexed    solely  on 
grounds  of  conquest. 

In  the  opinion  of  this  member  of  the  Brit- 
ish Parliament  America  is  entitled  to  a  spe- 
cial place  in  regulating  the  future  of  Africa 
by  reason  of  her  action  in  the  past : 

She  took  an  active  interest  in  the  partition  of 
Africa  among  the  powers  which  took  place  be- 
tween 1880-90,  and  she  was  the  first  state  to  rec- 
ognize the  rights  of  the  International  Association 
of  the  Congo.  It  is  certain  that  America  will 
strongly  oppose  all  imperialist  schemes  on  our 
part,  and  that  she  will  urge  with  equal  insist- 
ence the  policy  of  the  Open  Door. 

This  was  the  attitude  adopted  by  President 
Wilson  in  his  historic  message  to  Congress  (Jan- 
uary 8,  1918).  His  "program  of  the  world's 
peace,"  as  he  calls  it,  contains  the  following 
article  (No.  5):  'A  free,  open-minded,  and  ab- 
solutely impartial  adjustment  of  all  colonial 
claims,  based  upon  a  strict  observance  of  the 
principle  that  in  determining  all  such  questions 
of  sovereignty  the  interests  of  the  populations 
concerned  must  have  equal  weight  with  the  equit- 
able claims  of  the  Government  whose  title  is  to 
be  determined,"  and,  as  a  necessary  corollary  to 
this  colonial  policy,  he  calls  in  Article  3  for  "the 
removal  so  far  as  possible  of  all  economic  bar- 
riers, and  the  establishment  of  an  equality  of 
trade  conditions  among  all  the  nations  consent- 
ing to  the  peace,  and  associating  themselves  for 
its  maintenance."  This  is  the  point  of  view,  it 
must  be  remembered,  of  the  predominant  member 
of  the  Entente  partnership,  and  it  is  obvious  that 
at  the  Peace  Conference  she  will  be  powerful 
enough  to  impress  her  opinion. 

Before  the  war,  according  to  Mr.  Buxton, 
Germany  had  adopted  more  humane  methods 
in  her  colonial  administration.  The  Center 
party  and  the  Socialists  insisted  on  bringing 
the  Herrero  atrocities  to  light  and  enforcing 
reforms. 

This  English  statesman  declares  that  to 
exclude  Germany  from  Africa  altogether 
would  be  "essentially  undesirable  from  the 
point  of  view  of  justice,  security,  and  the 
general  welfare."  With  a  democratized 
Germany  and  a  League  of  Nations,  Mr.  Bux- 
ton believes  that  a  system  of  international 
control  in  Africa  based  on  a  real  concert  of 
all  the  powers  is  feasible.  Germany,  he 
maintains,  should  be  permitted  to  acquire, 
subject  to  international  control,  "a  sphere  in 
Africa  appropriate  to  her  population  and 
commercial  resources." 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE    MONTH 


87 


ALLIANCES  IN  SCANDINAVIA 


SHOULD  the  war-fostered  Scandinavian 
cooperation  in  economic  matters  be  al- 
lowed to  give  rise  to  entangling  military  alli- 
ances in  the  North  ?  This  question  is  dis- 
cussed by  Lieutenant-Colonel  H.  O.  Wikner 
in  the  Svensk  Tidskrift  (Stockholm).  In 
the  minds  of  many  Scandinavians,  the  dan- 
ger of  Russian  exp-ansional  policy  is  yet  to 
be  reckoned  with  in  the  future;  and  there 
does  exist,  however  remote,  the  possibility  of 
war  with  Germany  or  even  countries  to  the 
west.  Should  Sweden,  under  the  shadow  of 
such  apprehensions,  seek  to  ally  herself  mili- 
tarily with  her  weaker  Scandinavian  neigh- 
bors to  protect  herself  from  invasion  from 
the  north,  south,  and  west,  and  the  use  of 
the  Aland  Islands  as  the  base  of  naval,  and 
particularly  of  aerial,  operations  against  her 
capital  ? 

As  far  as  Norway  and  Denmark  are  con- 
cerned, a  defensive  alliance  with  Sweden 
would  be  without  marked  advantage ;  Den- 
mark would  never  dare  to  institute  a  hostile 
policy  against  any  power  to  the  south,  cer- 
tainly not  against  Germany;  and  Norway, 
dependent  as  she  is  on  British  support  (if 
not  virtual  protection)  for  her  great  overseas 
trade,  could  be  but  little  benefited  by  such 
an  alliance. 

In  the  event  of  a  German  attack  on  Swe- 
den, as  an  ally  Denmark  herself  would  soon 
be  helpless,  and  in  need  of  Swedish  assist- 
ance; should  Finland  or  Russia  attack  Swe- 
den, Denmark  would  have  to  get  German 
guarantees  that  her  aid  to  Sweden  would  be 
unmolested.  In  case  of  war  with  a  western 
power  or  powers,  Denmark's  chief  assist- 
ance would  be  in  the  closing  of  the  passages 
into  the  Baltic — a  move  in  all  probability, 
says  the  writer,  as  readily  affected  by  Swe- 
den alone. 

Norway  might  prove  a  more  valuable  ally. 
Besides,  the  Russian  peril  has  always  been  of 
as  much  concern  to  the  Norwegians  as  the 
Swedes ;  the  Norse  army  and  navy  would 
be  most  important  factors  in  an  anti-Musco- 
vite campaign.  As  a  buffer  state,  too,  Nor- 
way would  offer  considerable  protection 
against  invasion  from  the  west ;  but  she 
could  hardly  afford  to  ruin  her  maritime 
life  m  a  struggle  relatively  so  hopeless. 

No  matter  how  strange  it  sounds,  it  neverthe- 
less appears  as  if  Sweden,  in  order  to  assume  a 
safe  and  independent  politico-military  position, 
must  go  her  own  way  as  regards  both  Denmark 


and  Norway.  In  this  case,  isolation  and  not  union 
gives  us  strength.  This  circumstance  is  ob- 
viously peculiar;  its  principal  reasons  are  to  be 
found  in  Denmark's  military  helplessness  towards 
Germany  and  Norway's  sensitiveness  to  British 
maritime  intervention.  There  is  also  a  lack  of 
outside  dangers  sufficiently  threatening  to  all 
three  of  these  countries.   ,    .    . 

But  a  Russian  program  of  expansion  di- 
rected against  Sweden  is  unthinkable  except 
via  Finland,  which  would  anyway  be  an  in- 
dispensable ally  in  a  war  against  Russia. 
Swedish  and  Finnish  naval  forces  could  do 
effective  work  in  bottling  up  the  Russian 
fleet  in  the  Gulf  of  Finland — especially 
through  mine-laying  operations — and  the 
larger  part  of  the  Swedish  army  could  col- 
laborate with  the  Finns  in  Finland,  whose 
eastern  border  is  penetrable  with  difficulty  on 
account  of  the  nature  and  fewness  of  the 
passes  there,  in  the  attempt  to  ward  off  the 
enemy  from  most  of  Finnish  and  altogether 
from  Swedish  soil.  In  other  words,  Finland, 
receiving  the  utmost  of  aid  from  Sweden, 
would  be  vitally  necessary  as  an  ally  in  hold- 
ing the  Russians  at  as  great  a  distance  as 
possible  from  Sweden  by  both  land  and  sea. 
Moreover,  in  the  course  of  a  hypothetical 
conflict  with  Germany,  the  united  Finno- 
Swedish  fleet  would  afford  greater  protection 
to  an  endangered  part  of  either  country's 
coast-line  than  either  fleet  singly. 

Future  developments  will  show  whether 
the  need  for  that  alliance  exists.  But  as  for 
the  Scandinavian  economic  alliances — is 
there  any  necessity  for  their  continuance? 
Must  the  northern  nations  still  depend  on 
one  another  for  partial  independence  of  sup- 
plies from  abroad  ?  Though  the  effects  of 
those  alliances  did  not  disappear  after  sepa- 
rate trade  agreements  were  made  with  the 
Entente  by  Norway,  Sweden  and  Denmark 
last  spring  and  summer,  yet  there  are  Nor- 
wegians— wishing  for  further  unhindered 
economic  approach  to  England — who  hold 
that  in  the  piping  times  of  peace  the  North 
could  never  command  the  attention  of  the 
rest  of  the  world  as  an  economic  unit  any 
more  than  during  the  war,  and  that  conse- 
quently the  aforesaid  aUiances  might  as  well 
be  dissolved.  In  answer  to  this  argument 
the  Dagens  Nyhcfcr  (Stockholm)  contends 
that 

it  is  not  made  more  impressive  hv  insistence  on 
the  fact  that  the  northern  states  cannot  dispense 
with   importation   from  without.      They   could   not 


88 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


do   that  during  the  war   either;   yet  working  to-  tion  ought  to  perform  the  same  function  with  at 

gether    commercially    has    been    of    unexpectedly  least    equal    success;    and    in    that    struggle    also, 

great   benefit.      Should    the    prophecies    about   the  will    draw    for    us   all    the   safe    and    secure    line 

trade  war  of  to-morrow  come  true,  then  coopera-  of  neutrality. 


7; 


PRESIDENT  WILSON'S  MESSAGE  TO 

CHINA 


GREAT  interest  seems  to  have  been 
aroused  in  China  by  President  Wil- 
son's message  of  congratulation  to  President 
Hsu-Shih-Chang  on  the  occasion  of  the  Chi- 
nese national  holiday,  October  10.  The 
message  as  received  at  Peking  read  as  fol- 
lows: 

The  President  of  The  Republic  of  China, 
Peking. 

On  this  memorable  anniversary  when  the  Chin- 
ese people  unite  to  commemorate  the  birth  of  the 
Republic  of  China  I  desire  to  send  to  you  on 
behalf  of  the  American  people  my  sincere  con- 
gratulations upon  your  accession  to  the  Presi- 
dency of  the  Republic  and  my  most  heartfelt 
wishes  for  the  future  peace  and  prosperity  of 
your  country  and  people.  I  do  this  with  the 
greatest  earnestness  not  only  because  of  the  long 
and  strong  friendship  between  our  countries  but 
more  especially  because  in  this  supreme  crisis 
in  the  history  of  civilization,  China  is  torn  by 
internal  dissensions  so  grave  that  she  must  com- 
pose these  before  she  can  fulfil  her  desire  to  co- 
operate with  her  sister  nations  in  their  great 
struggle  for  the  future  existence  of  their  highest 
ideals.  This  is  an  auspicious  moment  as  you 
enter  upon  the  duties  of  your  high  office  for  the 
leaders  in  China  to  lay  aside  their  differences  and 
guided  by  a  spirit  of  patriotism  and  self-sacri- 
fice to  unite  in  a  determination  to  bring  about 
harmonious  cooperation  among  all  elements  of 
your  great  nation  so  that  each  may  contribute 
its  best  effort  for  the  good  of  the  whole  and  en- 
able your  Republic  to  reconstitute  its  national 
unity  and  assume  its  rightful  place  in  the  coun- 
cils of  nations. 

WooDRow  Wilson. 

As  it  was  first  given  out  to  the  press,  how- 
ever, the  last  paragraph,  in  w^hich  President 
Wilson  expressed  his  desire  that  the  Chinese 
people  compose  their  differences  in  order  that 
the  "Republic  might  reconstitute  its  national 
unity  and  assume  its  rightful'  place  in  the 
councils  of  nations,"  was  not  made  public. 
After  this  omission  was  corrected  thousands 
of  reprints  of  the  message  in  the  Chinese 
language  were  circulated  throughout  China. 

In  commenting  on  the  reception  accorded 
to  the  message  in  China  Millard's  Review, 
of  Shanghai,  says : 

The  Chinese  press  unanimously  praise  the 
American  chief  executive   for  his  frank  and   sin- 


cere views  on  the  necessity  or  composing  China's 
internal  dissensions  at  once,  and  describe  him  as 
a  true  friend  of  this  country,  a  disinterested 
supporter  of  weak  nations,  a  persistent  champion 
of  republican  institutions  and  one  of  the  truly 
great  living  statesmen  of  the  world.  Gifted  with 
an  unusual  degree  of  political  insight,  and  able 
to  express  in  concise  and  simple  forms  the 
thoughts  which  many  wanted  to  express  but 
failed  to  do  so,  as  is  clearly  shown  in  the  mes- 
sage to  Mr.  Hsu,  President  Wilson,  the  Ta  Kung 
Pao,  Peking,  comments,  is  now  literally  idolized 
in  the  Orient  as  a  virtuous  magistrate  was  usual- 
ly idolized  in  ancient  times.  Most  of  the  news- 
papers in  Peking  are  now,  since  the  message  has 
been  circulated,  calling  the  attention  of  their 
readers  to  the  fact  that  Mr.  Wilson's  telegram 
was  not  a  perfunctory  congratulatory  message. 
It  was,  in  reality,  a  warning  from  a  true  friend 
with  wholesome  advice  as  to  what  might  be  in 
store  for  China  if  she  should  remain  disunited. 
In  this  respect  it  was  unlike  other  messages, 
which  merely  conveyed  congratulations  to  Presi- 
dent Hsu  upon  his  accession  to  the  presidency. 

A  special  article  in  the  Kuo  Ming  Kung 
Pao,  of  Peking,  which  was  attributed  to  a 
high  Chinese  official,  who  used  "Lamenter" 
as  his  pen-name,  says  that  even  a  personal 
friend  would  not  usually  have  given  such 
straightforward  advice  as  President  Wilson 
has  given  to  China.  He  declares  that  think- 
ing Chinese  should  have  only  feelings  of 
gratitude  for  this  sincere  advice.  Many  Chi- 
nese leaders  who  should  have  been  working 
for  the  national  welfare  are  constantly  in- 
triguing against  one  another  and  thereby  un- 
dermining the  national  strength.  "La- 
menter"  freely  admits  that  a  country  must 
first  be  united  before  it  can  assume  the 
"rightful  place  in  the  councils  of  nations"  to 
which  President  Wilson  refers.  "Official 
China,  however,  still  believes  that  as  the 
Peking  government  has  been  recognized  by 
the  powers  and  the  new  President  has  also 
been  regarded  by  them  as  China's  legal  chief 
executive,  her  representative  will  be  allowed 
to  sit  at  the  coming  Peace  Conference,  and 
sees  no  reason  why  she  is  not  entitled  to  such 
a  seat."  The  Chinese  Minister  to  the 
United  States,  Mr.  Wellington  Koo,  has 
gone  to  France  for  that  purpose. 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE   MONTH 


89 


THE  GOVERNMENT  PRINTING  OFFICE 


IN  Washington's  Administration  Congress 
authorized  the  spending  of  $10,000  for 
"firewood,  stationery,  and  printing."  To-day 
the  United  States  Government  spends  in  one 
year  for  its  printing  $12,000,000.     Some  of 


The  illustrations  on  this  page  show  the 
monotype  machines.  The  equipment  also 
includes  nearly  one  hundred  linotype  ma- 
chines, five  of  which  are  located  in  the 
branch    printing   section   at    the   Library   of 


the  interesting  phases   of   this  expansion   in      Congress.     The  bindery  contains  about  one 

the    Government's    printing 

enterprise  are  outlined  in  an 

article   by   Henry   Litchfield 

West,     contributed     to     the 

December    Bookman     (New 

York). 

The  magnitude  of  govern- 
mental printing  at  the  pres- 
ent time  is  indicated  by  the 
following  statistics : 

The  Government  Print- 
ing Office  itself  occupies 
thirteen  and  one-half  acres 
of  ground  in  the  City  of 
Washington.  It  employs 
5000  persons,  and  the  an- 
nual pay-roll  is  nearly 
$5,000,000.  There  are  246 
type-setting  machines,  the 
largest  number  of  such 
machines  assembled  at  any 
one  place  in  the  world. 
There  are  159  presses  em- 
ployed and  700  electric  motors.  The  machine  hundred  machines  of  the  latest  approved 
equipment  of  the  plant  is  valued  at  $2,600,-  type  for  the  various  operations  in  the 
000.     The  type  metal  cast  into  ingots  each      modern   binding   process. 


MONOTYPE  KEYBOARDS  AT  THE  GOVERNMENT  PRINTING  OFFICE 

(By  means  of  which  rolls  of  paper  are  perforated  in  the  initial  process 

of    typesetting) 


day   amounts   to   twelve    and    a   half    tons. 


k 


MONOTYPE  CASTING  MACHINES 

(These  take  the  perforated  rolls  i)roduccd  by   the   machines  shown  in  the 

other   illustration   on   this  page,    and   cast   type    from   them) 


So  much  for  the  plant.  The  figures  of  output 
are  equally  amazing.  For  ex- 
ample, 1,800,000  type  pages 
are  set  in  a  year,  and  this 
number  of  type  pages  is  said 
to  be  greater  than  the  annual 
output  of  all  the  book-pub- 
lishing houses  in  the  L^nited 
States.  Last  year  49,647,371 
publications  were  w  i  r  e  - 
stitched  and  2,600,938  books 
bound.  These  bound  books, 
if  placed  end  to  end,  would 
cover  a  distance  of  400  miles. 
The  speeches  annually  print- 
ed for  Members  of  Congress 
number  25,000,000. 

The  quantity  of  franked 
governmental  mail  (largely 
printed  matter)  received  each 
day  by  the  Washington  City 
I'ost  Office  is  estimated  at 
150  tons. 


90 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


THE  LONG-AWAITED  LIBERATION  OF 

ARABIC  SYRIA 


THE  following  account  of  "how  the 
good  news  came  to  Beirut"  has  been 
translated  into  English  from  Meraat-ul- 
Gharb,  an  Arabic  newspaper  (New  York), 
by  Aliss  ]\Iary  Caroline  Holmes,  whose  work 
for  the  relief  of  the  suffering  peoples  of 
Syria  has  been  continuous  for  many  years. 
JVIiss  Holmes  is  about  to  go  again  to  Syria 
to  rejoice  with  the  liberated  folk  over  their 
freedom  and  to  alleviate  the  miseries  of  their 
present  condition : 

In  the  middle  of  the  night,  Sunday,  October 
1,  a  telegram  came  to  Beirut  from  a  representa- 
tive of  the  King  of  the  Arabs  in  Damascus,  an- 
nouncing the   liberation   of   Syria. 

"I  announce  to  you,"  the  telegram  ran,  "the 
liberation  of  Arabic  Syria.  The  Turkish  army 
is  scattered.  The  army  of  the  Arabs  fill  the 
plains  and  mountains.  Make  ready,  ye  sons  of 
the  Arabs.  Seize  all  camps  and  enemies.  Cast 
aside  religious  differences  and  forget  your  as- 
semblies. Long  live  the  Arab  Kingdom.  Long 
live  the  Arab  Sultan." 

This  news  was  received  by  the  people  with 
indescribable  joy.  Church  bells  were  rung  all 
over  the  city,  rockets  sent  up  at  night,  women  sent 
forth  their  shrill  cries  as  in  times  of  great  joy 
and  at  weddings  [the  zalaghit,  once  heard,  never 
forgotten],  and  the  shouts  of  the  multitude  filled 
the  air,  but  mostly,  the  people  wept  from  their 
great  joy.  An  electric  thrill  of  gladness  per- 
meated every  heart,  when  the  government  in 
every  town  and  village  was  handed  over  to  the 
sheikhs  and  other  chosen  men. 

Six  days  later  the  English  and  Indian  troops 
entered  the  city,  coming  from  Tyre  and  Sidon, 
preceded  by  thousands  of  cavalry  escorting  the 
great  army  of  infantry  and  trains  of  camels  bear- 
ing ammunition  led  by  Egyptians,  as  well  as 
armored   cars. 

Entering  the  city,  they  proceeded  to  Liberty 
Square,  which  now  is  called  Martyrs'  Square,  that 
the  Arab  flag  should  be  raised.  This  act  was 
committed  to  the  daughter  of  al  Muhammasati, 
who  after  raising  the  emblem,  delivered  an  elo- 
quent address  to  the  great  throng  who  received  it 
as  from  one  inspired,  for  the  lover  of  the  girl 
and  her  brother,  with  twelve  others,  had  been 
hung  on  that  very  spot  early  in  the  war,  for 
sympathizing  with  the  Arab  movement. 

The  English  army  stayed  but  three  d*iys  in 
Beirut,  then  departed  to  take  Aleppo,  for  word 
had  come  of  a  massacre  there  by  the  Turks  of 
the    Arab    inhabitants. 

The  harbor  is  being  put  in  shape,  and  to-day 
is  crowded  with  English  and  French  war  craft. 
The  boats,  which  were  loaded  and  sunk  to  ob- 
struct the  entrance,  are  being  removed.  The  tiny 
Turkish  warship,  Ann  Allah,  which  was  sunk  by 
the  Italian  fleet  during  the  war  with  Italy,  has 
been  removed  also,  as  well  as  a  German  sub- 
marine, which  is  now  on  shore  where  the  people 
can  see  it. 


THE    FOOD    SITUATION 

It  appears  after  investigation  that  there  is 
enough  grain  of  all  kinds  in  the  land  to  last 
the  people  for  three  years.  Certain  rich  Syrians 
connived  with  the  Turkish  authorities  and  cor- 
nered the  grain,  which  act  has  been  the  cause 
of  the  death  of  hundreds  of  thousands  of  the  in- 
habitants. The  new  government  is  hard  after 
these  men  who  are  guilty  of  this  crime,  and  the 
greatest  of  them  all,  one  Zelzel,  is  under  arrest 
and  will  suff^er  the  consequences  of  his  guilt  with 
other  traitors.  Another  one  equally  guilty,  the 
Amir  Shakib  Arslan,  fled  to  Constantinople,  fear- 
ing to  face  what  he  knows  is  his  due. 

The  reason  why  life  was  so  hard  in  addition 
to  the  cruelty  of  the  Turks  was  the  extreme  high 
cost  of  food.  The  Turkish  lira  would  soar  in 
price,  then  fall  as  suddenly,  as  though  it  were  a 
thermometer.  Sometimes  it  would  be  worth 
twenty  piastres,  then  drop  to  fourteen.  One 
might  be  possessed  of  five  liras  at  night,  to 
awaken  on  the  morrow  to  find  he  had  not  one 
hundred   piastres,   but   sixty   piastres. 

A  rotl  (a  little  less  than  six  pounds)  of  wheat 
was  worth  250  piastres,  an  okeya  (1/12  of  a 
rotl)  of  bread  20  piastres.  Even  millet,  which 
the  people  were  forced  to  use  when  the  price  of 
wheat  became  prohibitive,  cost  15  piastres  the 
okeya. 

As  for  sweets,  there  were  none,  sugar  being 
scarcer  than  red  sulphur,  an  okeya  bringing  90 
piastres.  Carob  molasses  sold  for  30  piastres 
the  okeya. 

The  price  of  clothing  was  absolutely  prohibit- 
ive. A  pair  of  stockings  sold  for  from  50  to  80 
piastres.  A  dra'a  (^  of  a  yard)  of  muslin  cost 
a  whole  lira.  A  new  suit  (men's)  would  cost 
more  than  50  liras.  The  people  went  without  new 
clothes.  Everything  that  would  bring  money  was 
sold   in  order  that  food  might  be  obtained. 

The  poor  were  the  victims  of  mal-nutrition, 
which  carried  oif  thousands,  as  did  utter  lack  of 
food.  The  Turks,  instead  of  trying  to  ameliorate 
conditions,  commandeered  all  medicines  in  the 
country  for  the  army,  as  well  as  all  physicians, 
leaving  one  doctor  to  every  ten  towns.  Condi- 
tions may  be  imagined  when  epidemics,  deadly  in 
character,  swept  through  the  land,  with  no  doc- 
tors and  no  medicines. 

At  one  time,  there  was  widespread  belief  that 
the  end  of  the  world  was  near,  the  Prophet 
Daniel  being  quoted  that  the  resurrection  would 
take  place  after  "a  time,  times  and  half  a  time." 
When  two  years  and  a  half  passed  and  the  proph- 
ecy was  unfilled,  the  people  lost  hope  and  prayed 
for  death  for  their  children,  that  they  might  not 
see   them    starve    before   their    eyes. 

Thus  the  days  went  by,  the  dead  waiting  for 
some  one  to  bury  them,  the  living,  expecting 
death,  when  God  sent  relief  by  the  hand  of  Great 
Britain.      May    God    reward    her! 

This  Statement,  from  a  Syrian  source,  tells 
more  eloquently  than  any  official  document 
what  British  occupation  meant  to  the  people. 


LEADING   ARTICLES    OF    THE   MONTH 

THE  FRENCH  "TANK" 


91 


WHILE  the  British  and  American 
"tank"  models  became  fairly  famil- 
iar to  a  great  part  of  the  American  public 
before"  the  war  was  over,  less  was  known 
in  this  country  concerning  the  new  French 
type,  named  for  its  designer  the  Renault 
car.  This  mighty  engine  of  war  is  de- 
scribed in  U Illustration  (Paris)  for  October 
26th  last.  The  writer  begins  with  a  survey 
of  the  various  tank  models  employed  on  the 
Western  Front  before  this  latest  French  de- 
sign had  been  perfected.  All  of  these  ma- 
chines, he  says,  while  presenting  differences 
in  weight  and  the  manner  of  driving,  seemed 
designed  for  maximum  speed  and  offensive 
power.  Some  of  them  represented  a  gross 
weight  of  twenty-five  tons,  with  a  carrying 
capacity  of  seven  or  eight  men. 

Although  all  of  these  machines  did  good 
work,  in  course  of  time  it  became  desirable 
to  choose  between  two  principal  types:  The 
heavy  machine,  capable  of  considerable  offen- 
sive efforts,  and  the  light  machine,  com- 
pensating for  its  relatively  feeble  armament 
by  its  lightness  and  ease  of  maneuvering  and 
the  fact  that  a  number  could  be  put  in  action 
at  one  time  and  place.  In  the  last  three 
months  of  the  war  it  was  the  tank  of  the 
second  type  that  played  a  decisive  part  in 
Allied  victories,  and  this  type  is  represented 
by  the  invention  of  Louis  Renault,  the  great 
constructive  engineer. 

The  Renault  car  of  to-day  has  the  shape  of  a 


Revolving  Turret---. 
Machine -Gun  or  Cannon 


Speed  and  Steering 
Entrance  Door 


long  and  narrow  coffer  with  beaked  ends.  It  is  about 
4  meters  long,  not  counting  the  tail ;  its  maximal 
height  is  2  meters,  and  its  width  1.8  meters. 
It  is  built  of  plates  of  special  steel  .  .  .  whose 
thickness  varies  from  6  to  16  meters,  withstanding 
bullets  and  small-caliber  shrapnel.  In  the  first 
model  the  tower  was  polygonal  and  bolted  to- 
gether; to-day  it  is  generally  moulded  in  a  one- 
piece  bell-shape  by  the  new  Paul  Girod  process, 
which  permits  of  the  moulding  of  special  steel 
into  shapes  as  resistant  to  shell-fire  as  forged  or 
laminated  steels. 

The  interior  is  divided  into  two  compartments 
by  a  diaphragm  which  isolates  the  men  from  the 
motor  chamber.  In  front,  under  the  hood,  the 
driver  sits  under  the  floor,  with  his  feet  extended 
towards  three  pedals  controlling  the  engine  (  ?) 
.  .  .  Three  levers  are  within  the  reach  of  his 
hand.  .  .  .  Behind  him  stands  the  gunner  covered 
by  the  turret  which  revolves  together  with  the 
machine-gun  or  the  37-mm.  cannon  with  which 
it  is  armed.  Sometimes  the  turret  is  immovable 
and  holds  a  75-mm.  gun.  Against  the  diaphragm 
is  the  starter,  which  can  also  be  manipulated 
from  the  outside.  Slits  about  three  mm.  high  are 
so  disposed  as  to  give  a  free  view  to  the  front 
and  the  sides  from  the  interior.  The  men  enter 
and  leave  by  the  hood,  which  the  driver  closes 
down  upon  himself.  An  escape  door  Is  located 
in  the  back  side  of  the  movable  tower. 

In  the  rear  compartment  are  situdated  the 
motor  (of  the  Renault  type),  the  gasoline  tank, 
and  the  radiator — whose  action  is  reenforced  by 
a  ventilating  apparatus,  which  ventilates  the 
whole  interior  besides. 

The  propulsion  means,  beyond  the  engine,  com- 
prises two  parts,  the  chain  (tread)  and  the 
wheels. 

Either  flank  of  the  car  consists  of  a  double-T 
steel  girder  in  the  shape  of  an  elongated  racket, 
the  rear  arm  of  which  holds  the  axis  of  a  large 

Exit  Door 
.Gasolene  Tarik 

Ventilator 

/Radiator 
,  Engine 

Tail  forTrench- 
ClirQbing 


'-Disconnecting      i  Driver 
Lever  and  Brake 


\  Crank  for  Starling 
Gunner 


Apparatus  for  Trans- 
mitting Powder  froiu 
Hngino  to  Whec?L6 


INTERIOR  OF  THE  RENAULT  CAR 


92 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


denticulated  wheel,  called  the  "barbotin,"  on 
which  plays  an  endless  chain  made  of  large  ar- 
ticulating plaques  of  steel,  which  chain  also  re- 
volves on  the  forward  wheel.  The  "barbotin" 
engages  directly  with  the  motor  and  communi- 
cates a  continuous  motion  to  the  chain. 

Moreover,  the  two  T-girders  are  united  by  a 
truck  of  two  trees  holding  respectively  five  and 
four  rollers  which  rest  on  the  chain.  When  the 
latter  turns,  it  moves  the  rollers,  giving  them  an 
endless  track  displacing  itself  with  the  forward 
movement  of  the  tank.  The  connections  of  the 
chains  to  the  motor  being  independent,  steering  is 
effected  by  disconnecting  the  tread  on  either  side. 
Or,  instead  of  simply  veering  to  one  side,  the  tank 
can  be  turned  about  in  situ  by  reversing  the 
drive  of  one  of  the  treads.  This  it  does  with 
astonishing  ease  and  rapidity. 

The  little  monster  weighs  about  seven  tone 
when  in  action  and  attains  on  level  ground  a 
speed  of  ten  kilometres  an  hour.  However,  this 
very  considerable  speed  plays  but  a  slight  role 
in  the  field  of  battle.  Its  advantages  lie  in  its 
weight  and  its  momentum  (?),  wherewith  it  goes 
through    barbed    wire    as    if    it    were    straw    and 


crashes  through  masonry  walls  almost  40  cm. 
high. 

As  to  its  gymnastic  proclivities,  they  result 
from  the  unusual  grip  on  the  soil  made  by  the 
chains  and  from  a  judicious  localization  of  the 
center  of  gravity.  The  Renault  car  takes  50-de- 
gree  grades ;  it  can  pass  through  water  80  cm. 
deep.  It  goes  either  forward  or  backward  ac- 
cording to  the  nature  of  the  ground.   ... 

On  account  of  its  low  center  of  gravity,  the 
manner  in  which  its  equilibrium  is  nilaintained, 
it  is  practically  impossible  for  it  to  capsize.  In 
rare  instances  it  may  turn  over  on  one  side,  as, 
for  example,  when  it  becomes  stuck  in  a  trench 
or  is  surprised  by  a  shell-hole  made  beside  it 
as  it  advances.  Almost  always  it  rises  again 
when    companion   tanks   take   it   in   tow. 

A  man  knowing  how  to  drive  an  automobile 
learns  easily  to  drive  one  of  these  tanks.  The 
interior  doubtless  lacks  comfort,  but  it  is  more 
endurable  in  there  than  civilians  suppose.  Stories 
are  told  of  men  who  remained  thirty  hours  in 
one  of  them.  And  notwithstanding  the  fatigue 
and  the  danger,  the  number  of  applications  for 
entry  into  the  ''assault  artillery"  increases  daily. 
Soon  we  shall  have  to  refuse  more   applications. 


AMERICAN    ENGINEERING    IN  FRANCE 


THE  American  public  is  just  beginning 
to  get  detailed  information  about  the 
railroad  system  that  was  built  up  in  France 
in  connection  with  our  great  Service  of  Sup- 
ply. We  knew  that  engineer  regiments  were 
sent  over  very  early  in  the  war  and  that 
they  gave  a  good  account  of  themselves  not 
only  in  the  technical  work  that  they  were 
sent  to  do  but  on  those  occasions  when  they 
came  in  close  quarters  with  the  enemy  on  the 
firing  line.  In  the  Saturday  Evening  Post 
(Philadelphia)  for  December  7th,  Isaac  F. 
Marcosson  tells  the  story  of  the  army  trans- 
portation system  as  it  was  created  in  France 
to  serve  American   military  needs. 

It  appears  that  of  the  nine  engineer  regi- 
ments that  went  to  France,  five  were  destined 
for  railroad  construction,  three  for  railroad 
operation,  and  one  was  a  shop  regiment. 
The  men  were  all  volunteers  and  came  from 
locomotive  cabs,  switches,  round  houses  and 
shops  throughout  America.  When  five  regi- 
ments of  these  railroad  men  marched 
through  London  in  August,  1917,  they  were 
mistaken  for  ''regulars,"  although  six  weeks 
before  they  had  been  running  locomotives, 
building  tracks,  or  operating  lathes  in  the 
United  States.  Within  a  week  they  were 
laying   track   under   fire   at   the    Somme. 

It  was  a  group  of  these  engineers  who,  in 
that  great  battle  before  Cambrai  last  year,  threw 
away  picks  and  shovels,  grabbed  guns  and  leaped 
to   action.     It  was   another  company  of  the   same 


unit  who,  when  the  fate  of  Amiens  trembled  in 
the  balance  last  spring,  did  the  same  trick  and 
became  part  of  Brigadier-General  Carey's  fa- 
mous "scratch"  army.  Such  is  the  spirit  of  the 
American  engineers  who  built  the  foundation  and 
much  of  the  structure  of  our  transportation  sys- 
tem in  France ;  the  type  of  organization  a  de- 
tachment of  which  laid  nearlv  three  miles  of 
narrow-gauge  railroad  in  seven  hours  while  two- 
companies  built  two  warehouses  containing  forty 
thousand  square  feet  of  floor  space  in  eight  and 
a   half  hours! 

Go    to    any   one   of   the    ports   that   we    use    in 
France  and  vou  will  see  the   results  of  their  la- 
bors,   which    began    with    bare    hands    and    im- 
provised   tools.      For    the    sake    of    illustration    1 
will   use  two  major  ports.     The  first — Base   Sec- 
tion  Number  One — is  that  historic  one-time  fish- 
ing   town    which    will    always    be    bound    to    the 
United  States  by  sentimental  ties,  where  the  first 
American  Expeditionary  Force  set  foot  on  French 
soil.     In  August,   1917,  the  whole  dock   and   un- 
loading facilities  were  not  only  hopelessly  inade- 
quate for  our  needs,  but  the  prospect  of  increas- 
ing   them    was    equally    disheartening.     Though 
there   were  two   large   lock  basins   the   anchorage 
outside    was    inadequate,    while    the    discharging 
facilities  were  poor.     Only  six  ships  of  ten  thou- 
sand   tons    each    could    be    discharged    simultane- 
ously.     The    dock    buildings    were    old    and    rat- 
riddled.      There    were    a    few    rusty   cranes;    the 
beds  of  the  railroad  tracks  alongside  had  bogged 
in  the  wet  ground.     We  had  no  barges  for  light- 
ering.    When   our  first  locomotives  arrived  in   a 
deep-draft    ship    we    had    to    use    an    ocean-going 
steamer  for  a  lighter,  transfer  the  engines  to  her 
deck  and  then  bring  them  into  one  of  the  basins 
in   this  crude    and  cumbersome   way.     Such   were 
the     handicaps     under     which     we     labored     for 
months. 

But  those  engineers  got  busy.     At  the  outset  a 


LEADING   ARTICLES   OF   THE   MONTH 


93 


©  Committee  on  Public  Information 

AMERICAN  LOCOMOTIVES  ON  AMERICAN-BUILT  TRACKS  IN  FRANCE 


discharge  of  two  thousand  tons  a  day  was  con- 
sidered an  immense  performance  at  this  port; 
on  the  day  before  I  write  this  article,  early  in 
September,  that  same  port  discharged  exactly  10,- 
341  tons.  We  had  not  only  built  those  ware- 
houses but  in  this  port  and  in  the  great  base  sup- 
ply depot,  four  miles  away,  we  had  constructed 
fifty  great  warehouses  that  comprise  a  city  of 
supply.  We  have  linked  those  docks  and  ware- 
houses with  more  than  a  hundred  miles  of  tracks 
and  spurs — some  of  them  on  concrete  roadbed. 
Before  the  project  is  completed  it  will  have  a 
trackage  equal  to  that  of  Altoona,  which  is  a 
nerve  center  of  the  Pennsylvania  system,  with 
two  hundred  and  fifty  miles  of  rails.  We  have 
increased  the  basin  facilities  until  to-day  there 
are  berths  for  twenty-one  ships  of  big  tonnage. 
Fourteen  vessels  can  discharge  at  the  same  time. 

The  A.  E.  F.  in  France,  with  the  Pershing 
foresight  that  made  our  whole  achievement  pos- 
sible, always  looks  ahead,  and  there  is  now  in 
the  course  of  construction  an  American  pier 
nearlv  four  thousand  feet  long,  built  on  American 
piles,  that  eventually  will  accommodate  sixteen 
vessels.  The  wav  I  saw  this  pier  driven  far 
out  into  the  river  day  after  day  with  amazing 
rapidity  made  the  French  sit  up.  Accustomed  to 
putting  down  massive  concrete  foundations  they 
were  speechless  at  the  spectacle  of  American  piles 
pounded  in  at  the  rate  of  two  hundred  a  day. 
Not  content  with  working  these  wonders  on  quay 
and  roadbed  our  engineers  have  installed  a  com- 
plete water  supplv  for  the  town,  which  meant 
the  construction  of  complete  water  works  and  a 
pumping  station  with  a  capacitv  of  six  million 
gallons  a  day.  A  five-hu»dred-thousand-gallon 
reservoir  was  simply  one  feature  of  the  project. 

You  are  not  surprised  when  I  tell  you  that  two 
men  largely  responsible  for  the  consummation  of 
this  work  are  Lieut.  Col.  William  G.  Atwood, 
who  in  civil  life  drove  the  Alaska  Central  through 
the  snows  and  rigors  of  the  frozen  north,  and  Maj, 
C.  S.  Coe,  the  man  who  built  the  famous  viaduct 
of  the  Florida  East  Coast  Railway  out  across  the 
sea-spraved  reefs  where  experts  had  said  no  man 
could  build.  The  commanding  officer  of  this  en- 
gineer  regiment,   I   might   add,   was   Col.   John    S. 


Sewell,  who  is  now  in  command  of  the  whole 
base  section  upon  which  his  men  have  left  such 
an  enduring  mark. 

All  this  was  not  done  without  labor.  The  four 
hundred  colored  stevedores,  yanked  from  sunny 
cotton  plantation  to  the  bitter  winter  coast  of 
France,  were  the  nucleus  of  the  labor  battalions 
now  operating  in  this  base  section,  which  number 
7,600.  With  the  willing,  cheerful  and  uncom- 
plaining toil  of  these  men  in  khaki  many  of  our 
wonders  have  been   achieved. 

No  less  remarkable  are  the  engineering  results 
achieved  in  Base  Section  Number  Two,  where 
in  many  respects  a  really  stupendous  construc- 
tion effort  has  been  recorded.  This  port  serves 
one  of  the  largest  cities  in  France  and  is  on  a 
famous  river.  Here,  so  far  as  docks  are  con- 
cerned, we  have  registered  two  distinct  achieve- 
ments. When  we  entered  the  war  there  were 
berths  for  seven  ships  at  the  so-called  French 
docks.  If  two  ships  could  be  discharged  a  week 
it  was  considered  a  big  job.  Again,  we  faced  a 
well-nigh  overwhelming  problem  of  inadequate 
facilities.  On  the  quays  were  a  few  sheds  and 
switchmen's  shanties;  the  trackage  was  slight. 
Yet  at  those  French  docks  to-day,  thanks  to  our 
dredging  and  construction,  seven  ships  can  dis- 
charge at  the  same  time  into  warehouses  big 
as  city  blocks  or  to  cars  that  bustle  up  and  down 
many  miles  of  newly  laid   rails. 

But  this  performance  was  as  child's  play  along- 
side the  really  amazing  feat  that  has  been  per- 
formed with  the  building  of  what  will  always  be 
known  as  the  American  docks.  Those  first  seven 
berths  were  hopelessly  insufficient  for  our  needs, 
so  the  American  engineers  set  in  to  construct  a 
whole  new  system  of  piers  and  berths  along  the 
river  and  extending  north.  It  involved  more 
than    four   thousand    lineal    feet   of  wharfage. 

The  land  was  swampy  and  low,  filled  in  with 
silt,  mud,  garhnge  and  the  docomnosed  refuse 
of  a  camp  of  Annamites,  the  Indo-Chinese  coolies 
who  are  employed  as  laborers  bv  the  French, 
British  and  American  Armies  in  thousands.  Hip 
deep  in  this  filth  our  men  toiled  all  through  the 
bitter   winter    of    1917-18. 

The  French  said  that  it  uouKl  take  three  vears 


94 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


at  least,  posslblv  five,  to  build  these  wharves.  It 
took  less  than  eight  months,  and  this  meant  the 
rearing  of  nearly  a  mile  of  docks  washed  by  the 
highest  tide  in  France,  the  erection  of  concrete 
platforms  with  four  lines  of  tracks,  eight  im- 
mense warehouses,  the  installation  of  ten  elec- 
tric five  and  ten-ton  cranes  which  straddle  these 
tracks  and  lift  huge  parcels,  ranging  from  bun- 
dles  of   cases    of   canned    goods    to    whole    motor 


trucks,  direct  from  ship  to  car.  Nearlv  seven 
million  feet  of  lumber,  most  of  it  brought  from 
the  United  States,  was  used  in  this  enterprise. 
That  former  sea  of  swamp  and  garbage  is  now 
a  whirlpool  of  action — a  mir^^ature  Duluth — that 
rings  with  the  riot  of  a  mighty  tonnage  handled 
without  delay.  Where  once  two  ships  wer^  un- 
loaded in  a  week  fourteen  American  vessels  'are 
now    discharged    at   the    same   time. 


DUMB  ALLIES  IN  THE  WAR 


THE  exploits  and  sacrifices  of  the  horse 
and  the  dog  in  the  last  four  years'  con- 
flict are  the  chief  subjects  of  an  article  by 
E.  G.  See  in  a  late  number  of  the  Revue  de 
Paris.  France,  in  the  opinion  of  the  author, 
was  in  fact  for  some  time  less  efficient  than 
Britain,  not  to  mention  Germany,  in  the 
maintenance  of,  and  solicitude  for,  her 
"horse  soldiery"  and  "canine  army" — both  of 
which  have  performed  inestimable  and  in- 
dispensable services  in  the  war. 

Poor,  brave  horses  of  France !  Where,  he  asks, 
have  they  not  borne  the  brunt  of  the  suffering? 
.  .  .  When  hunger  gnawed  at  their  vitals; 
when  no  one  came  to  give  them  drink;  when 
they  were  ready  to  collapse  from  wounds,  fa- 
tigue, or  lack  of  sleep, — still  they  trundled  on, 
saying  nothing,  asking  for  nothing.  Heroic,  mute, 
faithful  unto  death,  they  had  to  "carry  on,"  their 
riders  astride  their  backs  or  heavy  cannon  drag 
ging  behind.   .    .    . 

There  has  been  an  enormous  wastage 
among  the  French  horses  engaged  in  the 
struggle,  says  M.  See.  "These  anonymous, 
unglorified  combatants,  .  .  .  without  whom 
the  famous  75's  would  have  been  useless," 
have  suffered  deplorable  neglect.  There  has 
been  great  lack  of  horse-ambulances  and 
horse-hospitals  in  France.  Often  valuable 
horses  fully  recoverable  if  treated  promptly, 
were  at  least  in  the  earlier  stages  of  the  war 
left  to  die  from  starvation  and  loss  of  blood. 
"The  Horse  League  of  France"  and  its  off- 
spring, "The  National  Committee  for  the 
Relief  of  War  Horses,"  have  done  much  to 
give  larger  official  scope  and  more  adequate 
financial  means  to  the  veterinary  department 
of  the  French  army ;  but  the  writer  speaks 
(doubtless  not  without  some  disparagement 
of  his  countrymen's  efforts  in  this  direction) 
in  rather  envious  terms  of  the  British  Blue 
Cross  and  Violet   Cross: 

The  horse  hospitals  created  by  our  British 
allies  .  .  .  are  models  of  management.  While 
everything  military  with  us  appears  poor  and 
gloomy,  among  the  Britons  conditions  are  almost 


luxurious,  or  at  least  prodigiously  comfortable. 
Nothing  is  lacking  in  these  establishments,  how- 
ever provisional  they  may  be;  separate  rooms 
.  .  .  for  operations  and  for  the  dressing  of 
wounds;  isolation  posts  for  cases  under  observa- 
tion; stalls  for  patients  arranged  according  to 
kind  and  seriousness  of  injury,  or  of  malady 
(contagious  or  not);  covered  exercise  tracks; 
recreation  fields  for  convalescents;  baths;  drug 
stations;  and  so  on.  Is  it  necessary  to  add  that 
the  personnel,  the  veterinary  doctors  and  nurses, 
are  of  the  highest  order?  Also,  the  recuperated 
horses  are  to  be  counted  by  the  hundreds  of 
thousands;  and  the  economies  realized  reach  in- 
to the  millions.  .  .  .  Since  the  war  began  the 
English  alone  have  sent  about  two  and  a  half 
million    horses    into    France.    ... 

After  reviewing  the  services  of  other 
tribes  of  the  great  horse  family,  and  of  other 
draft  animals  employed  in  France  and  else- 
where in  battle  regions,  the  writer  comes  to 
the  dog. 

The  dogs  were  subjected  to  two  periods 
of  training,  together  occupying  as  much  as 
eighteen  months.  The  first  took  three  weeks 
only;  it  taught  the  dog  general  alertness  and 
obedience  and  insensibility  to  the  various 
noises  of  battle.  At  the  end  of  the  period 
the  dog  was  appointed  to  this  or  that  special 
training. 

The  dogs  of  the  sanitary  department 
proved  especially  useful  in  the  night-time, 
when  the  eyes  of  stretcher-bearers  would 
fail  to  notice  many  of  the  wounded  hidden 
in  shell-potted,  overgrown,  or  otherwise  dif- 
ficult country.  The  trench  dogs  were  trained 
to  barkless  signalling  of  the  approach  of  pos- 
sible danger;  the  "intelligence  carriers" 
(the  most  highly  trained  of  all)  were  de- 
pended upon  to  exchange  message  upon  mes- 
sage to  continually  shifting  headquarters, 
communication  posts,  and  groups  of  fighters 
in   the  front  line. 

How  manv  of  these  humble,  faithful  auxili- 
aries have  fallen  In  the  accomplishment  of  their 
tasks!  .  .  .  Their  acts  of  heroism,  of  devo- 
tion, of  Intelligence  cover  a  vast  field  of  storv. 
Ask  the  soldiers!  Few  are  they  who  have  not 
some  touching  anecdote  to  tell. 


LEADING  ARTICLES   OF   THE  MONTH 


95 


THE  HAVASUPAI  INDIANS  OF  THE 

GRAND  CANYON 


AM  expedition  sent  by  the  American  Mu- 
^um  of  Natural  History,  of  New 
York,  into  the  Grand  Canyon  of  the  Colo- 
rado under  the  direction  of  Mr.  Leslie  Spier, 
of  the  museum  staff,  has  recently  returned 
with  a  most  interesting  collection  that  illus- 
trates the  life  and  habits  of  the  Havasupai 
Indians  who  inhabit  a  part  of  the  floor  of 
a  tributary  canyon. 

Several  articles  have  appeared  in  news- 
papers and  periodicals  which  would  seem  to 
convey  the  impression  that  the  Havasupai 
Indians  have  not  been  in  contact  with  the 
whites  of  that  region,  and  that  their  civili- 
zation has  remained  throughout  the  develop- 
ment of  the  West  essentially  the  same  as  it 
was  hundreds  of  years  ago.  Mr.  Spier  states 
that  it  was  not  his  intention  to  convey  this 
impression;  that  he  had  said  that  these  In- 
dians had  been  little  known — which  is  true — 


THE   SCliNlC:  GRANDEUR  OF    HAVASUPAI    LAND THE 

FERTILE   FLOOR  OF   THE  GRAND  CANYON 


NATIVE   HOUSEKEEPER  STANDING  IN  FRONT  OF  THE 
explorer's    BRUSH-HOUSE     IN     THE     CANYON 


and  that  they  had  not  been  scientifically 
studied  in  a  systematic  manner,  nor  their 
peculiar  tribal  habits  and  methods  of  life 
preserved  for  future  study  and  observation. 

The  history  of  the  Havasupai  Indians  is 
a  bit  hazy.  They  have  a  legend,  in  regard 
to  their  origin,  that  they  are  descended  from 
a  daughter  of  the  god  Ta-cho-pa.  When 
the  bad  god  Hokomata  was  about  to  drown 
the  world  Ta-cho-pa  fastened  his  daughter 
up  in  a  hollowed-out  log  and  set  her  adrift 
upon  the  waters.  The  log  finally  drifted  to 
the  spot  where  the  Little  Colorado  unites 
with  the  main  river.  Here  she  emerged  and 
bore  a  son  to  the  great  planet  who  sent  his 
rays  down  upon  the  earth  for  the  first  time, 
the  Sun.  Later,  a  daughter  was  born  who 
was  the  child  of  the  waterfall  (the  Mooney 
Fall,  Havasu  Canyon).  She  sent  the  son 
out  to  hunt  and  taught  the  daughter  to  make 
baskets.  From  these  children — so  the  legends 
run — are  the  Havasupai  descended. 

(n'orge  Wharton  jamcs  wrote  about  l^^O.^ 
in    his    book,    "In    and    Around    the    Cjiaud 


96 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


Canyon."  that  in  that  year  there  were  about 
200  men  of  the  Havasupai  tribe  inhabiting 
with  their  families  a  side  canyon  tributary 
on  the  south  to  the  Grand  Canyon  of  the 
Colorado  in  Arizona.  Above  the  village  of 
the  tribe,  springs  unite  to  form  a  beautiful 
stream  whose  waters  are  blue,  hence  the 
name  "Ha-Ha-va-su"  (water-blue).  They 
were  known  to  the  Spanish  as  the  Coconino 
(Kohonino).  The  Spanish  doubtless  ob- 
tained the  name  from  the  Zunis,  who  speak- 
of  the  Havasupai  as  the  Kuhni  Kwe,  and  the 
region  they  inhabit  as  Kuhni.  The  common 
name  for  them  in  Arizona  was  Supaias, 
which  is  simply  a  dividing  of  their  word  for 
blue,  va-sit.  with  the  addition  of  pai,  people. 

These  Indians  still  live  in  primitive,  temporary 
shelters  thatched  with  reeds,  boughs,  and  earth 
in  summer  and  often  in  caves  or  crevices  in  the 
canyon  in  the  winter.  They  are  natural  agri- 
culturists and  raise  quantities  of  peaches,  pump- 
kins, corn,  melons  and  other  vegetables  on  their 
fertile  lands  at  the  bottom  of  the  canyon.  These 
they  store  in  rock  store-houses  above  the  reach 
of  floods.  At  the  head  of  Mystic  Spring  Trail 
are  the  ruins  of  a  prehistoric  house,  of  which  the 
Havasupais  know  nothing.  It  was  there  long  be- 
fore their  immediate  ancestors  were  born,  and 
how  old  it  is  they  have  no  tradition.  They  state, 
however,  that  it  was  used  as  a  watch-tower 
where  guards  were  stationed  when  the  members 
of  the  tribe  were  at  work  at  the  mescal  pits  on 
Lc  Conte  Plateau.  .  .  .  This  building  (a  so- 
called  Cliff  Dwelling)  is  nothing  more  than  a 
corn  store-house  where  they  could  place  their 
corn,  dried  peaches,  dried  pumpkin  and  other 
eatables. 

Although  for  many  years  the  men  of  this 
tribe  were  supposed  to  be  of  a  ferocious  na- 
ture and  were  generally  shunned,  they  are 
kindly,  peaceable,  and  interested  in  the  out- 
side world.  They  have  their  medicine  men, 
and  chiefs,  but  they  seem  to  be  almost  en- 
tirely governed  by  the  force  of  public  opin- 
if)n.  Crime  is  practically  unknown,  accord- 
ing to  Mr.  Spier.  Although  they  build  in- 
secure brush  houses  for  their  homes,  they  are 
skilled  basket-weavers.  Their  particular  type 
of  basket  is  thrft  woven  of  willow,  often  with 
striking  and  brilliant  designs.  The\;  still 
use  baskets  for  cooking,  made  watertight  by 
yucca  fibre,  omole,  and  pinion  gum  lin- 
ing. A  beautiful  herring-bone  border  often 
finishes  the  Havasupai  baskets.  This  pat- 
tern is  also  cr)mmon  to  the  Paiutes  and  the 
Navahoes.  They  are  fond  of  jewelry  and 
buy  trinkets  for  personal  adornment  of  the 
traders  and  of  the  neigliboring  tribes. 

William  Wallace  Bass,  perhaps  the  most 
famous  of  the  guides  to  the  Grand  Canyon, 
a  man  who  came  there  for  his  health  from 


Shelbyville,  Ky.,  worked  for  several  years  to 
benefit  these  little-known  Indians,  and  finally 
succeeded  in  having  a  school  established  for 
them  in  their  canyon  and  in  getting  an  in- 
structor-farmer for  them.  Of  their  na'i:aral 
surroundings,  Mr.  James  writes  with  eflthu- 
siasm.  No  other  tribe  dwells  in  such  an 
Arabian  Nights  land.  Above  them  tower 
the  great  walls  with  their  colored  strata. 
The  light  is  constantly  changing  over  the 
towers  and  peaks  of  the  rim  from  early 
dawn  until  darkness.  Along  the  blue  waters 
of  their  creek  grow  willows,  mesquite,  Cot- 
tonwood, and  other  green  trees.  Their  gar- 
dens prosper.  Indeed,  one  reason  why  they 
are  so  contented  is  that  they  are  able  to  have 
an  abundance  to  eat. 

They  give  a  primitive  Russo-Turkish  bath 
which  is  a  kind  of  ceremonial  ablution.  Over 
a  willow  frame  they  place  layers  of  blankets. 
A  basket  of  water  is  put  under  the  blankets. 
After  the  men  have  entered  the  frame,  hot 
stones  are  continuously  thrown  into  the  bas- 
ket of  water.  The  reaction  is  obtained  by 
a  plunge  into  the  icy  waters  of  the  creek  im- 
mediately after  the  men  leave  the  bath  tent. 
While  the  bath  is  being  taken  it  was  the 
custom  of  the  Indians  to  render  a  chant 
which  is  rendered  by  Mr.  James  thus: 

My  children,  my  children,  listen  to  me,  while  to 

you  I  speak  earnestly: 
I   love  you,   or  why   should   I   have  brought  you 

into    being. 
I   am   To-cho-pa,    the   god   of  your    fathers,   who 

came   up   out   of   the    earth    from   the    lowest 

recess ; 
'Twas  I  who  gave  my  daughter  to  be  wooed  by 

the  Sun  and  the  water, 
That  you,   my  children,  might  be  born   and   live 

upon   the   earth. 
To-hol-woh  is  good,  my  children,  for  I,  To-cho- 

pas,  give  it  to  you. 
Make  it  of  willows,  green  willows,  that  grow  on 

the  banks  of  the   Bavasu; 
Cover    it    with    willows    and    mud    that    its    heat 

may   not   be    lost. 
In  the  fire  place  rocks,  large  and  many,  and  make 

them   fiery-hot. 
Then,    as   brothers,    each   help    the   other,    as  you 

sit  in   To-hol-woh. 
Those    without   shall    bring   the    rocks   made    hot 

with   fierce   and   burning  fire; 
And   those  within   shall   sing  and   tell   the  words 

I   have   taught. 
Oh,  To-hol-woh,  thou  art  a  gift  from  To-cho-pa. 
Let   the    heat   come,    and    enter    within    us,    reach 

head,  face,  and  lungs. 
Go  deep  down   in   stomach,   through   arms,  body, 

thighs. 
Thus   shall   we  be  purified,   made  well   from   all 

ill. 
Thus  shall  we  be  strengthened  to  keep  back  all 

that  can   harm. 
For  heat  alone   gives  life   and  force. 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE   MONTH 


97 


WHAT  ARE  MUSEUMS  FOR? 


CERTAINLY  there  was  never  a  time 
in  the  history  of  the  world  when 
the  institutions,  customs,  and  opinions  in- 
herited from  earlier  generations  were  sub- 
jected to  such  critical  scrutinj^  as  they  are 
to-day.  Things  whose  merit  we  have 
hitherto  taken  for  granted  are  now  required 
to  justify  their  existence  from  the  stand- 
point of  contemporary  needs,  or,  if  they  can- 
not, to  make  way  for  others  that  can.  We 
are  reshaping  the  paraphernalia  of  exist- 
ence; whether  wisely  or  not,  the  future 
alone   can   tell. 

Public  museums,  whether  of  science,  art, 
industry  or  what  not,  have  been  inspired  by 
various  ideals  and  have  performed  various 
functions.  Dr.  F.  H.  Sterns,  writing  in  the 
Scientific  Monthly,  gives  us  an  illuminating 
analysis  of  their  motives  and  activities,  lead- 
ing up  to  an  attempt  to  fix  the  proper  place 
of  the  museum  in  the  scheme  of  current  af- 
fairs. The  motives  that  inspire  the  private 
collector  also  underlie  to  a  certain  extent  the 
assembling  of  material  in  museums: 

Objects  accumulated  because  of  curiosity  or  the 
wish  for  exclusive  possession  are  of  one  sort, 
while  those  gathered  because  of  intellectual  in- 
terest are  of  another  sort.  The  one  consists  of 
the  unique,  the  unusual,  or  the  spectacular,  while 
the  other  is  made  up  from  the  normal,  the  typical, 
or  the  historically  or  scientifically  valuable.  The 
one  is  measured  by  the  number  or  the  rarity  of  its 
specimens,  while  the  other  is  judged  by  their  rep- 
resentativeness. 

If  general  tendencies  may  be  regarded  as  evi- 
dence, the  museums  have  repudiated  the  satisfac- 
tion of  curiosity  as  their  end.  Undoubtedly  it  is 
still  a  motive  for  the  visitor,  and  so  appeal  must 
still  be  made  to  it;  but  no  well-organized  modern 
institution  will  cater  to  it.  They  no  longer  find 
a  place  for  freaks  and  monstrosities.  One  will 
search  in  vain  for  three-legged  chickens  or  two- 
headed  calves.  Fakes,  such  as  Barnum's  mer- 
maid, which  once  excited  so  much  attention,  are 
rigidly  barred.  Museum  curators  devote  much 
energy  to  the  elimination  of  everything  of  doubt- 
ful authenticity,  no  matter  how  interesting  it  may 
be.  Some  places  still  cling  to  the  old  ways,  but 
those  of  the  better  class  tell  us  by  their  actions 
that  they  no  longer  consider  it  to  be  their  function 
to  satisfy  idle  curiosity. 

Rarity  per  se  is  no  longer  a  valued  at- 
tribute in  museum  collections. 

The  sense  of  superiority  derived  from  ex- 
clusive possession  has  likewise  been  discarded  as 
an  aim.  The  respectable  museum  no  longer 
boasts  of  the  uniqueness  of  its  specimens.  Things 
whose  worth  depends  largely  on  their  unusual- 
ness  are  not  wanted  at  all.  Objects  of  great 
Jan.— 7 


rarity,  but  of  real  value,  are  freely  shared  with 
less  fortunate  institutions,  either  by  the  making  of 
copies  or  by  actual  loan  exhibits.  No  museum 
now  would  reserve  for  its  own  members  the  use 
and  enjoyment  of  its  collections.  Self-glorifica- 
tion is  no  longer  an  approved  motive. 

The  satisfaction  of  intellectual  interest,  on  the 
other  hand,  as  the  aim  of  a  museum  has  now 
received  the  sanction  both  of  these  institutions 
themselves  and  of  the  public  which  supports 
them.  More  and  more  are  Government  agen- 
cies in  city,  State,  and  nation  contributing  to 
aquariums,  zoological  gardens,  art  galleries,  and 
natural  history  museums,  because  they  regard 
them  to  be  essentially  a  part  of  the  public  school 
system.  Universities  and  learned  societies  main- 
tain many  such  institutions  for  research.  There 
is  an  increased  desire  to  interest  the  public,  and 
to  make  the  collections  as  useful  as  possible  to 
investigators,  to  craftsmen,  to  the  schools,  and 
to  the  casual  visitor.  The  ideal  now  is  have 
every  one  who  enters  the  museum  building  go  out 
with  a  broader  outlook  on  life,  a  deeper  concep- 
tion of  the  universe  in  which  he  dwells,  or  a. 
keener  appreciation  of  the  true  and  the  beautiful. 

Admitting  that  the  legitimate  function  of 
the  museum  is  to  satisfy  a  thirst  for  knowl- 
edge, we  have  still  the  problem  of  weighing 
the  claims  of  the  research  worker  and  the 
general  public,  together  with  those  of  pos- 
terity, in  whose  behalf  we  now  preserve  in 
museums  objects  with  otherwise  might  per- 
ish, so  that  future  generations  would  be 
robbed  of  the  privilege  of  inspecting  and 
studying  them. 

We  all  recognize  the  necessity  for  the  careful 
preservation  of  those  objects  which  are  desirable 
as  records.  Time  is  a  great  destroyer.  Moths 
and  rust  corrupt,  and  thieves  are  apt  to  steal. 
Deterioration,  such  as  is  always  taking  place^ 
progresses  much  faster  when  specimens  are  neg- 
lected. It  is  so  easy  to  misplace  things  that  it 
seldom  happens  that  they  can  be  found  when 
they  are  wanted  unless  they  have  been  cared 
for.  Even  if  such  an  object  is  found,  its  parts 
may  be  so  displaced  that  they  can  not  be  re- 
stored to  their  original  arrangement,  or  its 
record  may  be  lost,  so  that  its  exact  value  or  even 
its  authenticity  may  be  open  to  question.  Some 
person  or  some  institution  mrst  make  it  a  busi- 
ness to  preserve  anything  of  artistic,  historic, 
or  scientific  value. 

But  if  museums  generally  made  this  their 
chief  business,  they  would  become  mere 
warehouses.  To  avoid  deterioration  due  to 
exposure  to  light,  handling,  etc.,  both  public 
exhibition  and  use  by  investigators  would 
need  to  be  abridged. 

As  to  the  use  of  museums  as  places  for  re- 
search Dr.  Sterns  expresses  rather  extreme 
views : 


98 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


Research  is  better  carried  out  in  other  places. 
The  great  fields  of  nature  are  the  places  to  study 
nature's  ways.  Museums  at  their  best  contain 
but  a  human  selection  of  the  things  of  the  uni- 
verse, and  any  conclusion  based  on  their  speci- 
mens is  liable  to  errors  due  to  the  personal  bias 
of  the  selector.  Collections  should  represent  the 
organized  results  of  systematic  investigations 
rather  than  their  sole  basis.  Museums  should 
be  more  of  a  record  of  researches  successfully 
completed  and  now  made  available  for  all,  than 
of  places  to  carry  on  such  work. 

(True  of  some  kinds  of  research,  this  is 
certainly  not  true  of  others.  For  example, 
a  naturalist  who  undertakes  to  revise  the 
classification  of  a  p:roup  of  animals  or  plants 
must  depend  mainly  upon  museum  material, 
since  he  cannot  hope  to  duplicate  by  his  own 
efforts  in  the  field  the  labors  of  scores  or 
hundreds  of  collectors.) 


Lastly,  granting  the  great  if  not  the  ex- 
clusive importance  of  the  museum  as  an  edu- 
cational institution  for  the  public  at  large, 
Dr.  Sterns  reminds  us  that 

there  still  remains  the  question  of  the  type  of 
education  to  be  given.  Most  of  these  institu- 
tions seem  to  be  to-day  in  the  position  the  uni- 
versities were  fifty  years  ago.  They  believe 
their  function  to  be  educational,  but  the  public 
must  have  no  say  in  what  it  will  be  taught. 
The  museums  have  a  "required  course  of  study," 
and  this  is  cultural  rather  than  practical.  A 
few  great  museums  are  now  trying  the  "elective 
system,"  they  have  added  technical  and  occupa- 
tional "classes,"  and  they  are  even  going  in  for 
"university"  extension.  In  this  democratization 
of  the  museums,  the  needs  and  desires  of  the 
people  are  being  taken  more  into  account,  and 
room  is  being  found  even  for  the  craftsman.  A 
museum's  chief  function  is  educational,  in  the 
widest  sense  of  that  term. 


THE   NEW   ERA    OF   INDUSTRIAL 

RESEARCH 


A  GOOD  while  ago  the  Scientific 
Arntrican  ventured  the  suggestion 
that  the  impetus  ^ivcn  by  the  world  w^ar  to 
scientific  research  might  produce  material 
and  intellectual  results  that  would  indem- 
nify humanity  for  all  that  the  struggle  has 
cost.  On  another  occasion  the  same  journal 
remarked : 

The  thaumaturgy  of  the  great  war  is  no  way 
more  strikingly  evinced  than  in  the  creation  of 
various  official  bodies  for  the  sake  of  promoting 
the  ac(iuisition  of  knowledge  rather  than  its  appli- 
cation. Officialdom  finally  realizes  that  it  is  im- 
possible to  raise  crops  without  first  sowing  the 
seed.  Adversity  is  a  rough  but  efficient  school- 
master, and  the  chastisement  that  humanity  is 
now  undergoing  has  already  driven  home  some 
priceless    lessons. 

Certainly  the  war  has  completely  altered 
the  attitude  of  the  powers  that  be,  on  both 
sides  of  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  toward  scien- 
tific investigation.  In  a  brief  address,  pub- 
lished in  Science,  dealing  with  the  changed 
order  of  ideas  on  this  subject,  Prof.  G.  E. 
Hale,  chairman  of  the  National  Research 
Council,  says: 

At  the  outbreak  of  the  war  the  average  states- 
man f,{  the  .Allied  powers  was  but  little  concerned 
with  the  interest  of  research.  Necessity,  how- 
ever, soon  opened  his  eyes.  He  began  to  perceive 
the  enormous  advantages  derived  by  Germany 
from  the  utilization  of  science,  and  sought  to  off- 
set them  by  the  creation  of  appropriate  agencies. 
Thus    arose    throughout    the    British    Empire    a 


group  of  councils  for  scientific  and  industrial 
research.  The  first  of  these  was  established  in 
England  by  an  order  in  council  issued  in  1915. 
Subsequently,  Canada,  Australia  and  South  Africa 
followed  the  example  of  the  mother  country,  and 
New  Zealand  proposes  to  do  likewise.  The 
world-wide  movement  swept  across  the  empire, 
and  its  benefits  will  be  felt  in  every  country  under 
the  British  flag.  A  similar  awakening  was  ex- 
perienced in  France  and  Italy,  but  in  both  of  these 
countries  the  pressure  of  the  war  concentrated 
attention  for  the  moment  upon  military  prob- 
lems. At  present,  the  needs  of  industry  are  also 
under  consideration,  and  research  organizations 
are  being  developed   to  meet  them. 

Our  own  country  followed  suit  by  estab- 
lishing the  National  Research  Council, 
which  has  justified  Its  existence  so  admir- 
ably that  everybody  hopes  It  will  be  made 
a  permanent  institution. 

The  exigencies  of  the  moment  have  given 
a  one-sided  character  to  the  work  of  these 
various  national  organizations,  which  have 
thus  far  devoted  their  attention  almost  en- 
tirely to  industrial  problems.  This  fact  is 
exemplified  in  the  work  of  the  British  Ad- 
visory Council  for  Scientific  and  Industrial 
Research  during  the  year  1916-17,  as  set 
forth  In  its  first  annual  report. 

In  this  period  it  devoted  itself  nriainly  to  the 
organization  of  industrial  research,  partly  be- 
cause of  the  prime  importance  of  stimulating  and 
fixing  the  interest  of  manufacture  in  the  develop- 
ment of  industry  through  research,  and  partly  be- 
cause  the  effect  of   the   war  has  been   to   render 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE   MONTH 


99 


industrial  leaders  more  susceptible  t4ian  ever  be- 
fore to  the  growth  of  new  ideas.  In  pure  science, 
on  the  contrary,  the  war  has  seriously  affected  the 
prosecution  of  research,  because  so  many  investi- 
gators have  been  drawn  into  military  and  indus- 
trial activities.  Thus,  while  the  advisory  council 
strongly  emphasizes  the  fundamental  importance 
of  pure  science,  it  has  been  forced  to  postpone  its 
activities  in  this  field  until  the  arrival  of  more 
favorable  conditions. 

The  British  Advisory  Council,  aided  by  a  gov- 
ernment appropriation  of  one  million  pounds,  is 
actively  promoting  the  organization  of  trade  re- 
search associations  for  the  mutual  benefit  of  the 
members  of  the  great  industries.  Thus  a  pro- 
visional committee  representative  of  the  British 
cotton  industry  has  proposed  the  establishment  of 
a  cooperative  association  for  research  in  cotton, 
to  include  in  its  membership  cotton  spinning,  the 
thread-making  firms,  cloth,  lace,  and  hosiery  manu- 
facturers, bleachers,  dyers,  printers,  and  finishers, 
which  will  conduct  researches  extending  from 
the  study  of  the  cotton  plant  to  the  "finishing" 
of  the  manufactured  article.  The  woolen  and 
•worsted  manufacturers  of  Great  Britain  are  also 
drafting  the  constitution  of  a  research  association, 
and  the  Irish  flax  spinners  and  weavers  are  about 
to  do  likewise.  Research  associations  will  be 
established  by  the  Scottish  shale  oil  industry  and 
the  photographic  manufacturers,  while  various 
other  British  industries  are  looking  in  the  same 
direction.  Thus  a  national  movement  for  re- 
search, directly  resulting  from  the  war,  has  al- 
ready made  marked  headway. 


In  the  United  States,  where  research  car- 
ried on  in  the  laboratories  of  individual  cor- 
porations, such  as  the  American  Telephone 
and  Telegraph  Company,  the  General  Elec- 
tric Company,  the  Eastman  Kodak  Com- 
pany, the  Dupont  Companies  and  the  West- 
inghouse  Electric  Company,  has  been  so 
rich  in  results  for  the  whole  nation, 
there  are  also  some  promising  examples 
of  cooperative  research,  analogous  to  the 
enterprises  recently  launched  in  Great 
Britain. 

A  useful  example  is  that  afforded  by  the  Na- 
tional Canners'  Association,  which  has  established 
a  central  research  laboratory  in  Washington,, 
where  any  member  of  the  association  can  send 
his  problems  for  solution  and  where  ex- 
tensive investigations,  the  results  of  which  are 
important  to  the  entire  industry,  are  also  con- 
ducted. 

The  National  Research  Council,  aided  and  sup- 
ported by  the  Engineering  Foundation,  is  just 
entering  upon  an  extensive  campaign  for  the  pro- 
motion of  industrial  research.  In  addition  to  a 
strong  active  committee,  comprising  the  heads  of 
leading  industrial  laboratories  and  others 
prominently  identified  with  scientific  methodsr 
of  developing  American  industries,  an  advisory 
committee  has  been  formed  to  back  the  move- 
ment. 


THE  WORLD'S  GREATEST  POISON- 
GAS  FACTORY 


BIT  by  bit  the  veil  of  secrecy  is  being 
lifted  from  the  war  activities  of  the 
lately  belligerent  countries,  and  facts  are 
coming  to  light  that  surpass  in  interest  the 
liveliest  bulletins  from  the  firing  line.  One 
of  these  revelations  is  contributed  to  the  New 
York  Times  by  Mr.  Richard  Barry,  who  has 
paid  a  visit  to  a  government  establishment 
concerning  which  hardly  a  shred  of  infor- 
mation had  previously  reached  the  public. 
He  tells  us: 

Twenty-six  miles  from  Baltimore,  on  the  edge 
of  the  Government's  vast  Aberdeen  ordnance 
proving  grounds,  is  a  300-acre  tract,  fenced  off 
even  from  the  comparative  publicity  of  the  con- 
ventional big  guns,  guarded  from  prying  eyes 
along  every  rod  by  soldiers  with  drawn  bayonets. 
Twelve  months  ago  it  was  a  Maryland  farm. 
To-day  it  is  the  largest  poison-gas  factory  on 
earth.  It  can  produce,  probably  three  or  four 
times  over,  more  mustard  gas,  phosgene,  chlorine 
and  other  noxious  fumes  than  the  intensified  war 
output  of  England,  France,  and  Germany  com- 
bined. It  was  just  completed  and  ready  to  func- 
tion for  the  $60,000,000   invested   there   when   the 


armistice  was  signed  on  November  11.  Now  ic 
lies  silent  and  idle  like  the  great  cannon  along^ 
the  Lorraine  border,  but  ready  to  operate  at  a 
moment's  notice. 

The  writer  was  shown  over  the  plant  by 
the  commanding  officer.  Col.  W.  H.  Walker,, 
late  professor  of  chemical  engineering  at  the 
Massachusetts  Institute  of  Technology, 
Colonel  Walker  expounded  the  history  of  gas 
warfare  to  his  visitor,  and  pointed  out  that 
the  Germans  evidently  had  no  idea  of  using 
gas  when  the  war  began ;  otherwise  they 
would  have  used  it  sooner  and  more  effect- 
ively than  they  did.  They  would,  in  all 
probability,  have  speedily  won  the  war  if  they 
had  used  at  the  outset  the  methods  that  were 
ultimately  developed. 

"The  French  and  English,  as  you  know,  werr 
reluctant  to  use  gas,  deeming  it  inhuinanitariaii. 
Our  Government  suffered  from  the  same  inde- 
cision in  the  early  months  of  our  part  in  the  war. 
However,  we  came  to  it  in  time,  just  as  did  the 
French  and  English.  But,  although  the  English 
finally  utilized  every  available  facility  they  could 


100 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


command  in  the  manufacture  of  toxic  gases,  their 
total  production  at  its  highest  point  never  ^vent 
above  an  average  of  thirty  tons  a  day.  The  best 
the  French  could  do  was  much  less  than  this. 
You  can  get  the  whole  story  in  one  sentence 
when  I  tell  you  that  our  American  capacity  for 
September  and  October  was  on  an  average  of  two 
hundred  tons  a  day.  Remember  that  these  figures 
are  not  in  pounds,  as  powder  figures  are  usually 
given,  but  in  tons.  And  a  drop  of  gas,  properly 
placed,   kills  or  incapacitates." 

"What  was  the  German  production?"  I   asked. 

'We  do  not  know,"  replied  Colonel  Walker, 
"but  from  available  data  and  the  estimates  of 
military  observers  on  the  ground  we  do  not  think 
it  was  over  thirty  tons  a  day.  It  may  have  been 
fifty  tons  a   day,  but  certainly  no  more. 

*'It  was  last  October  before  the  American  Gov- 
ernment decided  to  manufacture  poison  gas  on  a 
scale  commensurate  with  the  rest  of  our  military 
preparations." 

The  C/overnment's  investment  here  is  $60,000,- 
000.  Elsewhere  there  has  been  spent,  at  various- 
subsidiary  plants,  about  $12,000,000.  Thus  all 
told  the  i'nited  States  has  spent  about  $72,000,000 
in  the  manufacture  of  toxic  gases,  practically 
none  of  which   have   any  commercial   value. 

The  immense  plant,  with  its  miles  of  rail- 
way and  piping,  and  a  bewildering  array  of 
apparatus  installed  in  buildings  of  concrete 
and  sheet  iron,  is  remarkable  not  only  for 
having  been  completed  in  less  than  a  year, 
but  also  and  especially  because  it  embodies 
many  new  ideas,  for  which  Colonel  Walker 
is  chiefly  responsible.  The  British  and 
French  experts  who  came  to  aid  in  the  un- 
dertaking eventually  became  students  rather 
than  teachers. 

As  might  have  been  expected,  it  was  diffi- 
cult to  find  laborers  and  operators  for  an  es- 
tablishment that  bristled  with  new  and  un- 
known dangers.  On  one  occasion  a  general 
panic  was  caused  by  a  cloud  of  dust  from  an 
ox-cart,  which  was  mistaken  for  poison  gas. 
Colonel  Walker  said : 

"Finally  we  found  that  no  one  could  or  would 
do  the  work  except  soldiers,  and  the  army  then 
detailed  to  us  the  necessary  allotments.  When 
the  armistice  was  signed  we  had  more  than  7000 
men,  all  drafted  American  citizens,  doing  the 
work  for  $30  a  month,  but  without  honor  or 
glory.     At  one  time  we  had  over  14,000." 

"The  work  of  these  boys  is  beyond  praise,"  said 
Colonel  Walker,  who  spoke  of  this  phase  of 
the  activity  with  deep,  affectionate  feeling.  "I 
have  been  striving  to  get  the  army  authorities 
to  recognize  it  by  bestowing  a  Service  Medal. 
I  contend  that  no  soldier  on  the  firing  line  is  more 
rntitled  to  it.  These  fellows  have  been  here  risk- 
ing their  lives,  day  by  day,  for  a  pittance. 
Nothing  but  patriotism  induced  them  to  do  it. 
And  every  man  knew  that  every  time  he  went 
to  work  he  stood  in  imminent  danger  of  serious 
injury  and  of  losing  his  life." 


Mr.  Barry  went  through  the  two  large 
hospitals  attached  to  the  plant,  and  he  tells 
some  blood-curdling  stories  of  the  innumer- 
able injuries  caused  by  the  treacherous  gases. 
He  believes  that  when  the  records  of  the  war 
are  published  it  will  be  found  that  the  per- 
centage of  casualties  at  the  Edgewater  Ar- 
senal, as  this  plant  is  called,  was  as  high  as 
that  of  any  division  of  the  Army  in  France. 
(We  must  await  official  verification  of  the 
statement  that  during  last  August  the  admis- 
sions to  the  hospital  from  the  mustard-gas 
plant  were  at  the  rate  oi  3}^  per  cent,  of  the 
force  per  day/) 

The  w^riter  plausibly  asserts  that  the  prep- 
arations made  at  this  establishment  for  large- 
scale  production  of  gas,  having  become 
known  to  the  German  authorities,  were  an 
important  factor  in  leading  the  enemy  to  sign 
the  armistice.  The  commanding  officer  stated :' 

"Our  idea  was  to  have  containers  that  would 
hold  a  ton  of  mustard  gas  carried  over  fortresses 
like  Metz  and  Coblenz  by  plane,  and  released 
with  a  time  fuse  arranged  for  explosion  several 
hundred  feet  above  the  forts.  The  mustard  gas, 
being  heavier  than  air,  would  then  slowly  settle 
while  it  also  dispersed.  A  one-ton  container  could 
thus  be  made  to  account  for  perhaps  an  acre  or 
more  of  territory,  and  not  one  living  thing,  not 
even  a  rat,  would  live  through  it.  The  planes 
were  made  and  successfully  demonstrated,  the 
containers  were  made,  and  we  were  turning  out 
the  mustard  gas  in  the  requisite  quantities  in 
September. 

"However,  there  were  obstacles  besides  the 
physical  to  overcome.  The  allied  Governments 
were  not  in  favor  of  such  wholesale  gas  attack 
by  air.  England  was  the  first  to  accede  to  it, 
but  France  hesitated  because  of  her  fear  of  re- 
prisals. Finally,  the  French  Government  con- 
sented, but  only  with  the  proviso  that  the  attack 
would  not  be  made  until  our  line  had  advanced 
so  that  there  was  no  chance  of  the  gas  being 
blown  back  into  French  territory  and  until  the 
allied  command  was  in  complete  command  of 
the  air  so  as  to  insure  safety  from  possible  re- 
prisals. These  two  conditions  could  not  have 
been  met  before  next  spring.  It  was  then  that 
we  planned  to  release  the  one-ton  containers  over 
the  German  cities  which  were  fortified  and  so 
became  subject  to  attack  under  the  laws  of  war. 

"We  would  have  had  ready  in  France  for  such 
an  attack  thousands  of  tons  of  mustard  gas. 
There  is  not  the  slightest  doubt  in  my  mind  that 
we  could  have  wiped  out  any  German  city  we 
pleased  to  single  out,  and  probably  several  of 
them,  within  a  few  hours  of  giving  the  release 
signal. 

"We  closed  down  the  day  the  armistice  was 
signed.  We  had  more  than  2500  tons  waiting  on 
the  piers  ready  for  shipment.  Somehow  we  had 
been  cheated  of  our  prey,  but  we  were  content. 
We  felt  sure  the  gas  had  done  its  work  even 
though  most  of  it  still  lay  idle  in  our  dooryard." 


THE  NEW  BOOKS 

WAR  AND  PEACE 


The  Great  Adventure.  By  Theodore  Roose- 
velt.    Charles   Scribner's   Sons.     204  pp.     $1. 

In  this  little  book  Colonel  Roosevelt  pays  his 
tribute  to  the  officers  and  men  of  our  army  in 
France,  who,  he  says,  "have  established  a  record 
such  as  only  the  few  very  finest  troops  of  any 
other  army  could  equal,  and  which  could  not  be 
surpassed."  Colonel  Roosevelt  proceeds  to  show 
why  it  is  that  Americans  were  willing  to  give 
their  lives  in  the  Great  Adventure,  and  how  a 
sound  nationalism  is  related  to  a  sound  inter- 
nationalism. He  cannot  refrain  from  a  word  of 
warning  against  "parlor  Bolshevism" — a  peril  to 
which  America  seems  peculiarly  subject. 

Foch  The  Man.  By  Clara  E.  Laughlin. 
Fleming  H.  Revell   Company.     155   pp.     111.     $1. 

This  first  popular  biography  of  the  Allied  Gen- 
eral-in-Chief has  been  given  to  the  world  by  an 
American  woman  who  was  singularly  fortunate 
in  securing  materials  that  never  before  had  been 
made  known  to  the  English-speaking  world.  There 
is  a  prefatory  word  of  appreciation  from  Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel Requin,  of  the  French  General  Staff, 
who  contributed  the  character  sketch  of  Marshal 
Foch  to  the  December  number  of  this  Review. 
Miss  Laughlin's  account  of  the  great  Marshal's 
career  is  gracefully  written  and  interesting 
throughout. 

The  Essentials  of  an  Enduring  Victory. 
By  Andre  Cheradame.  Charles  Scribner's  Sons. 
259  pp.     111.     $1.50. 

A  book  written  for  the  express  purpose  of  stim- 
ulating public  opinion  during  the  armistice  period 
preceding  permanent  peace.  M.  Cheradame,  the 
French  publicist,  who  is  now  in  this  country, 
wishes  to  warn  the  Allies  against  the  dangers 
of  any  form  of  negotiated  peace.  He  insists  on 
Germany's  absolute  disarmament  and  full  repara- 
tion for  war  damages. 

The  People's  Part  in  Peace.  By  Ordway 
Tead.     Henry  Holt  &  Co.     156  pp.     $1.10. 

A  popular  statement  of  the  problems  before  the 
Peace  Conference  in  their  economic  aspects.  Ex- 
cluding from  his  consideration  questions  of  self- 
determination,  territorial  adjustment,  and  polit- 
ical demands  of  all  sorts,  the  author  concentrates 
on  questions  of  raw  materials,  foreign  trade  and 
investments,  shipping,  and  labor  laws.  His  aim 
is  to  show  how  practical  effect  may  be  given  to 
the  Inter-Allied  Labor  War  Aims,  which  he  re- 
gards as  in  complete  harmony  with  President 
Wilson's  "fourteen  points." 

Impressions  of  the  Kaiser.  By  David  Jayne 
Hill.     Harper  &  Brothers.     368  pp.     $2. 

The  title  of  Dr.  Hill's  book   only  partly  con- 


notes its  content;  for  the  "impressions"  have  been 
expanded,  by  orderly  and  scholarly  process,  into 
a  connected,  clearly-stated  exposition  of  German 
imperialism.  As  American  Ambassador  to  Ger- 
many in  1908-11,  Dr.  Hill  came  to  know  the 
Kaiser  well  at  a  time  when  he  was  "under  fire'* 
on  the  field  of  diplomacy.  Dr.  Hill's  account  i& 
restrained,  judicious,  and  temperate  throughout. 
His  method  of  dealing  with  Wilhelm  II  is  the 
historian's  method — that  is  to  say,  he  lets  the 
Kaiser  reveal  himself  through  his  own  acts  and 
words. 

The  United  States  in  the  World  War.  By 
John  Bach  McMaster.  D.  Appleton  &  Company.. 
485  pp.     $3. 

A  convenient  summary  of  the  documentary  and 
diplomatic  history  of  the  part  played  by  the 
United  States  in  the  Great  War.  The  story  be-^ 
gins  with  Germany's  declaration  of  war  in  1914^ 
and  proceeds  with  an  account  of  each  successive 
phase  of  the  conflict  that  had  a  bearing  on  the 
final  decision  of  the  United  States  to  enter  the 
war.  There  are  chapters  on  neutral  trade,  on  the 
war  restrictions  placed  on  it,  the  sinking  of  the 
Lusitania  and  other  ships  without  warning,  the. 
campaigns  of  propaganda  carried  on  in  America,, 
and  the  revelations  of  German  intrigue  that  came 
after  our  active  participation  began. 

The   Reckoning.     By  James  M.  Beck.  G.  P.. 

Putnam's  Sons.    225  pp.    $1.50. 

A  timely  discussion  of  the  moral  aspects  of  the 
peace  problem,  with  particular  reference  to  the 
reconstruction  of  Germany  and  of  America's  part 
as  peacemaker.  The  concluding  chapter  is  an  ex-^ 
position  of  President  Wilson's  "fourteen  points"" 
in  which  the  author  does  not  hesitate  to  express 
dissent  from  such  statements  of  principle  as  seem 
to  him   inadequate. 

The  World  War  and  Leadership  in  a  De~ 
mocracy.  By  Richard  T.  Ely.  The  Macmillan- 
Company.     189  pp.     $1.50. 

In  this  little  book  Professor  Ely  condenses  the 
fruitage  of  a  lifetime  devoted  to  the  study  of  the 
conditions  and  problems  that  are  suggested  by~ 
the  title.  Forty  years  ago  he  was  a  student  at 
the  German  universities  of  Halle,  Heidelberg,, 
and  Berlin.  His  last  visit  to  Germany  was  in 
1913;  and  throughout  the  intervening  period  his 
observation  of  the  factors  of  German  strength 
and  weakness  was  kept  up  through  various  con- 
tracts. Professor  Ely's  mature  estimate  of  the 
sources  of  Germany's  power  is  important.  He 
concedes  much  to  the  (Jerman  encouragement  of 
leadership  in  a  democracy,  which  is  really  the 
chief  contribution  made  by  the  book.  From  this 
point  of  view.  Professor  Ely  disapproves  of  pri- 
mary elections   and    refuses  to   accept  the   referen- 

201 


102 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


dum  or  the  recall  as  panaceas.  On  the  other 
hand,  he  makes  thought-provoking  suggestions 
regarding  the  range  and  possibilities  of  leader- 
ship in  American  public  life.  He  is  a  firm  be- 
liever in  the  value  of  the  representative  system 
as  worked  out  in  our  democracy. 

The  World's  Debate.  By  William  Barry. 
George  H.  Doran  Company.     332  pp.     $1.50. 

A  Catholic  priest's  review  and  defense  of  the 
course  of  the  Allies  in  the  war.  Although  writ- 
ten from  an  English  standpoint,  it  contains  an 
appreciative  chapter  on  America's  part  in  the 
great  debate.  Dr.  Barry  is  a  distinguished  Eng- 
lish scholar  and  historian. 

America  and  Britain.  By  H.  H.  Powers.  The 
Macmillan  Company.     76  pp.    40  cents. 

A  frank,  straightforward  story  of  Anglo-Ameri- 
can relations  from  Colonial  days  to  the  present 
moment.  Mr.  Powers  does  well  to  make  no  con- 
cealment of  the  fact  that  this  is,  as  he  says,  "the 
record  of  two  very  human  peoples,  both  keen  in 
the  pursuit  of  self-interest,  and  much  more  con- 
scious of  immediate  than  of  ultimate  ends."  Nev- 
ertheless, as  Mr.  Powers  points  out,  these  peoples 
have  always  on  the  whole  gotten  on  together, 
and  have  differed  and  even  quarreled  without 
permanent  estrangement.  It  is  his  conviction  that 
as  no  crisis  in  our  history  has  been,  or  could  have 
been  safely  passed  without  the  sympathy  of  Great 
Britain,  so  it  may  be  said  from  this  time  on,  not 
a  single  crisis  in  the  history  of  either  people  can 
be  safely  passed  without  mutual  aid  and  help. 

The  Doctor  in  War.  By  Woods  Hutchinson. 
Houghton,  Mifflin  Company.    481  pp.     111.    $2.50. 

The  value  and  interest  of  Dr.  Hutchinson's 
book  is  in  no  way  lessened  because  the  fighting 
has  stopped.  The  facts  that  it  sets  forth  are  of 
permanent  interest,  having  to  do  not  merely  with 
the  welfare  of  the  soldier  and  sailor  in  war- 
time, but  with  the  physical  progress  of  the  race 
in  time  of  peace.  What  Dr.  Hutchinson  learned 
in  his  year  passed  in  the  base  hospitals  and  train- 
ing camps  in  England,  France,  and  Italy  has  a 
direct  application  in  the  unceasing  warfare  with 
disease  that  is  conducted  by  all  modern  nations. 
The  distinctly  optimistic  tone  of  the  book  would 
seem  to  most  readers  to  be  fully  justified  by  the 
triumphs  of  medical  and  surgical  science  that  it 
describes.  We  may  indeed  accept  the  physical 
upbuilding  of  our  troops  as  one  of  the  compensa- 
tions for  the  hardships  that  our  country  has  under- 
gone in  taking  its  part  in  the  Great  War. 

The  Ninety-First:  The  First  at  Camp 
Lewis.  Bv  Alice  Palmer  Henderson.  Tacoma: 
John    C.    Barr.     510    pp. 

We  have  in  this  story  of  the  Ninety-first  Division 
at  Camp  Lewis  a  book  which  derives  its  broad, 
general  interest  from  its  definitely  local  character. 
The  call  to  arms  created  like  magic  a  series  of 
military  towns.  If  a  writer  undertook  to  tell 
about  the  human  side  of  experience  in  all  these 
camps,  the  attempt  would  fail.  Each  camp  was 
large  enough  and  varied  enough  to  justify  an 
elaborate  picture  of  its  own.  Furthermore,  such 
a  picture,  to  be  clear  and  consistent,  must  pertain 
to   a   particular   period   in   the    life   of   the   camp, 


and  cannot  very  well  describe  successive  divi- 
sions, but  must  content  itself  with  one  body  of 
men  who  at  a  particular  time  were  organized  as 
the  population  of  this  military  community.  Mrs. 
Henderson,  who  is  an  accomplished  scholar  in 
Northwestern  history  and  conversant  with  natural 
science,  gives  a  most  agreeable  picture  of  the 
topography  of  Camp  Lewis,  and  reminds  us  of  the 
history  of  the  Lewis  and  Clark  exploration.  The 
book  contains  many  pictures  of  officers  and  camp 
scenes,  and  has  a  series  of  pages  left  partly  blank 
for  the  personal  records  of  individual  soldiers. 
This  idea  is  so  good  that  one  may  suggest  the 
author  would  have  been  justified  in  increasing 
the  number  of  such  pages.  The  very  freedom 
and  informality  of  the  book  adds  to  its  value  for 
the  thousands  who  were  associated  with  the 
Ninety-first  Division  at  Camp  Lewis,  while  help- 
ing to  show  other  divisional  or  cantonment  his- 
torians how  great  is  the  opportunity  to  make  an 
indispensable  book  while  memories  are  fresh  and 
illustrations   are   available. 

Heroes  of  Aviation.  By  Laureance  LaTour- 
ette  Driggs.  Boston:  Little,  Brown  and  Company. 
301  pp.     III.    $1.50. 

Interesting  accounts  of  the  achievements  of 
French,  British,  and  American  airmen  during  the 
war.  One  striking  fact  brought  out  by  the  author 
is  that  twenty  British  aviators  have  exceeded  by 
over  one  hundred  the  number  of  victories  claimed 
bv  the  best  twenty  aces  of  the  Germans.  In  this 
volume,  for  the  first  time,  the  complete  story  of 
the  American  Lafayette  Escadrille  is  given  in  de- 
tail. 

German  Submarine  Warfare.  By  Wesley 
Frost.     D.   Appleton  &   Company.     243   pp.     111. 

$L50. 

The  author  of  this  book  was  United  States  con- 
sul at  Queenstown  when  the  Lusitania  was  sunk, 
and  had  intimate  knowledge,  not  only  of  that 
crime,  but  of  many  other  U-boat  sinkings  of  mer- 
chant vessels,  has  made  a  careful  study  of  the 
methods  and  spirit  of  German  submarine  warfare. 
Having  examined  the  reports  of  hundreds  of  sur- 
vivors of  torpedoed  ships  and  verified  many  stor- 
ies of  German  ruthlessness,  his  testimony  and 
conclusions  are  of  the  highest  importance.  His 
reports  of  these  matters  to  the  Government  at 
Washington  were  officially  commended  by  the 
Secretary  of  State  and  an  introduction  to  the 
present  volume  is  supplied  by  Mr.  Frank  Lyon 
Polk,  Counsellor  for  the  Department. 

Alsace-Lorraine.  By  George  Wharton  Ed- 
wards. Philadelphia:  The  Penn  Publishing  Com- 
pany.    335  pp.     111.     $6. 

As  a  relief  from  the  political  and  diplomatic  dis- 
cussions of  Alsace-Lorraine,  this  volume  of 
sketches  of  the  people,  country,  and  many  of  the 
ancient  buildings  of  the  two  provinces,  together 
with  the  descriptive  text  by  Mr.  Edwards  is  most 
entertaining.  Most  of  the  drawings  are  repro- 
duced in  color  and  remind  one  of  the  best  exam- 
ples of  the  earlier  work  of  Mr.  Edwards,  as  pre- 
sented in  "Vanished  Halls  and  Cathedrals  of 
France"  and  "Vanished  Towers  and  Chimes  of 
Flanders." 


THE   NEW   BOOKS 


103 


Unchained    Russia.  By  Charles  Edward 

Russell.  D.  Appleton  and  Company.  323  pp.  $1.50. 

Mr.  Russell  was  a  member  of  the  American 
Special  Diplomatic  Mission  to  Russia  in  1917. 
In  this  volume  he  states  clearly  and  tersely  the 
various  political  points  of  view  in  the  new  Rus- 
sia, and  answers  many  questions  about  the  land 
and  the  people  that  Americans  have  been  asking 
for  many  months.  He  has  made  a  useful  con- 
tribution to  our  knowledge  of  the  present  regime 
in  that  puzzling  country. 

The  City  of  Trouble.  By  Meriel  Buchanan. 
Charles   Scribner's   Sons.     242   pp.     $1.35. 

The  writer  of  this  story  of  Petrograd  since  the 
revolution  of  1917  is  the  daughter  of  Sir  George 
Buchanan,  for  eight  years  British  Ambassador 
to  Russia.  Miss  Buchanan  begins  her  dramatic 
narrative  with  the  Czar's  downfall  and  brings 
it  down  to  the  departure  of  the  British  Am- 
bassador from  Petrograd  early  this  year.  Per- 
haps no  other  book  in  English  has  given  so  vivid 
a  picture  of  individual  life  in  Russia  during  the 
past  two  troublous  years  as  this  unpretentious 
little  volume. 

The  Village:  Russian  Impressions.  By 
Ernest  Poole.  The  Macmillan  Company.  234 
pp.     $1.50. 

It  is  the  purpose  of  Mr.  Poole's  book  to  show 
how  the  Russian  peasantry,  who  make  up  nearly 
ninety  per  cent,  of  the  total  population  of  the 
country,  have  reacted  to  the  war  and  the  Russian 
Revolution.  Mr.  Poole  acquired  his  material  by 
talking  with  Russians  of  every  degree  whom  he 


met  on  the  roads  and  throughout  the  countryside. 
In  other  words,  he  made  a  practise  of  "keeping 
his  ear  to  the  ground." 

Luxemburg  and  Her  Neighbors.      By    Ruth 

Putnam.  G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons.  484  pp.   111.   $2.50. 

Now  that  the  remaking  of  the  map  of  Europe 
is  reviving  interest  especially  in  all  the  smaller 
states,  there  is  peculiar  timeliness  in  the  appear- 
ance of  this  well-written  and  scholarly  account 
of  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Luxemburg  from  the  eve 
of  the  French  Revolution  to  the  outbreak  of  the 
Great  War  in  1914,  with  a  preliminary  survey 
of  eight  centuries  from  963  to  1780.  The  entire 
Grand  Duchy  has  an  area  of  999  square  miles, 
its  greatest  length  being  fifty-five  miles  and  its 
greatest  breadth  thirty-four.  It  is  still  what  it 
has  been  for  a  thousand  years — a  borderland  be- 
tween Teutonic,  Gallic,  and  Belgic  peoples. 
Rhenish  Prussia  lies  to  the  North  and  East,  Lor- 
raine on  the  South,  France  to  the  Southwest,  and 
Belgium  on  the  West.  Miss  Putnam's  story  of 
the  political  fortunes  of  the  little  Duchy  will  be 
quite  new  to  most  American  readers. 

Serbia.     By   L.    F.   Waring.     Henry   Holt   and 

Company.     256  pp.     60  cents. 

Readers  of  Mr.  Stead's  article  on  Serbia  in 
the  December  Review  of  Reviews  will  find 
in  the  latest  volume  of  the  "Home  University 
Library"  an  excellent  authoritative  treatment  of 
the  subject,  giving  much  information  of  an  en- 
cyclopedic kind  which  cannot  be  presented  within 
the  limits  of  an  ordinary  magazine  article.  The 
preface  is  supplied  by  the  Serbian  Minister  in 
London,  and  there  is  a  bibliography  at  the  end 
of  the  volume. 


BIOGRAPHY:     RECOLLECTIONS: 

EXPERIENCES 


Men  Who  Have  Meant  Much  to  Me.  By 
John  B.  Calvert.  Fleming  H.  Revell  Company. 
223    pp.     $1.25. 

Dr.  Calvert  brings  together  in  this  volume  a 
series  of  tributes,  eleven  in  number  (which  he 
had  written  and  published  separately)  to  the 
character  and  services  of  men  with  whom  he  had 
been  associated — most  of  them,  perhaps  all,  hav- 
ing been  prominent  in  the  educational  or  religious 
work  of  the  American  Baptist  Church.  The  first 
and  most  extended  is  an  appreciation  of  Dr. 
Martin  B.  Anderson,  who  was  for  thirty-five 
years  president  of  the  University  of  Rochester, 
and  whose  marked  personality  impressed  itself 
upon  thousands  of  students.  The  second  man  in 
the  list  is  the  late  Edward  Bright,  who  for  thirty- 
eight  years  was  editor  of  the  Examiner,  a  widely 
influential  denominational  paper.  The  Rev.  Dr. 
George  H.  Brigham  was  a  secretary  of  the  Bap- 
tist Missionary  Society,  and  Dr.  Daniel  C.  Eddy 
was  active  in  Baptist  home  missions  and  a  leader 
of  the  Baptist  churches.  The  other  men  to  whom 
this  book  pays  tribute  are  William  Cauldwell, 
James  D.  Squires,  Henry  W.  Barnes,  Charles  W. 


Brooks,  Lemuel  Moss,  Thomas  Oakes  Conant,  and 
Henry  Lyman  Morehouse, — all  of  them  typical 
American  leaders  of  their  generation. 

Chapters  from  My  Life.  By  Sir  Henry  S. 
Lunn.     Cassell    &    Co.     422    pp.     111.     10/6    net. 

Sir  Henry  Lunn  is  better  known  to  Americans 
as  Dr.  Lunn,  at  one  time  editor  of  the  Revieiv  of 
the  Churches.  The  author  of  these  autobio- 
graphical chapters,  while  still  active  and  influen- 
tial in  England,  has  had  a  long  experience  of  use- 
ful service  and  valuable  association.  He  was 
educated  in  two  professions,  and  was  a  medical 
missionary  in  India,  as  well  as  a  Methodist  min- 
ister. He  returned  to  England  and  took  part  in 
many  social  and  religious  movements,  being  inti- 
mately associated  with  the  late  Rev.  Hugh  Price 
Hughes  and  many  leaders  in  all  denominations. 
The  great  work  of  his  life  has  been  directed  to- 
ward the  reunion  of  the  Protestant  churches.  This 
volume  is  a  very  valuable  contribution  to  the 
history  of  religious  progress  in  Great  Britain 
during  the  past  forty  years.  Sir  Henry's  reminis- 
censes   include    also   his   American    visits. 


104 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


Correspondence     of     Sir     Arthur     Helps. 

Edited  by  his  son,  E.  A.  Helps.     405  pp.     $4. 

This  remarkable  collection  of  letters  covers  the 
period  1829-75,  and' is  concerned  chiefly  with  cur- 
rent politics  and  literature  in  Great  Britain.  The 
son  has  included  in  the  volume  several  articles 
■written  by  his  father  for  Frascr's  Magazine  in 
the  sixties  of  the  last  century.  Sir  Arthur  en- 
joyed the  confidence  and  friendship  of  Queen 
Victoria  and  was  on  terms  -of  intimacy  with 
Tennyson,  Dean  Stanley,  John  Stuart  Mill,  Dis- 
raeli, Froude,  Carlyle,  Dickens,  Kingsley,  and 
.many  other  English  leaders  of  their  generation. 
Some  of  the  correspondence  printed  in  this  volume 
was  with  Harriet  Beecher  Stowe,  and  recalls  the 
publication  of  'Uncle  Tom's  Cabin." 

From  Turkish  Toils.  By  Mrs.  Esther 
Mugerditchian.  George  H.  Doran  Company.  45 
pp.     10  cents. 

The  narrative  of  an  Armenian  family's  escape 
from  their  Turkish  oppressors.  The  writer  is  the 
wife  of  an  Armenian  pastor  who  became  at- 
tached to  the  British  Oriental  Consular  Service 
in  1896  and  in   1904  was  appointed  British  Vice 


Consul  in  Dear  Biker.  Mrs.  Mugerditchian  and 
her  family,  dressed  in  Kurdish  costume,  succeed- 
ed in  making  their  escape  into  the  country  held 
by  the  Russians.  Her  husband  is  at  present  serv- 
ing the  British  authorities  of  Egypt. 

Reminiscences  of  Lafcadio  Hearn.  By  Set- 
suko    Koizumi.     Houghton,    Mifflin.     88    pp.     $1. 

Rarely  has  a  wife  written  so  tender  and  inti- 
mate a  record  of  her  husband's  life  as  that  re- 
vealed to  us  by  the  translation  from  Japanese 
into  English  of  "Reminiscences  of  Lafcadio 
Hearn,"  by  his  Japanese  wife,  Setsuko  Koizumi. 
It  shows  us  the  lovelier  side  of  Hearn's  character, 
his  devotion  to  his  work  and  to  his  family,  his 
tenderness  and  love  for  the  trees,  flowers,  and  in- 
sects that  were  in  his  garden,  and  beyond  this  the 
utter  peace  and  satisfaction  of  his  simple  life  in 
Japan  far  from  the  disturbances  of  our  Western 
civilization.  In  the  last  chapter,  Madame  Set- 
suko writes  of  the  things  Hearn  liked  extremely. 
They  were:  "The  west,  sunsets,  summer,  the  sea, 
swimming,  the  Japanese  cedar,  lonely  cemeteries, 
insects,  ghostly  tales,  and  songs.  .  .  .  One  of  his 
pleasures  was  to  wear  the  vukata  in  his  study 
and  listen  quietly  to  the  voice  of  the  cricket." 


RELIGION:  THEOLOGY:  PSYCHIC 
PHENOMENA:  ETHICS 


The  Twentieth  Century  Crusade.  By  Ly- 
Jian  Abbott.    Macmillan.     110  pp.     60  cents. 

A  book  that  blazes  a  trail  through  the  confu- 
sions of  modern  religious  thought  and  the  tragic 
perplexities  of  spirit  that  assail  us  because  of  the 
catastrophe  of  the  war.  In  the  introductory  chap- 
ter, "The  Three  Crosses,"  Dr.  Abbott  symbolizes 
by  the  crosses  of  Golgotha,  the  three  classes  of 
sufferers  in  Europe  to-day — the  brigand  on  land 
and  the  pirate  on  the  sea,  those  who  have  sinned 
and  abandoned  their  sin,  and  those  who  have 
laid  down  their  lives  a  sacrifice  to  crimes  in  which 
they  had  no  share.  Nine  chapters  in  the  form  of 
letters  follow  this  introduction.  They  are:  "Per- 
plexities," "The  Battle  of  Life,"  "The  Peace  Mak- 
ers," "The  Old  Gospel,"  "Vi^e  Glory  in  Tribula- 
tions," "The  Republic  of  God,"  "Christ's  Peace," 
"Show  Me  Thy  Paths,  Oh  Lord,"  and  "Corona- 
tion." Dr.  Abbott  says  that  he  has  written  the 
book  for  everyone  who  has  shared  in  the  great 
sacrifice  of  the  world's  Golgotha,  "whether  they 
are  Roman  Catholics  or  Protestants,  believers  or 
agnostics,  Christians  or  Jews."  It  is  a  book  of 
lofty  idealism  and  triumphant  Christianity. 

The  ReHgion  of  a  Man  of  Letters.  By  Gil- 
bert Murray.    Houghton,  Mifflin.     49   pp.     $1. 

A  graceful  and  powerful  essay  delivered  as  a 
presidential  address  to  the  Classical  Association 
in  January,  1918,  that  reveals  the  religion  of  the 
scholar  as  the  reverent  handing  down  of  the 
intellectual  acquisitions  of  the  human  race  from 
one  generation  to  another.  Dr.  Murray  finds  the 
perfection  of  faith  manifest  in  the  scholar,  since 
because  of  his  processes  of  rationalization  he  must 
believe  in  the  ultimate  wisdom  of  the  unknown 
purpose  of  the  universe. 


A  Not  Impossible  Religion.  By  Silvanus 
P.  Thompson.  John  Lane.  331  pp.     $1.50. 

An  inspiring  book  that  was  in  the  course  of 
preparation  at  the  time  of  Professor  Thompson's 
death.  He  had  long  wished  to  write  an  interpre- 
tation of  modern  Christianity  which  would  meet 
the  needs  of  others  as  it  had  met  those  of  his  own 
life.  His  death  occurred  before  he  had  written 
the  last  chapter,  which  was  to  have  been  called 
"Finis  Coronat."  He  held  that  the  blind  theolo- 
gian, with  his  useless,  dead  theological  equipment, 
made  orthodox  religion  impossible  to  the  man  of 
reason  and  sane  judgment.  Also  that  while  false 
gods  must  be  cast  out  of  the  Temple,  the  Temple 
must  not  remain  empty;  the  religious  teachings  of 
the  future  must  be  equal  to  the  growing  spiritual 
needs  of  humanity. 

The  Church  After  the  War.  By  William 
Oxley  Thompson,  Abingdon  Press.  32  pp.  25 
cents. 

An  address  delivered  before  the  Ohio  Confer- 
ence of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  at  Colum- 
bus. Bishop  William  Anderson,  who  has  written  the 
introduction,  commends  the  lecture-sermon  as  a 
sane  and  constructive  statement  of  world  religious 
conditions.  President  Thompson  considers  church 
unity,  a  unified  Christianity,  as  the  sign  of  the 
greatest  epoch  since  the  birth  of  Christ. 

Good  and  Evil.  By  Loring  W.  Batten, 
Ph.D.,  S.T.D.     Revell.     224  pp.     $1.25. 

Under  this  title.  Dr.  Batten  publishes  the  Paddock 
Lectures,  which  he  delivered  in  1917-18,  In  them 
he  considers  the  problem  presented  to  man  by  the 
evil  that  has  always  existed  in  the  world.     He- 


THE    NEW   BOOKS 


105 


brew  theology  he  finds  inadequate  to  account  for 
the  catastrophe  of  the  world  war.  Only  by  a 
pragmatic  view  of  the  problem  are  thoughtful 
people  to  arrive  at  any  satisfactory  conclusions. 
Dr.  Batten  is  Professor  of  the  Literature  and  In- 
terpretation of  the  Old  Testament  in  the  General 
Theological  Seminary  of  New  York. 

The  New  Death.  By  Winifred  Kirkland, 
Houghton,  Mifflin.     173   pp.     $1.25. 

This  helpful  book  offers  a  solution  for  the 
enigma  of  the  wastage  of  the  world's  youth  in  the 
war  by  means  of  a  new  interpretation  of  death, 
viz.,  that  death  is  evolutionary,  rather  than  abso- 
lute. The  author  writes:  "If  our  faith  is  to  lead 
us  where  our  dead  boys  have  gone,  it  must  be 
a  faith  built  like  theirs  of  spirit-values." 

This  Life  and  the  Next.  By  P.  T.  Forsyth. 
Macmillan.     122   pp.     $1. 

A  vigorous,  intensive  study  of  the  effect  on  this 
life  of  faith  in  another  life.  There  is  more  clear 
thinking  and  logical  reasoning  in  this  small  vol- 
ume than  in  a  dozen  of  the  average  books  on 
religious  subjects.  Everyone  who  believes  in  im- 
mortality, or  would  like  to  believe  in  it,  should 
read  Professor  Forsyth's  conclusions  on  the  pos- 
sibility of  our  being  able  to  live  in  Eternity  here 
and  now. 

s 

Religions  of  the  Past  and  Present.      Edited 

by   Dr.   J.    A.    Montgomery.     Philadelphia.     Lip- 

pincott.     425  pp.     $2.50. 

A  series  of  papers  that  will  be  most  welcome 
to  the  student  who  wishes  to  give  serious  con- 
sideration to  the  religious  life  of  the  world  to-day. 
The  significance  of  religion  in  ancient  and  mod- 
ern life  is  outlined  and  discussed  in  a  collec- 
tion of  papers  written  by  members  of  the  De- 
partment of  the  History  of  Religions,  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  Pennsylvania.  Primitive  religions  are 
treated  by  Frank  G.  Speck,  a  scholar  of  great 
prominence  among  anthropologists;  W.  Max 
Miiller,  the  great  Egyptologist,,  contributes  his 
specialty;  Dr.  Morris  Jastrow  has  written  au- 
thoritatively of  the  Babylonian  religions  and 
Mohammedanism;  the  editor,  J.  A.  Montgomery, 
contributes  a  paper  on  the  religion  of  the  He- 
brews; Franklin  Edgerton  comments  on  the  Veda, 
Buddhism,  and  Brahminism;  and  Roland  G.  Kent 
writes  brilliantly  of  Zoroastrianism.  The  re- 
ligion of  the  Greeks  has  been  treated  by  Walter 
W.  Hyde;  Dr.  D.  Hadzsits  writes  of  the  Religion 
of  the  Romans;  Amandus  Johnson  of  the  Religion 
of  the  Teutons.  William  B.  Newbold  of  Primi- 
tive Christianity;  and  Arthur  C.  Howland  of 
Medieval    Christianity. 

The  Religious  Teachings  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment. By  Albert  C.  Knudson.  The  Abingdon 
Press.     416  pp.     $2.50. 

The  clarity  of  Professor  Knudson's  style  ren- 
ders this  book  particularly  attractive  to  both 
clergy  and  laity.  It  is  an  account  of  the  develop- 
ment of  the  main  religious  ideas  of  the  Old 
Testament,  and  an  exposition  of  their  relation  to 
modern  thought.  It  is  excellently  adapted  for  the 
use  of  Bible  students  and  Sunday-school  classes 
on  account  of  the  topical  method  adopted  by  the 


author.  One  sees,  from  the  development  of  the 
chapters,  that  the  native  tendencies  in  the  Hebrew 
race  naturally  led  to  the  doctrine  of  the  resurrec- 
tion of  the  body  and  the  living  faith  of  modern 
Christianity.  Dr.  Knudson  has  done  extensive 
research  work  on  the  Old  Testament.  His  previ- 
ous books,  "Old  Testament  Problems,"  and 
"Beacon  Lights  of  Prophecy,"  are  widely  known 
as  authoritative  books  of  reference. 

Religion:  Its  Prophets  and  False  Prophets. 
By  James  Bishop  Thomas,  Ph.D.  Macmillan.  256 
pp.     $1.50. 

A  study  of  two  types  of  religion— the  prophetic 
and  the  exploiting  type — in  an  endeavor  to  reveal 
a  universal  religion  which  is  the  essence  of  Chris- 
tianity. A  dynamic  and  inspiring  book  that  finds 
in  Jesus  Christ  the  supreme  development  of  the 
prophetic  type   of   religion. 

"The  Good  Man  and  the  Good."  By  Mary 
Calkins.     Macmillan.     219  pp.     $1.30. 

A  study  in  ethics  which  it  is  a  privilege  to  read. 
The  pleasant,  easy  style  of  the  exposition  delivers 
its  conclusions  to  the  reader's  mind  with  all  the 
charm  of  an  inspiring  conversation.  It  is  an  ex- 
ceptional volume  in  that  it  may  be  used  as  a  text- 
book on  ethics,  and  also  serve  as  a  book  of  com- 
fort and  inspiration  to  men  and  women,  baffled 
by  the  cross  purposes  of  life,  who  are  yet  seeking 
conscious  unity  with  God. 

The    Reality   of   Psychic    Phenomena.     By 

W.  J.  Crawford.     Dutton.     246  pp.     $2. 

A  most  interesting  account  of  remarkable  scien- 
tific experiments  carried  out  in  1915  and  1916  by 
a  university  lecturer  in  mechanical  engineering, 
to  determine  by  the  use  of  delicate  measuring 
apparatus,  the  amount,  direction,  and  nature  of 
the  force  used  in  the  levitation  of  tables  and  other 
spiritualistic  phenomena.  The  results  obtained 
were  astonishing,  and  the  author  has  been  able 
from  them  to  enunciate  an  entirely  new  theory 
of  the  mechanical  method  employed  by  unseen 
forces  in  the  production  of  psychic  phenomena. 
The  text  is  supplied  with  cuts  and  diagrams  il- 
lustrating  the   experiments   in   mechanical   detail. 

Psychic  Tendencies  of  To-day.    By  Alfred 

W.   Martin.     Appleton.     161   pp.     $1.50. 

A  resume  of  the  development  of  the  various 
new  religious  movements,  especially  those  which 
have  revived  interest  in  psychic  phenomena.  Mr. 
Martin  discusses  in  Part  Three  his  impressions 
of  the  theories  advanced  by  Sir  Oliver  Lodge  in 
"Raymond."  The  book  is  enlarged  from  a  series 
of  addresses  given  in  New  York  under  the  aus- 
pices   of    the    "League    for    Political    Education." 

The  Dynamite  of  God.  By  Bishop  William 
A.     Quayle.       Methodist    Book     Concern.  320 

pp.     $1.50. 

Twenty  sermons  characteristic  of  Bishop 
Quayle's  inimitable  diction  and  rnilitant  Chris- 
tianity. They  are  fervent  pleadings  with  hu- 
manity for  the  realization  that  Christ  was  at  once 
a  revelation  and  a  revolution,  that  He  is  "the 
power  of  God  in  the  entirety  of  man's  life." 


106 


THE   AMERICAN   PREVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


POETRY  AND  VERSE  TECHNIC 


ONE  gains  an  excellent  idea  of  the  progress 
of  poetry  in  Russia  from  the  preface  to 
"Modern  Russian  Poetry"' — an  anthology  edited 
and  translated  by  P.  Selver.  The  poems  are 
given  in  the  original  Russian  and  in  closely 
rendered  English  translations.  They  cover  the 
period  from  the  beginning  of  the  poetic  revival 
in  Russia,  about  the  year  1890,  to  the  present 
day.  Of  the  ten  Russian  poets,  whose  work  is 
represented  in  this  volume,  Balmont  was  influ- 
enced especially  by  English  poets.  His  transla- 
tions include  renderings  of  Shelley,  Whitman, 
and  Edgar  Allan  Poe,  Bryusov,  six  years 
younger  than  Balmont,  came  under  the  influence 
of  V'erlaine,  Verhaeren,  and  Maeterlinck.  The 
poetic  center  focused  by  Balmont  and  Bryusov 
had  for  its  organ  the  review,  Vyessy  (The  Bal- 
ance). A  group  of  poets  who  developed  another 
literary  center  in  the  Russian  capital  a  few  years 
previous  to  the  establishment  of  the  Moscow 
center,  included  the  Russian  novelist,  critic  and 
poet,  D.  S.  Merezhkovsky,  his  wife,  Zinaida  Hip- 
pius,  N.  Minsky,  and  F.  Sologub.  Minsky,  whose 
real  name  is  \'ilinkin,  at  one  time  founded  with 
Gorky,  a  socialistic  daily  paper.  Mr.  Selver 
ranks  him  as  essentially  a  poet  of  transition. 
Sologub  (pseudonym  for  Teternikov)  "is  domi- 
nated by  eternal  twilight."  He  is  a  decadent  in 
the  narrow  sense  of  the  word.  Zinaida  Hip- 
pius'  poems  contain  "hazily  mystical  thoughts" 
and  highly  colored  imagery.  The  poetry  of 
Merzhkovsky  reflects  the  ideas  found  in  his 
other  writings  and  aff^ords  commentary  on  them. 
Ivan  Bunin  has  felt  the  influence  of  Russian 
folk  song.  He  is  best  Jcnown  as  a  translator  of 
Longfellow's  "Hiawatha."  Besides  writing  poetry, 
he  has  written  stories  of  Russian  country  life 
and  a  realistic  nov^el  of  Russian  life  immediately 
following  the  revolution.  The  verses  of  Alex- 
ander Block,  Mr.  Selver  finds  devout  and  aus- 
tere in  tone.  Vladimir  Solovyov,  a  champion  of 
Russian  Catholicism,  he  regards  as  the  source  of 
modern  Russian  Symbolism.  Mention  is  made 
briefly  of  the  philosophic  verses  of  Vyatcheslav 
Ivanov,  and  of  the  poetry  of  Kuzmin,  Voloshin, 
Annensky,  Baltrushaitis,  and  Count  Alexis  Tol- 
stoy— Tolstoy  HI.,  as  he  is  called.  Another  of 
the  younger  poets  of  distinction  is  Andrey  Ryley, 
also  author  of  a  novel  that  follows  in  the  tra- 
dition of  Gogol,  "The  Silver  Dove."  After  these 
Russian  poets  there  has  arisen  a  generation  of 
younger  poets  in  whose  work  there  is  evidence 
of  extravagance  and  eccentricity.  Time  will 
prove  the  worth  of  their  pretentions.  Mr.  Sel- 
ver's  book  forms  the  Russian  section  of  an  exten- 
sive Slavonic  anthology  which,  so  far  as  it  has 
been  completed,  includes  representative  selections 
from  the  modern  poetry  of  the  Poles,  Czechs,  and 
Serbs. 

Two  hooks  by  Conrad  Aiken  have  been  pub- 
lished within  the  year.  Both  contain  symphonic 
poems  of  extraordinary  beauty  that  definitely 
place  Mr.  Aiken  in  the  first  rank  of  American 
poetic    celebrities.      The    first,    "Nocturne    of    Re- 

^Modern  Russian  Poetry.  By  P.  Selver.  Button.  65 
pp.      $1.25. 

^Nocturne  of  Remembered  Springs.  By  Conrad  Aiken. 
The  Four  Seas  Co.     140  pages.     $1.25. 


membered  Springs,""  revealed  Mr.  Aiken  as  the 
explorer  of  a  psychic  borderland  of  beauty  where 
images  gradually  shape  themselves  to  definite 
form.  The  title  poem  of  the  second  volume, 
"The  Charnel  Rose,"^  is  explained  by  Mr.  Aiken 
in  a  brief  preface.  He  writes  that  the  poem  is 
on  the  theme  of  nympholepsy — nympholepsy  in 
the  broad  sense,  interpreted  as  the  impulse  that 
sends  "us  from  one  dream,  or  ideal,  to  another, 
always  disillusioned,  always  creating  for  adora- 
tion some  new  and  subtler  fiction.  It  is  a  sym- 
phony with  themes  recurring  as  in  music, — 
emotions,  perceptions,  the  image-stream  of  con- 
sciousness. "The  Charnel  Rose"  succeeds  be- 
cause out  of  the  haze  emerge  lyrics  that  fall  into 
definite  patterns.  The  image-stream  is  beautiful 
opalescent  fog,  but  nevertheless  nothing  but  fog, 
which  a  clear-cut  image  can  sweep  away.  It 
is  the  poetry  of  the  few,   not  the  many. 

This  is  precisely  the  criticism  that  must  be 
made  of  Amy  Lowell's  polyphonic  prose  poems 
in  "Can  Grande's  Castle."*  Lying  in  the  out- 
lands  beyond  prose,  they  are  still  not  within  the 
kingdom  of  poesy  and,  paradoxically,  there  is 
more  poetry  in  Miss  Lowell's  prefaces  than  in 
the  polyphonic  forms.  That  they  are  brilliant 
in  their  technical  and  intellectual  accomplish- 
ment is  undeniable.  Their  amazing  fecundity  of 
genius  bowls  over  the  mind,  but  fails  to  touch 
the  emotions. 

Some  poets  think  that  Whitman  was  not  the 
poet  of  American  democracy  and  raise  Poe  to 
that  high  position.  An  interesting  discussion  of 
the  respective  merits  of  Poe  and  Whitman  as 
poets  of  democracy  is  contained  in  the  preface 
of  Max  Eastman's  poem^  "Colors  of  Life."^ 
Here  again  one  finds  a  prose  that,  rhythm  for 
rhythm,  and  melodic  line  for  melodic  line,  is  more 
poetic  than  most  of  Mr.  Eastman's  poems.  Ex- 
ceptions must  be  made  of  such  intrinsically  fine 
poems  as  some  of  the  sonnets,  particularlv  the 
portrait  of  Isadora   Duncan. 

The  imagism  of  "Lustra,"*'  a  collection  of 
poems  by  Ezra  Pound,  escapes  the  fog  of  mental 
image-streams.  He  disdains  most  of  the  con- 
trivances of  versification,  and  succeeds  by  means 
of  an  older  more  classical  art.  The  opening 
poems  are  on  modern  subjects.  Following  these 
is  "Cathay,"  translations  from  the  famous  Fenol- 
losa  manuscripts.  A  section  of  earlier  poems, 
and  three  cantos  from  a  long  unpublished  poem 
complete  the  book.  Mr.  Pound's  extraordinary 
sensitiveness  to  beauty  motivates  the  poems,  and 
through  the  whole  weaves  in  and  out  his  con- 
temptuous attitude  toward  Philistinism.  His 
poetic  purpose  is  partially  defined  in  "Und 
Drang": 

"AH  things  are  given  over. 
Only    the    restless    will 

^'The  Charnel  Rose.  By  Conrad  Aiken.  The  Four 
Seas    Co.       156    pp.      $1.25. 

*Can  Grande's  Castle.  By  Amy  Lowell.  Macmillan. 
232   pp.      $1.5G. 

"Colors  of  Life.  By  Max  Eastman.  Knopf.  129  pp.  $1.25. 

^Lustra.    By  Ezra  Pound.    Knopf.    202  pp.    $1.50. 


THE   NEW  BOOKS 


107 


Surges   amid   the   stars 
Seeking   new   modes   of    life 
New    permutations. 

See,  and  the  very  sense  of  what  we  know 
Dodges   and  hides   as  in   a  somber  curtain 
Bright    threads    leap    forth    and    hide,    and 
leave  no  pattern." 

Carl  Sandburg's  poems  of  "The  Corn-huskers,"^ 
represent  a  strong,  virile  kind  of  poesy,  the 
healthy  savor  of  life,  and  the  far-reaching 
vision  that  distinguished  "Chicago  Poems,"  with 
an  added  modicum  of  lyricism.  Notable  among 
the  more  musical  short  poems  are  "Shenandoah," 
"The  Year,"  the  tributes  to  Adelaide  Crapsey 
and  Inez  Milholland,  and  the  exquisite  "Autumn 
Movement."  Through  Mr.  Sandburg  one  feels 
the  vitality  and  strength  of  the  English  tongue 
at  it  was  in  its  beginnings. 

Professor  George  Herbert  Palmer  has  selected 
for  his  volume  of  literary  criticism,  "Formative 
Types  in  English  Poetry,"^  seven  writers  as 
marking  distinctly  the  great  epochs  of  English 
poetry.  They  are  Chaucer,  Spenser,  George 
Herbert,  Pope,  Wordsworth,  Tennyson,  and 
Browning.  The  introductory  chapter  will  delight 
every  student  of  poetry  for  its  clear  analysis 
of  poetic  art.  Beyond  the  technic  of  verse, 
stress,  '  foot,  line,  stanza,  caesura,  end-stopping, 
vowel-color,  alliteration,  assonance,  etc..  Profes- 
sor Palmer  accounts  for  the  charm  of  poetry  by 
the  mysterious  untraceable  genius  of  the  indi- 
vidual poet.  He  writes:  "Rightly  are  poets 
called  seers.  He  who  rejects  their  illuminating 
aid  moves  stupidly  through  life  with  half  closed 
eyes." 

A  scholarly  book  that  will  be  much  appreciated 
by  students  of  poetry  and  its  readers  is,  "The 
Writing  and  Reading  of  Verse,"^  by  Lieutenant 
G.  E.  Andrews.  Part  first  analyzes  the  prin- 
ciples of  verse;  part  second,  the  technique  of 
special  verse  forms.  There  is  a  chapter  on  the 
vers  librists  and  another  on  old  French  verse 
forms,  comment  on  Keats'  theories  of  poesy, 
valuable  suggestions  on  the  use  of  rime  and  the 
acquiring  of  tone-color,  in  fact  everything  re- 
quired by  the  would-be  poet  in  the  way  of 
technic.  Lieutenant  Andrews  was  formerly  Pro- 
fessor of  English  in  the  Ohio  State  University. 

Among  the  books  of  war  verse  that  were  in 
press  when  the  armistice  was  declared,  there 
are  a  few  that  can  be  read  with  appreciation  at 
the  present  time  because  they  carry  us  beyond  the 
conflict  to  visions  of  the  future,  to  thoughts  of 
reconstruction  and  peace.  "The  Other  Side,"*  a 
second  volume  by  Gilbert  Frankau,  the  gifted 
SQU  of  the  late  Frank  Danby,  opens  with  a  poem 
that  purports  to  be  a  letter  from  a  Major  Average 
of  the  English  Royal  Field  Artillery  in  Flanders 
to  a  subaltern  formely  in  his  regiment,  who  has 


K'ornhuskers.    By  Carl  Sandburg.    Holt.    147  pp.    $1.30. 

^Formative  Types  in  EnRiish  Poetry.  By  George  Her- 
bert Palmer.     Houghton,  Mifflin.     311  pp.     $1.50. 

^The  Writing  and  Reading  of  Verse.  By  Lieutenant 
G.    E.    Andrews.      Appleton.      327    pp.      $2. 

<The  Other  Side.  By  Gilbert  Frankau.  Knopf.  74 
pp.     $1. 


written  a  book  on  the  war.  The  Major  accuses 
the  subaltern  of  writing  a  book  that  is  "tommy- 
rot,"  and  proceeds  to  draw  a  picture  of  the  ac- 
tual events  of  battle.  The  remainder  of  the 
book  is  largely  composed  of  songs  of  the  Val- 
halla of  those  who  gave  their  lives  and  had 
no  doubt.  The  poem,  "How  Rifleman  Brown 
Came  to  Valhalla,"  is  one  of  the  most  thrilling 
poems  of  the  war.  Rifleman  Joseph  Brown 
comes  to  the  board  of  the  Killer  Men,  to  the  End- 
less Smoke  and  the  Free  Canteen,  with  rifle  fresh 
with  the  barrack-room  shine,  clean  khaki,  and 
unfleshed  sword.  The  shades  of  the  warriors 
demand  to  know  the  deed  that  gives  him  a  right 
to  the  halls  of  Valhalla.  A  mate  speaks  for 
him,  but  it  would  hardly  be  fair  to  Mr.  Frankau's 
readers  to   tell    the   story. 

Gilbert  Frankau  served  in  France  in  the  Ninth 
East  Surrey  Regiment  with  the  rank  of  Lieuten- 
ant, and  as  Adjutant  in  the  Royal  Field  Artil- 
lery. He  fought  at  Loos,  Ypres,  and  at  the 
Somme.  In  1916  he  was  promoted  to  the  rank 
of  Staffs  Captain  and  detailed  to  Italy  to  engage 
in  special  service.  A  previous  volume  of  war 
poems,  "The  Song  of  the  Guns,"  is  an  onomato- 
poetic  record  of  the  whole  infernal  orchestra  of 
battle. 

"The  Drums  in  Our  Street,"^  by  Mary  Carolyn 
Davies,  is  dedicated  to  her  three  brothers  who 
are  with  the  A.  E.  F.  The  war  verse  records 
her  own  personal  reactions  to  the  events  of  the 
conflict,  to  partings,  letters,  service  to  the  fighting 
men,  and  brims  with  the  new  comprehensions  and 
realizations  forced  upon  her  by  war's  tragic  sig- 
nificance. Her  lyrics  are  those  of  youth, — youth 
that  is  tender,  gay,  quick  to  tears,  warm-hearted, 
and  tremendously  alive  to  the  movement  of 
the  age.  Miss  Davies  is  a  Western  girl,  and 
more  than  any  other  of  the  younger  poets,  she 
succeeds  in  getting  the  scent,  color  and  beauty 
of  her  native  soil  into  poetry.  One  of  the  best 
of  her  atmospheric  lyrics  of  the  West  is  called: 
"On   a   Troop   Train." 

"In   through   the   train    window   comes   the    scent 
of  sagebrush; 

And    I    remember    riding    out   with    you — 
Sagebrush,   sagebrush,   violet   and   purple, 

Gray  under   noon   sun,   and   silver   under   dew. 

Riding  together   down   the   gold   arroyo. 

Riding  to  the  rim-rock,  climbing  up   a   trail. 

Riding  when  the  sunset  is  pricking  out  the  river; 
Far  from  ranch  or  bunk-house  or  anv  friendly 
hail. 

Have   you    forgotten    all    our    rides   together, 
Creaking    leather,    clinking    spurs,     range    sky 
blue; 
Startled    rabbits   flashing    across   the    trail    before 
us — 
Would   the   scent  of   sagebrush   mean   anything 
to   you?" 

"Patriotic  Selections,'"'  a  book  of  prose  and  verse 
with  a  wide  range  of  subjects  covered  by  the 
heading,  patriotism,  has  been  especially  prepared 
for  use  in  rchools.  The  editor  of  the  volume,  Mr. 
Edwin  Dubois  Shurter,  is  professor  of  Public 
Speaking  in  the  University  of  Texas." 

"The  Drums  in  Our  Street.  By  Mary  Carolyn  Davies. 
Macmillan.      131   pp.     $1.2.'?. 

^Patriotic  Selections.  Edited  by  E.  D.  Shurter.  Noble, 
177  pp.     50  cents. 


108 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


FOUR  NOVELS  OF  AMERICAN  LIFE 


ZONA    GALE 


INDIVIDUALS  in  transition  always  attract  the 
interest  of  the  true  novelist.  For  the  novelist 
loves  life,  beyond  all  other  mistresses,  and  when 
the  movement  of  life  is  vividly  apparent,  as  in 
certain  evolutionary  stages  of  character,  the  nov- 
elist bends  to  the  task  before  him  with  all  en- 
thusiasm. One  feels  the  thrill  of  this  enthusiasm 
in  Zona  Gale's  novel,  "Birth."'  This  story  of 
the  transitional  period  of  certain  American  types 
records  the  lives  of  a 
group  of  people  in  a 
village  of  the  Middle 
West.  It  is  chiefly  con- 
cerned with  the  lives 
of  three  persons,  Bar- 
bara Ellsworth,  Mar- 
shall Pitt,  and  their 
son  Jeffrey  Pitt.  The 
action  begins  and  ends 
on  the  familiar  ground 
of  Miss  Gale's 
"Neighborhood  Sto- 
ries," a  small  town 
on  the  Wisconsin  Riv- 
er. The  first  half  of 
the  story  is  the  better 
part,  for  here  the 
reader  is  so  cunningly 
enticed  into  the  life  of 
the  village  of  Burage 
that  one  has  the  sense 
of  being  part  and 
parcel  of  the  fiction. 
The  theme  involves 
the  use  of  many  char- 
acters— all  of  them  admirably  drawn — but  only 
three,  father,  mother,  and  son,  are  other  than 
figures  of  the  background.  The  boy,  doubtful 
of  one  parent,  scornful  of  the  other,  takes 
over  their  energy,  the  boundless  impulses  of 
life  working  toward  perfection,  through  them, 
through  him,  and  everyone  by  the  miracle 
of  birth.  Nature  used  the  first  molds  to  collect 
its  forces,  flinging  them  out  again  in  finer  form 
in  the  son  with  the  power  to  create  art  and 
beauty.  The  book  shows  the  working  out  of  the 
spiritual  law  that  all  human  desire,  no  matter 
how  wayward  it  may  seem  to  be,  however  point- 
less or  uncontrolled,  finally  incarnates  in  a  form 
that  oc'i//  touch  the  goal  of  that  desire.  Nothing 
is  lost,  not  even  stray  impulses.  Therefore  we 
can  know  what  must  come  to  birth. 

In  '"The  Prestons,""  Mary  Heaton  Vorse  gives 
a  picture  of  an  American  home  and  a  family  ot 
growing  children.  The  mother  of  the  brood  tells 
the  story  of  her  offspring,  of  Edith,  the  eldest 
daughter,  who  is  just  in  high  school,  Osborn, 
the  boy  of  seventeen,  who  is  "going  to  college 
next  year,"  and  Jimmie,  the  twelve-year-old, 
whose  dog  Piker  furnishes  much  of  the  comedy 
of  the  narrative.  Besides  the  immediate  family, 
there  is  Aunt  Maria,  whose  rules  for  bringing 
up  a  family  are  processes  known  as  "Nipping 
Things  in  the  Bud"  and  "Taking  Steps."  Also 
that  loyal  and  energetic  Irishwoman,  Seraphy,  the 

iBirth.      By   Zona   Gale.      Macmillan.     402  pp.     $1.60. 
^The   Prestons.      By    Mary   Heaton   Vorse.      Boni   and 
Liveright.    427  pp.    $1.50. 


cook.  We  are  permitted  to  observe  Edith's  first 
case  of  "spoons,"  Osborn's  infatuation  for  a  belle 
of  mature  years,  and  his  brief  engagement  to  the 
healthy  Berenice,  who  shoots  with  the  men  and 
loves  Osborn's  setter,  in  the  last  resort,  better 
than  Osborn.  They  are  vastly  entertaining  and 
so  is  Aunt  Maria,  but  it  is  Jimmie  with  his  can- 
nibal court,  and  the  honey-bear  monkey,  and  his 
song  about  Mr.  Ab-Domen,"  who  holds  our  at- 
tention from  cover  to  cover.  He  is  not  so  naive, 
so  amazing  as  the  hero  of  Booth  Tarkington's 
"Seventeen,"  but  he  is  more  amusing,  a  definite 
creation  of  character.  The  pith  and  substance  of 
the  book  is  the  observation  of  the  mother  of  the 
Prestons  in  regard  to  her  children:  "They  don't 
leave  us  unless  ive  let  them"  Children  create  a 
new  world,  and  parents  must  live  in  that  world 
if  they  wish  to  keep  in  touch  with  their  youngsters. 
It  is  the  best  and  the  most  entertaining  story  of 
an  American  family  of  modern  American  fiction. 

The  making  of  an  American  is  the  theme  of 
"Rekindled  Fires,"^  a  novel  of  amazing  realism 
and  refreshing  humanity,  by  Joseph  Anthony. 
Michael  Zabranzky,  a  sturdy  Bohemian  patriot, 
has  emigrated  to  America  and  lives  in  the  for- 
eign colony  of  a  middle-sized  American  city  in 
the  East.  He  is  a  dictator  in  his  home  and  a 
social  and  political  force  in  the  community.  But 
he  is  simply  a  Bohemian  of  naturally  worthy  in- 
stincts living  in  the  States.  He  thinks  in  an  Old 
World  way  and  so  do  his  neighbors  and  his 
family.  His  son,  Stanislav,  goes  to  school,  where 
he  makes  rapid  progress  and  becomes  interested 
in  reading  philosophy.  After  school  hours,  he 
sells  vegetables  from  a  push-cart.  As  he  grows 
up,  he  becomes  by  a  natural  process,  an  Amer- 
ican, filled  with  vision 
of  his  adopted  coun- 
try, wholly  absorbed 
in  her  interests  and 
ideals.  By  the  force 
of  his  personality  and 
ability,  he  reshapes, 
after  the  pattern  of 
American  standards, 
the  whole  community 
in  which  he  lives. 
The  story  is  delight- 
fully told;  there  is 
nothing  of  pedantry 
about  it.  The  char- 
acterization is  excel- 
lent and  about  the 
whole  is  a  spirit  of 
youth,  of  a  keen,  swift 
vital  urge  that  means 
Americanization. 

The    novel,    "Many 
Mansions,"*  by   Sarah. 
Ward     MacConnell, 
MARY    HEATON    VORSE        ^ust    be    classifiecl    as 

"light  fiction,"  but  it: 
is  so  well-mannered,  graceful,  facile,  and  en- 
tertaining,   that    it   can   be    placed    with    the    best 

"Rekindled  Fires.  By  Joseph  Anthony.  Holt.  347 
pp.    $1.40. 

■*Many  Mansions.  By  Sarah  Ward  MacConnell.  Hough- 
ton, Mifflin.    344  pp.    $1.50, 


THE   NEW   BOOKS 


109 


of  the  recent  novels  of  American  life.  Perdita 
Hardwick  comes  to  New  York — as  so  many  coun- 
try girls  do — to  conquer  the  city  by  sheer  efful- 
gence of  youth  and  life.  From  the  disadvan- 
tageous starting  point  of  a  dismal  New  York 
boarding  house,  she  progresses  to  success  as  an  in- 
terior decorator,  and  to  happiness  by  marriage 
with  Terence  Kildare.  The  noveltist  is  more  con- 
cerned with  Perdita's  love  stories  than  with  the 
interior  decorating.  The  profession  is  shadowy, 
but  the  men  and  women  who  surround  Perdita 
are  real  people  and  her  world  is  a  world  of  color 


and  light  and  sudden  perspectives  of  life's 
graciousness.  The  shaping  of  the  heroine's  char- 
acter by  her  own  pride,  her  healthy  instincts,  and 
great  thirst  for  life,  is  depicted  with  unusual 
power  and  realism.  Her  question — even  when 
happiness  came — is  the  query  of  so  many  bright, 
talented  young  girls  who  fling  themselves  into 
the  whirl  of  metropolitan  life:  "Why,  with  all  the 
immortal  hope  of  beauty  in  our  souls,  were  things 
so  mixed  and  mad,  so  hard  to  come  by,  and  so 
hard  to  disentangle?"  This  sometimes  puzzles 
the  best  of  us. 


OTHER  FICTION 


A  STUDY  of  Industrial  life  in  England  cannot 
fail  to  be  of  interest  at  the  present  moment. 
Mr.  Eden  Phillpotts'  last  novel,  "The  Spinners,"^  is 
a  tale  of  the  cotton  spinners  of  an  English  village 
in  Dorset.  One  feels  the  great  mills  as  living 
entities.  They  dominate  the  landscape,  the  vil- 
lage, the  human  folk;  they  work  out  their  own 
evolution,  dragging  the  characters  in  their  wake. 
The  story  is  not  an  especially  original  one.  Ray- 
mond Ironsyde,  the  younger  son  of  the  owner  of 
the  Ironsyde  Mills,  promises  to  marry  Sabina, 
a  pretty  spinner  in  the  mills  before  he  inherits 
the  property  from  his  elder  brother.  The  posses- 
sion of  property,  the  added  dignity  of  wealth  with 
its  responsibilities  changes  his  point  of  view.  He 
refuses  to  marry  Sabina  and  his  son  is  born  out 
of  wedlock.  The  boy  grows  up  filled  with  im- 
placable hatred  for  his  father  because  of  the 
treatment  of  his  mother,  and  when  he  is  grown, 
tragedy  ends  the  sorry  skein  of  wrong  doing.  But 
the  human  tragedy  is  secondary  to  the  sweep  of 
the  movement  of  a  new  responsibility  throughout 
the  narrative,  that  responsibility  which  the  con- 
trol of  vast  Industrial  resources,  or  machinery 
entails.  Raymond  grows  Into  a  fineness  quite 
Inconsistent  with  his  earlier  character.  It  would 
seem  that  Mr.  Phillpotts  meant  us  to  feel  that  we 
are  largely  dependent  upon  the  circumstances  of 
life  that  choose  out  of  our  human  potentialities 
those  which  shall  be  dominant.  He  makes  Estelle, 
Raymond's  good  genius,  say:  "Seed  is  of  no  ac- 
count if  the  earth  on  which  it  falls  be  poisoned." 
The  tragedy  that  closes  the  novel,  Is  therefore 
perfectly  motivated.  The  soil  of  Raymond's  life 
was  noxious  and  the  tree  of  his  aspiration  was 
destroyed   at   Its   roots.     The  story   Is  written   In 


^The  Spinners.     By  Eden  Phillpotts. 
pp.    $1.60. 


Macmillan.     479 


the  novelist's  beautiful,  even,  sustained  style  with 
which  we  have  become  gratefully  familiar — a 
style  all  his  own. 

London  before  the  war  Is  recorded  in  Thomas 
Burke's  "Nights  In  London,"^  a  series  of  chapters 
on  the  beauty  and  charm  and  the  eternal  wonder 
and  delight  as  well  as  the  misery  and  squalor  of 
that  most  fascinating  of  cities.  Poe  and  Stevenson 
might  have  collaborated  for  much  of  Its  content, 
and  the  most  vivid  of  the  Russian  writers  given 
an  extra  touch  here  and  there  as  in  "A  Worker's 
Night:  The  Isle  of  Dogs."  Mr.  Burke  writes  that 
his  London  is  of  that  period  when  the  citizen 
was  permitted  to  live  in  freedom  and  develop 
himself  to  his  finest  possibilities  and  pursue  hap- 
piness as  he  was  meant  to  do. 

"The  Three-Cornered  Hat,""  translated  from  the 
Spanish  of  Perdo  A.  de  Alarcon,  brings  us  in 
English  translation  a  masterpiece  of  Spanish  fic- 
tion. Alarcon  (1833-1891)  is  one  of  the  greatest 
of  Spanish  men  of  letters  and  it  Is  curious  that  this 
story  should  not  have  l)een  translated  previous 
to  the  present  time.  It  was  published  in  1874,  and 
made  Alarcon's  fame  outside  of  Spain  as  well 
as  within  the  country.  It  Is  founded  on  an  episode 
Boccaccian  in  Its  humor,  but  probably  older  than 
Boccaccio.  A  sparkling  tale,  of  a  type  unusual 
to  Western  readers,  that  moves  along  with  a 
smoothness,  a  dexterity,  a  melodic  swing  that  Is 
quite  irresistible.  The  excellent  informative 
preface  has  been  prepared  by  Jacob  S.  Fassett, 
Jr.,  the  translator. 

^Nights  in  London.  By  Thomas  Burke.  Holt.  270 
pp.    $1.50. 

3The  Three-Cornered^  Hat.  By  Pedro  A.  de  Alarcon. 
Knopf.     208   pp.     $1.25.  ^ 


.•  V;. 


FINANCIAL  NEWS 


I.— NEW   YORK    OR    LONDON    AS    THE    FUTURE 
FINANCIAL  CENTER  OF  THE  WORLD 


THE  eternal  question,  Will  New  York 
or  London  be  the  financial  center  of  the 
\vorld  ?  comes  forward  within  a  month  of 
the  signing  of  the  armistice.  It  denotes  an 
early  spirit  of  rivalry  between  the  two 
greatest  of  market-places,  though  nothing 
of  an  endeavor  either  way  to  force  a  fight 
for  supremacy. 

There  are  two  standards  by  which  fi- 
nancial leadership  may  be  judged.  The 
first  is  the  accommodation  of  a  market  or 
center  to  the  needs  of  world  trade.  The 
second  is  the  accommodation  of  this  center 
to  the  requirements,  as  borrowers,  of  the 
nations  of  the  world.  London  has  been  pre- 
eminent for  her  acceptance  market.  The 
pound  sterling  has  everywhere  around  the 
globe  been  the  medium  through  which  in- 
ternational commerce  has  been  facilitated. 
At  the  same  time  London  has  been  the 
largest  lender  overseas.  There  have  been 
intervals  when  she  seemed  to  be  falling  be- 
hind Paris  or  Berlin  in  this  respect,  but 
the  supremacy  has  only  been  lost  tempora- 
rily. About  twelve  years  ago  it  appeared 
that  France  might  be  a  permanent  rival  of 
Great  Britain  as  the  world's  banker.  From 
everywhere  borrowers  were  going  to  Paris 
to  sell  their  securities.  Money  in  the 
French  capital  was  very  cheap.  The  Bank 
of  France  rate  was  frequently  as  low  as 
2  per  cent.  This  meant  that  French  trade 
was  slack.  There  was  not  enough  commer- 
cial activity  to  absorb  the  free  funds  of  the 
nation.  So  the  outlet  for  an  increasing  an- 
nual surplus  had  to  be  sought  abroad. 
Where  there  is  money  for  loan  there,  also, 
may  there  be  found  those  anxious  to  bor- 
row. *  France  bought  and  placed  with  her 
investors  government  securities  of  all  de- 
scriptions. She  took  on  an  additional  sum 
of  Russias,  Mexicans,  Balkan  state  bonds, 
and  began  to  buy  American  secijrities  on  a 
larger  scale  than  ever  before.  This  was  the 
period  of  the  listing  of  American  railway 
shares  and  bonds.  But  France  did  not  like- 
wise broaden  her  market  in  those  discount 
110 


bills  which  reflect  trade  relationships.    Lon- 
don  did. 

Some  years  earlier  the  United  States: 
found  itself  with  a  large  annual  excess  of 
exports  over  imports  and  it  invaded  the 
foreign  field  for  a  little  while.  One  began 
to  hear  this  statement,  "New  York  is  taking 
the  financial  leadership  of  the  world  from 
London."  This  was  a  flash  in  the  pan. 
Dollar  exchange  did  not  develop  out  of  this 
opportunity.  London  acceptances  increas- 
ingly found  their  way  into  the  banking  port- 
folios of  the  commercial  centers  of  the 
world.  From  1900  until  1915  the  United 
States  was  debtor  to  England  for  a  con- 
siderable annual  average  sum.  The  for- 
tunes of  war  have  changed  the  account. 
This  country  now  has  the  greatest  credit 
balance  in  its  position  with  Great  Britain 
and  France  and  Italy  that  ever  has  been 
created.  What  is  it  going  to  do  with  its 
advantage?  Out  of  the  manner  in  which 
it  uses  its  opportunity  will  come  the  correct 
answer  to  the  question  propounded  at  the 
beginning   of    this   article. 

New  York   the   World's  Lending   Center 

The  war  leaves  this  country  with  an 
ownership  of  approximately  $9,500,000,000" 
of  foreign  bonds,  notes  and  credits  which 
have  been  purchased  in  the  last  three  years. 
The  sum  will  increase  in  the  next  six 
months,  possibly  to  $11,000,000,000.  This 
will  be  twice  as  great  an  amount  as  any  na- 
tion had  owned  of  foreign  securities  prior 
to  1914.  It  will  mean  annual  interest  pay- 
ment of  from  $500,000,000  to  $600,000,000. 
There  is  the  other  element  of  a  repurchase 
during  the  first  two  years  of  the  war  of 
from  $3,000,000,000  to  $3,500,000,000  of 
American  securities  located  in  Great  Britain, 
France,  Holland,  Germany,  and  Switzerland 
and  on  which  the  United  States  had  to  emit 
each  year  about  $150,000,000  for  interest 
and  dividends. 

Not  only  the  allied  countries  must  be 
financed    in    the    coming    years,    but    means 


FINANCIAL   NEWS 


111 


must  be  found  here  to  stimulate  trade  in 
other  portions  of  the  world.  Paul  M.  War- 
burg, former  governor  of  the  Federal  Re- 
serve Bank,  has  suggested  that  the  War 
Finance  Corporation  be  converted  into  a 
Peace  Finance  Corporation  for  the  purpose 
of  making  advances  on  foreign  securities 
*'to  promote  our  foreign  trade  and  at  the 
same  time  greatly  assist  foreign  nations  in 
need  of  our  support  during  a  period  of 
political   and   economic   transition." 

It  is  quite  obvious  that  along  w^ith  the 
grant  of  credits  to  foreign  nations  there  will 
go  a  certain  amount  of  trade  for  the  coun- 
try that  furnishes  the  reconstruction  period 
capital.  It  does  not  at  once  follow,  however, 
that  the  loan  and  the  resultant  trade  equal- 
ize. The  nation  with  the  surplus  funds 
for  foreign  investment  is  in  the  position  to 
attract  trade,  but  it  will  never  get  it  if  it 
fails  to  supplement  its  ability  as  a  lender 
with  the  functions  of  an   accepting  banker. 

In  the  eleven  months  of  the  year  1918  to 
November  30,  the  imports  of  Great  Britain 
were  $3,215,000,000  in  excess  of  exports. 
In  the  period  of  ten  months  to  October  31 
the  exports  of  the  United  States  were 
about  $2,500,000,000  greater  than  imports. 
In  the  one  case  this  means  the  necessity  of 
borrowing  to  meet  an  excess  of  commercial 
expenditures  over  commercial  receipts. 
Such  borrowing  has  taken  the  form  of 
credits  in  the  United  States.  In  the  other 
instance  new  wealth  to  the  amount  of  $25 
per  capita  has  been  created.  This  would 
seem  to  clinch  the  arbitrary  statement  that 
we  are  the  greatest  financial  power  in  the 
world  to-day. 

Financing  Imports  and  Exports 

But  wait.  Bankers  use  another  measur- 
ing stick.  They  say  that  the  nation  which 
has  the  greatest  amount  of  foreign  accept- 
ances out  at  one  time  is  entitled  to  premier- 
ship. In  November,  Leopold  Frederick,  one 
of  the  ablest  of  the  foreign  bankers  in  this 
country,  went  to  great  pains  to  determine 
the  exact  amounts  of  outstanding  acceptances 
representing  the  financing  of  imports  and 
exports  through  New  York.  He  found  the 
total  to  be  $210,000,000.  Simultaneously 
the  acceptances  of  all  the  London  clearing- 
house banks,  foreign  agencies,  colonial  banks, 
and  private  bankers  totaled  $500,000,000. 
London  had  been  losing  her  trade  through 
the  closing  of  markets,  the  demand  to  con- 
vert her  factories  into  places  for  muni- 
tion-making, and  she  had  been  carrying  on 


war  expenditures  more  than  twice  as  long 
as  the  United  States.  Still  she  held  the 
leadership  in  the  field  of  bankers'  acceptances 
which  is  said  to  be  the  true  determinator  of 
financial  and  banking  supremacy.  To  do 
this  she  sacrificed  profit  of  the  moment  and 
kept  the  discount  rate  down  to  3 3^  per  cent., 
whereas  New  York  bankers  were  charging 
1  per  cent.  more.  Commercial  accounts 
flow  to  the  easiest  discount  market. 

Will  the  American  banker  look  to  the 
future  of  American  banking  as  a  whole  and 
less  to  his  immediate  profits  and  show  the 
same  willingness  as  London  to  give  up  a 
portion  of  his  gain  in  order  to  establish 
himself  and  his  profession  in  the  markets 
of  the  world?  Mr.  Warburg  believes  that 
he  will.  Spealcing  at  the  Atlantic  City 
convention  last  month  he  said:  *'I  can  well 
foresee  the  time  when  American  dollar  ac- 
ceptances will  be  outstanding  to  the  extent 
of  more  than  $1,000,000,000  in  credfts 
granted  all  over  the  world."  Three  years 
ago  he  visited  South  America  and  ''found 
that  the  banks  in  that  hemisphere  hardly 
realized  that  there  existed  such  a  thing  as 
dollar  exchange,  or  an  American  bankers' 
acceptance,  and  our  own  banks  and  mer- 
chants had  to  be  coaxed  into  using  them." 
Mr.  Frederick  is  entitled  to  much  of  the 
credit  for  introducing  dollar  exchange  into 
South  America  and  getting  it  established 
at  a  time  when  there  was  considerable  diffi- 
culty in  maintaining  the  value  of  the  dollar 
in  foreign  countries.  In  June  the  currency 
of  Chili  was  at  a  premium  of  over  78  per 
cent.,  but  on  November  15  the  premium 
had  been  reduced  to  3^  per  cent.  In  July 
the  premium  on  Peruvian  currency  was 
nearly  21  per  cent.,  and  in  the  middle  of 
November,  3  per  cent.  Between  December 
of  last  year  and  November  15,  1918,  the 
premium  on  Argentine  currency  fell  from 
12^  per  cent,  to  5  per  cent.  The  dollar 
was  at  a  premium  in  Great  Britain,  France, 
Italy,  Brazil,  and  Canada  when  the  armis- 
tice was  signed. 

Foreign    Trade   Opportunities 

Senator  Robert  L.  Owen,  chairman  of 
the  Senate  Committee  on  Banking  and  Cur- 
rency, went  abroad  in  December  to  study 
the  conditions  which  have  been  responsible 
for  the  apparent  neglect  on  the  part  of  bank- 
ers of  the  foreign  trade  opportunities.  It 
has  been  his  belief  for  some  time  that  a 
foreign  branch  of  the  Federal  Reserve  Bank 
was  required  to  facilitate  trade  between  the 


112 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


United  States  and  the  rest  of  the  world. 
He  argues  that  the  American  banks  should 
extend  the  use  of  acceptances  at  least  at  as 
low  a  rate  as  is  allowed  in  London.  Ac- 
cording to  their  charters  the  Bank  of  Eng- 
land and  the  Bank  of  France  must  be  the 
servants  of  the  business  interests,  of  the 
manufacturer,  merchant,  and  producer. 
Senator  Owen  believes  that  through  a  Fed- 
eral Reserve  foreign  exchange  bank  there 
would  be  an  increase  in  the  money  supply 
which  American  business  men  could  obtain 
to  enter  the  foreign  field.  Many  bankers 
do  not  agree  with  him  and  his  proposal  for 
a  branch  bank  has  been  strongly  protested. 
It  must  be  obvious,  however,  that  the  handi- 
cap of  high  interest  or  discount  rates  which 
the  American  exporter  will  have  to  pay, 
if  he  borrows  in  New  York  instead  of  Lon- 
don at  the  present  difference  on  acceptances, 
will  affect  the  volume  of  American  foreign 


trade  similarly  as  when  we  are  in  competi- 
tion w^ith  lower  freight  rates,  with  lower 
wages  or  with  a  tariff  that  gives  the  ad- 
vantage to  the  European  producer. 

Coming  back  to  the  original  question, 
Will  New  York  or  London  be  the  financial 
center  of  the  world  ?  the  answer  is  that  New 
York  has  the  resources  to  be  such  but  it 
lacks  the  training  and  the  appreciation  of 
the  merchant  side  of  banking  which  possess 
the  mind  of  the  London  banker.  We  have 
been  moving  rapidly  in  establishing  branches 
in  South  America  and  are  beginning  to 
reach  out  and  grasp  the  chances  in  the  East 
and  on  the  Continent  of  Europe.  This  is 
only  so  far  the  preliminary  of  a  world 
supremacy.  The  indications  are  that  New 
York  will  be  the  lending  center  of  the 
world  for  years  to  come,  but  that  London 
will  hold  to  her  leadership  in  financing  the 
world  s  merchant  trade. 


II.— INVESTORS'  QUERIES  AND  ANSWERS 


No.  983.     RAILROAD  STOCKS 

I  have  thought  favorably  lately  of  investing  in  rail- 
road stocks,  my  plan  being  to  buy  and  hold  for  several 
years  if  necessary.  I  believe  now  that  the  war  is  over 
the  outlook  of  such  securities  ought  to  be  good.  En- 
closed you  will  find  a  slip  on  which  I  have  marked  the 
railroads  which  I  favor  and  I  would  be  pleased  to  have 
you  indicate  which  you  consider  most  desirable  and  the 
rate  of  dividends  now  being  paid  on  both  common  and 
preferred  stocks. 

Some  of  these  issues  to  which  you  have  been 
giving  consideration  are  well-established  divi- 
dend payers  which  strike  us  as  being  more  or 
less  reasonable  purchases  at  their  present  prices, 
despite  the  fact  that  there  is  a  good  deal  of  un- 
certainty about  the  general  railroad  situation  in 
view  of  the  issue  of  Government  ownership 
with  which  many  believe  this  country  is  likely 
to  be  definitely  confronted  before  very  long. 
We  refer  to  issues  like  Great  Northern,  Northern 
Pacific,  Southern  Pacific,  and  Chicago  &  North- 
western. In  your  place  we  do  not  think  we 
should  give  consideration  now  to  any  of  the  St. 
Paul  issues  or,  in  fact,  to  any  of  the  Rock  Island 
issues,  even  the  6  and  7  per  cent,  preferred  is- 
sues, to  which  we  have  referred  once  or  twice 
in  the  pages  of  the  Review  of  Reviews.  Two 
more  of  the  standard  dividend-paying  railroad 
stocks  which  might  be  added  to  your  list  are 
Atchison,  Topeka  &  Santa  Fe  common  and  Union 
Pacific  common.  The  former  of  these  two  stocks, 
as  you  probably  know,  pays  dividends  at  the 
rate  of  6  per  cent,  per  annum  and  the  latter 
dividends  at  the  rate  of  10  per  cent,  per  annum. 

Great  Northern,  Northern  Pacific,  and  Chicago 
&  Northwestern  are  each  on  a  7  per  cent,  per 
annum  basis,  and  Southern  Pacific  is  on  a  6 
per  cent,  per   annum   basis. 


The  .only  companies  among  those  which  we 
have  mentioned  favorably  having  two  classes  of 
stock, — preferred  as  well  as  common, — are  Chi- 
cago &  Northwestern,  whose  preferred  stock  pays 
8  per  cent,  per  annum;  Atchison,  Topeka  &  Santa 
Fe,  whose  preferred  pays  5  per  cent,  per  annum, 
and  Union  Pacific,  whose  preferred  stock  pays 
4  per  cent,  per  annum. 

No.  984.    DOMINION  OF  CANADA  BONDS 

Will  you  be  good  enough  to  give  me  some  informa- 
tion about  the  various  issues  of  Dominion  of  Canada 
loans  that  have  been  made  by  that  government  since 
June,     1917,  including  some  details  of  the  loan  just  closed? 

Our  records  show  that  there  were  two  internal 
loans  made  by  the  Dominion  in  1917,  one  early 
in  the  year  and  another  in  November,  known  as 
the  First  Victory  Loan.  The  latter  was  for 
$150,000,000,  5H  per  cent,  bonds  to  mature  De- 
cember, 1922,  December,  1927,  and  December, 
1937.     The   issue  price   was  par. 

The  Victory  Loan  of  1918,  for  which  subscrip- 
tions were  recently  closed,  called  for  a  minimum 
of  $300,000,000,  Sy2  per  cent,  bonds  to  mature 
November  1,  1923  and  November  1,  1933.  Total 
subscriptions  for  this  issue,  we  believe,  were  in 
the  neighborhood  of  $700,000,000.  The  issue 
price  of  these  bonds  was  also  par. 

You  are  doubtless  aware  that  several  external 
loans  have  been  negotiated  by  the  Dominion  in 
the  United  States  market,  the  principal  ones  be- 
ing the  various  issues  of  5  per  cents,  due  April, 
1921,  April,  1926,  and  April,  1931,  for  $25,000,000 
each.  These  bonds  are  listed  on  the  New  York 
Stock  Exchange,  where  they  enjoy  a  fairly  active 
market   at   all    times. 


The  American  Review  of  Reviews 


EDITED    BY    ALBERT    SHAW 


CONTENTS    FOR 

Theodore  Roosevelt Frontispiece 

The  Progress  of  the  World- 
Public  and  Private  Interests 115 

Freedom    Still    a   Cherished   Object 115 

The  World  Crisis  and  the  Private  Home.  115 

The  Spirit  of  a  Century  Ago 116 

A  Peoples'  Conference  at  Paris 116 

International  Trouble,  a  Common  Menace  116 

The   New   Perception   of  Truth 116 

The  Peoples  Demand  Harmony 117 

The  Concrete  Facts  of  Union ..;...  117 

Trying  to  Put  a  Schenfie  on  Paper 117 

President  Wilson's   Speeches .  118 

British  and  American  Cooperation 118 

The  Italian  and  Balkan  Questions 118 

The  Smuts  British  Proposal 119 

Settling   Territorial    Questions 119 

Forms   of   the   League 119 

As  to  Future  Militarism  and  War 120 

The  Soldiers  and  Their  Future.  .........  120 

Back  From  Foreign   Shores 120 

Reasons  for   Some   Delay 121 

Finding  the  Troop  Ships 121 

Hurley  and  the  German  Ships 121 

Provisions   for   Soldier   Employment 122 

Now  for  a  System  of  Land  Settlement. . .  .  122 

The  Men  are  Eager  for  Land 123 

"Reclamation"  a  Proved  Success 123 

Relief  More  Urgent  Than  Ever 123 

$100,000,000  for  Food  to  Europe 124 

Help  for  the  Starving  and  Sick  in  Turkey  124 

For  the  Future  as  Well  as  the  Present.  .  .  124 

Armistice   Requirements    125 

Affairs  in  Germany   125 

A  Primary  Requirement  from  Germany.  .  .  126 

The  "Irreducible  Minimum"   126 

Planning  a   Federal   Republic 126 

Dangers   Involving  Germany    127 

Poland    in    Ferment    127 

The  Peace   Conference   at  Work 128 

National  Prohibition  Assured    129 

A  Great  War-time  Reform 129 

The  Positive  Benefits  to  Accrue 130 

Two  Business  Problems  for  Congress....  130 

Mr.  McAdoo's   Five-Year  Plan 130 

Proposals   of  the   Railway  Executive 131 

Opinions  of  the   Commerce   Commission..  131 

The  Views  of  Senator  Cummins 131 

The  New  Director-General  of  Railroads.  132 

What  Will  We  Do  with  Our  Ships? 132 

War  Expenses  Still   Growing 132 

With  portraits,  cartoons,  and  other  illustrations 

Record  of  Current  Events 133 

With  illustrations 

Cartoons  of  the  Moment 138 


FEBRUARY,    1919 

The  Return  of  the  Soldier 143 

By    Hon.    Newton    D.   Baker 

With  illustrations 

Europe  in  Transition 145 

By  Frank  H.  Simonds 
Walter  Hines  Page  (Portrait)   152 

Theodore  Roosevelt,  Boy  and  Man 153 

By  George  Haven  Putnam 

Theodore  Roosevelt 156 

By  Albert   Shaw 

Roosevelt's  Tribute  to  Lincoln 161 

Roosevelt  As  Candidate  for  President 162 

With  portraits 

Colonel  Roosevelt  as  Explorer   165 

By  Vilhjalmur  Stefansson 

French  Reconstruction  Problems 167 

By  Henri-Martin  Barzun 

With  illustrations 

Wisconsin's  New  President 176 

By  Frederic  A.  Ogg 

With  portrait 

Canada's  Care  of  Her  Soldiers 177 

By   Owen   McGillicuddy 

Odessa  to  the  Atlantic:    A  Proposed  Railway 
Route 181 

By  Wyatt  Rushton 

With  map 
An  Outlet  to  the  Sea  for  Europe's  New  Nations  184 

By  Alfred  C.  Bossom 

With  map 

Service — The  Keynote  of  a  New  Cabinet 

Department 187 

By  Harlean  James 

Leading  Articles  of  the  Month— 

The  League   of   Nations 191 

The  Freedom  of  the  Seas. 196 

Tributes  to  Theodore   Roosevelt 197 

Progress  in  Building  Concrete  Ships 200 

The  Recent  Rise  in  Silver 201 

Washington's    Swedish    Ancestry 202 

Edmond   Rostand 203 

After-the-War   Flying 204 

McAdoo  on  Federal   Control  of  Railroads  206 

Localization  of  Industry 207 

The  Last  Republic  of  the  Hindus 208 

A  Hebrew  University  in  Jerusalem 209 

The  Italian  Merchant  Marine 210 

Commercial  Relations  with  Latin  America  211 

A  Poet-Painter  of  Lebanon 212 

With  illustrations 

The  New  Books 213 

Financial  News 222 


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Feb.— 1 


THE   REVIEW  OF  REVIEWS  CO.,  30  Irving   Place,   New  York 

Albert   Shaw,   Pres.      Chas.    D.    Lanier,    Sec.   and   Treas. 


113 


O  Walter  Scott  .Sliiiin — A  iihotograph  taken  last  fall 

THE  LATE  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT,  TWENTY-SIXTH  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 

(Theodore  Roosevelt  died  at  his  home  in  Oyster  Bay,  New  York,  in  the  early  morning  of 
Monday,  January  6th.  He  was  born  in  the  city  of  New  York,  October  27,  1858,  and  was  there- 
fore a  little  more  than  sixty  years  of  age.  No  other  American  of  hrs  time  had  been  known  so 
widely,  and  in  so  many  relationships,  as  a  public  character.  He  had  maintained  superb  vigor 
of  body  and  mind,  with  reasonable  expectation  of  a  long  further  career  of  activity  and  useful- 
ness; but  a  tropical  fever  in  Brazil  when  on  an  exploring  trip  several  years  ago  had  left 
traces  from  which  he  never  wholly  recovered.  He  was  active,  however,  to  his  last  day,  and 
died  suddenly  of  an  embolism.  The  funeral  was  quiet,  as  he  preferred  to  have  it,  in  the  com- 
munity where  he  lived.  On  Sunday,  February  9,  however,  there  will  be  memorial  services 
throughout  the  entire  country.  Several  articles  about  his  life  and  character  appear  in  this 
number  of  the  Review,  and  there  are  many  in  past  volumes,  through  a  period  of  more  than  a 
quarter  of  a  century) 


THE    AMERICAN 

Review  of  Reviews 


Vol.  LVIX 


NEW  YORK,  FEBRUARY,  1919 


No.  2 


THE  PROGRESS  OF  THE  WORLD 


„  ,,.      _.     Citizens  of  every  civilized  com- 

Public  ana  .  .  .•'     .  ,,. 

Private  munity  have  both  public  in- 
interesu  ^.txtsts  and  private  interests. 
Usually  their  private  interests  seem  most 
pressing.  But  at  times  they  are  aware  that 
the  things  of  general  concern  not  only  in- 
volve their  duty  and  claim  their  attention, 
but  also  dominate  their  personal  affairs.  In 
the  pioneering  stages  of  American  life, 
private  interests  of  course  were  predominant. 
In  such  periods  it  was  easy  to  defend  the  dic- 
tum that  ''the  best  government  is  the  one 
that  governs  least" ;  while  it  is  not  hard  to 
understand  why  men  so  generally  believed 
that  miading  one's  own  business  and  getting 
on  with  one's  own  affairs  was  the  best  way 
to  develop  the  country.  But  there  come 
times  when  the  individual  discovers  that  the 
structure  of  society  bears  a  vital  relation  to 
his  natural  right  to  life,  liberty  and  the  pur- 
suit of  happjness  in  his  own  private  sphere. 
In  such  times  as  the  present,  almost  every- 
one is  anxiously  waiting  for  adjustments  in 
the  sphere  of  Government,  because  the  every- 
day affairs  of  life  have  become  disarranged 
and  it  is  increasingly  difficult  to  make  plans 
or  do  business  until  the  public  conditions  that 
form  the  background  for  private  effort  are 
made  stable  and  normal. 

Freedom  still  ^"  ^  ^^^  period,  private  interests 
a  Cherished  bccome  Subordinate  to  the  com- 
mon,  public  necessity.  I  he  in- 
dividual learns  to  realize  how  completely  his 
independence  is  a  matter  of  social  ordering, 
rather  than  of  his  own  private  volition.  The 
people  of  the  United  States  have  now  fully 
demonstrated  their  ability  to  act  together 
through  public  agencies  in  support  of  a  great 
common  cause  that  demands  the  sacrifice  of 
life  as  well  as  of  property.  But  Americans 
as  a  whole  are  still  fond  of  individual  liberty 
and  self-direction;   and   they  are  anxious   to 

Copyright,   1919,  by  Tiii-    R 


recover,  at  the  earliest  proper  moment,  a 
considerable  measure  of  freedom  for  private 
initiative  in  business,  as  in  all  the  other 
spheres  of  life.  The  social  welfare  is  to  claim 
first  consideration  in  the  new  period ;  but 
personal  liberty  also  will  have  ample  range. 
Thoughtful  persons  know  quite  well  that 
pioneer  periods  lie  well  in  the  past,  and  that 
the  economic  organization  of  society  must 
henceforth  be  far  more  complete  and  exten- 
sive than  ever  before  in  this  country.  We 
repeat,  there  will  still  be  a  large  range  of 
freedom  for  the  individual ;  but  the  only 
way  now  to  secure  that  freedom  is  through 
public  action,  which  must  provide  the  con- 
ditions and  give  security  to  every  man. 

^^    „  Recent  events   have  shown   that 

The  Home,  .  , .    . 

and  World-  private  volition  cannot  secure 
Affairs  ^j^g  home  against  the  appalling 
disasters  of  war.  Therefore  the  private 
citizen,  whether  rich  or  poor,  realizes  that 
his  personal  security  and  freedom,  and  that 
of  his  children,  are  dependent  upon  public 
action  that  shall  guard  against  military  ag- 
gression, and  that  shall  in  due  time  lessen 
the  burdens  imposed  upon  us  by  the  necessity 
of  being  prepared  to  defend  ourselves  and 
to  support  just  causes  by  strength  of  arms. 
If  the  women  of  the  land  who  are  mothers 
hate  the  principles  of  aggressive  militarism 
that  have  forced  their  sons  into  the  Euro- 
pean conflict,  it  is  not  less  true  that  the  sol- 
diers themselves  hate  and  loathe  the  business 
of  war;  and  are  intent  upon  a  public  system 
that  will  protect  civilization  against  a  recur- 
rence of  these  unspeakable  calamities.  We 
are  to  go  through  many  difficult  experiences 
here  in  the  United  States  in  the  processes 
of  restoring  our  business  life  and  of  solving 
the  problems  created  by  the  w  ar.  The  same 
thing  is  true  in  Canada,  Great  Britain, 
France,  and  almost  every  other  country  of 
EviEw  OK  Reviews  Company  115 


116 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


the  earth.  But  everyone  knows  that  these 
national  conditions,  while  requiring  imme- 
diate thought  and  attention,  are  certain  to 
be  held  in  suspense  and  abeyance  until  the 
international  skies  are  clearer. 

Never  before  has  there  been  any 

The  Spirit  ,  £    •    .1 

of  a  Situation  that  even  laintly  re- 
CenturuAgo  gemblcd  that  of  to-day.  The 
peace  adjustments  after  the  Napoleonic 
Wars  were  being  carried  on  by  monarchs 
and  statesmen  who  were  thinking  in  terrns 
of  dynasties  and  of  empires.  The  common 
people  in  no  European  country  were  prac- 
tised in  reading  and  writing;  they  had  no 
popular  newspapers  that  kept  them  well  in- 
formed ;  they  were  not  bringing  any  kind 
of  pressure  to  bear  upon  the  business  of  the 
Congress  of  Vienna.  It  is  true  that  commis- 
sioners of  the  United  States  on  Christmas 
Eve,  1814,  a  hundred  and  four  years  ago, 
had  signed  our  treaty  of  peace  with  Eng- 
land and  had  made  plans  which  have  re- 
sulted in  the  secure  and  neighborly  rela- 
tions of  Canada  and  the  United  States,  while 
maintaining  peace  and  friendship  between 
the  British  and  American  Governments.  But, 
otherwise,  the  international  arrangements  of 
&  hundred  years  ago  were  not  in  the  spirit 
of  the  present  day. 

A  ^eo  lea'  ^"  contrast,  we  find  at  this  time 
oonferenc*  3.  body  of  delegates  in  Paris  rep- 
ot Pana  resenting  the  popular  will  of 
great,  intelligent  peoples.  There  is  no  lead- 
ing man  in  the  Peace  Conference  who  would 
for  a  moment  admit  that  he  is  there  to  rep- 
resent any  other  cause  than  that  of  the  well- 
being  of  the  entire  people  of  his  own  coun- 
try, while  also  recognizing  the  equal  claim 
of  the  people  of  all  other  countries  to  live 
in  freedom  under  just  laws  and  to  be  guarded 
against  aggression  from  without.  While 
this  group  of  representative  men  is  assembled 
at  Paris  (or  in  the  famous  halls  of  Ver- 
sailles), the  home  peoples  of  every  country 
are  intently  following  the  news.  Our  own 
people  every  day  read  long  messages  brought 
by  ocean  cable  and  wireless  service,  and  are 
taking  part  earnestly  and  actively  in  a  tre- 
mendous discussion  of  the  issues  that  are  to 
be  determined.  Almost  every  man  who  can 
read  and  think,  whether  in  public  office  or 
wearing  the  overalls  of  a  mechanic,  feels 
that  his  own  future  as  well  as  that  of  his 
children  and  his  neighbors  is  immediately  at 
stake  in  the  decisions  that  are  to  be  made 
on  the  international  plane  of  action. 


International  International  disturbances  have 
a  comrnon  brought  tragedy  to  the  thresholds 
Menace  ^f  thousands  of  these  Ameri- 
can families,  while  bringing  risk  and  sacri- 
fice and  deep  anxiety  to  almost  every  hearth- 
stone in  the  land.  For  a  quarter  of  a  cen- 
tury in  this  magazine  we  have  been  arguing 
for  the  adoption  of  international  arrange- 
ments that  would  greatly  diminish  the  dan- 
ger of  war,  if  not  completely  abolish  it.  We 
have  supported  permanent  arbitration  treat- 
ies with  Great  Britain  and  other  countries. 
We  have  pointed  out  the  worth  of  various 
projects,  whether  brought  forward  by  Cleve- 
land, McKinley,  Roosevelt,  Taft,  Hay,  Root, 
Knox,  Bryan,  Wilson  or  any  otber  states- 
man of  international  grasp.  But  there  were 
two  difficulties  always  encountered.  One 
was  the  feeling  of  American  security — the 
idea  that  we  were  somehow  safe  in  our 
aloofness  from  the  war-storms  of  Europe  and 
that  we  could  live  fearlessly  without  being 
armed,  while  thinking  it  unfitting  for  us  to 
protest  against  the  world-menace  of  the 
colossal  armaments  of  continental  Europe. 
The  other  difficulty  lay  in  the  feeling  that  in- 
ternational arrangements  to  prevent  war 
were  but  Utopian  dreams,  fine  visions  of 
philosophers  and  humanitarians  that  could 
not  be  realized  in  the  actual  world.  Both 
these  obstacles  have  been  swept  away  by  the 
resistless  floods  of  war  that  have  inundated 
our  own  homes.  The  world  is  too  small 
for  further  aloofness. 

^^   -,  No  nation,  then,  can  henceforth 

ThaNeiv        ,       .     1         ,  1 

Perception  of  be  isolated  and  secure;  every  na- 
'^"^  tion  must  be  concerned  with  mil- 
itarism as  a  menace  to  peace.  In  the  mod- 
ern world,  war  on  the  great  scale  cannot 
with  certainty  be  confined  to  Europe  or 
Asia  without  involving  America;  the  world's 
peace  becomes  a  universal  issue.  This  is 
felt  in  every  American  home  where  the  serv- 
ice flag  is  hung  in  the  window,  and  in  mil- 
lions of  other  homes  where  there  was  no 
son  to  send  to  war.  World  peace  has  thus 
become  as  vital  a  matter  to  every  American 
home  as  protection  against  fire  or  riot  or  epi- 
demic disease.  And  so  there  has  awakened 
in  the  general  consciousness  the  clear  percep- 
tion of  this  truth :  the  world  must  be  organ- 
ized to  prevent  war  and  to  settle  differences, 
just  as  communities  must  be  organized  for 
protection  against  local  dangers.  To  the 
average  mind  the  problem  is  a  practical  one, 
and  there  is  not  much  disposition  to  argue 
over  the  working  details. 


THE    PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


117 


Thus    the-  proposed    League    of 

The  Peoples       xt      •  i  /-      i   •  i 

Demand  iNations  does  not  nnd  its  strength 
Harmony  jjierely  in  the  wisdom  of  individ- 
ual statesmen  who  are  trying  to  give  it 
working  forms  and  mechanisms.  The  ar- 
rangements which  a¥e  to  give  security  and 
protect  free  nations  are  to  be  made  because 
they  are  (temanded  by  hundreds  of  millions 
of  people  in  afflicted  countries  who  desire 
peace,  who  seek  relief  from  the  burdens  of 
militarism,  and  who  are  glad  to  lay  aside  the 
prejudices  of  race  and  nationality  in  favor 
of  the  spirit  of  generous  good-will  towards 
all  peoples.  During  recent  weeks,  there  has 
been  widespread  effort  throughout  the  United 
States  to  secure  expression  of  public  opinion ; 
so  that  those  who  are  working  for  large  and 
permanent  results  in  the  Peace  Conference 
may  feel  themselves  supported  by  American 
sentiment.  In  England  and  France,  as  in 
various  other  European  countries,  the  reali- 
zation that  there  must  be  union  of  eflFort  for 
peacekeeping,  just  as  there  has  been  union  of 
effort  for  winning  the  war,  is  even  more  gen- 
eral than  in  America.  These  peoples  of 
Europe  are  closer  to  the  facts  of  war  and 
have  suffered  more  intensely.  They  long 
for  security  and  they  know  that  it  can  be 
found  only  in  continued  cooperation. 

^,  „       ,     Although  there  are  several  ways 

Th*  Concrete  *=        ,        ,  ,  ,  .  ■^ 

Facts  of  to  approach  the  problems  oi  a 
League  of  Nations,  it  is  not  well 
to  be  too  ready  to  regard  those  ways  as  essen- 
tially destructive  of  one  another.  It  is 
easier  for  some  men  to  see  things  in  the 
concrete,  as  things  stand  today.  They  feel 
that  the  League  of  Nations  has  been  already 
formed,  in  the  military  and  financial  co- 
operation of  the  Allies,  and  in  the  general 
unity  of  aims  developed  under  the  moral 
leadership  of  the  United  States  after  we  had 
begun  to  take  a  large  part  in  the  war.  In 
previous  numbers  of  this  Review,  beginning 
with  America's  entrance  into  the  conflict,  we 
have  repeatedly  expressed  the  view  that  the 
League  of  Nations  to  enforce  peace  is  already 
an  obvious  fact,  and  that  it  would  be  more 
natural  to  continue  it  and  to  give  it  func- 
tions for  the  future,  than  to  disband  it.  We 
have  felt  that  conditions  had  been  created, 
through  the  extent  of  this  cooperation  in  a 
variety  of  ways,  which  would  make  it  practi- 
cally impossible  not  to  continue  in  numerous 
fields  of  joint  action.  We  have  then,  in  the 
fact  of  the  present  demand  of  millions  of 
people  for  security  against  war  and  in  the 
further  fact  of  existing  cooperation,  the  best 


LORD      ROBERT      CECIL 


LEON    BOURGEOIS 


TWO    CONSPICUOUS    LEADERS    WHO    ARE    TRYING    TO 
FRAME   THE    PLAN    OF    A    LEAGUE    OF    NATIONS 

(M.  Bourgeois,  a  former  Premier  of  France  and  an 
eminent  worker  for  peace  and  international  harmony,  is 
head  of  the  French  society  that  has  offered  a  plan  for 
the  League  of  Nations.  Lord  Robert  Cecil,  recently 
associated  with  Mr.  Balfour  in  the  British  Foreign 
Office,  has  of  late  been  charged  by  his  Government  with 
the  study  of  this  question  of  a  league.) 


possible  foundations  upon  which  to  erect  the 
structure  of  a  permanent  League.  As  Mr. 
Taft  puts  it,  the  League  must  stand  because 
it  cannot  be  dispensed  with. 

^    .    ,        It  happens,  however,   that  there 

Trumoto  yt^         ,  J 

Put  a  Scheme    are  some  people  who  have  stud- 
on  Paper       -^^    ^j^^   subject    more    especially 

from  the  standpoint  of  drafting  a  treaty. 
They  have  been  trying  to  put  down  upon 
paper  the  kind  of  representative  organiza- 
tion such  a  League  should  have.  Many  such 
drafts  have  now  been  made.  Their  makers 
have  faced  a  hundred  difl^cult  problems. 
Some  of  these  men  are  more  theoretical  than 
others.  French  minds  are  obliged  to  deal 
with  concrete  circumstances  quite  as  much  as 
with  abstract  general  proposals.  British 
minds  have  had  to  consider  not  merely  the  se- 
curity of  Great  Britain  regarding  its  sup- 
plies of  food  and  raw  material  and  its  over- 
seas markets,  but  they  have  also  had  to  bear 
in  mind  the  great  range  of  interest  and  re- 
sponsibility involved  in  all  that  is  covered 
by  the  name  "British  Empire."  In  the  midst 
of  mental  uncertainty  and  confusion  resulting 
from  the  reading  of  so  many  dispatches  seem- 
ing to  point  to  disagreement  at  Paris,  we 
have  some  gratifying  evidence  that  the  areas 
of  controversy  grow  narrower,  and  the  areas 
of  confidence  and  good  understanding  grow 
wider.     Here  we  find  the  League's  basis. 


118 


THE   AMERICAN  REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


President    \yilsoi>s    speeches    in 
Wilson's       France,   England   and   Italy  did 

Speeches  ^    •     j        j    i  j 

not  indeed  lay  down  precise  pro- 
posals, but  they  helped  greatly  to  give  re- 
assurance to  public  opinion,  and  to  make  the 
peoples  of  western  Europe  feel'  that  there 
was  a  friendly  good-will  in  America  which 
could  be  relied  upon  as  a  body  of  sentiment 
harmonizing  with  the  friendly  good-will  that 
the  President  was  finding  wherever  he  w^ent. 
Getting  rid  of  misunderstandings  and  dis- 
trust has  been  a  large  part  of  the  prelimin- 
ary work ;  and  this  seems  to  us  to  have  been 
greatly  assisted  by  the  expressions  for  which 
President  Wilson's  presence  in  Europe  gave 
opportunity,  no  less  than  by  his  own  con- 
ciliatory and  tactful  utterances. 

o  -.^     ^     It  took  a  little  while  for  a  con- 

British  and  .  .  , .        .         -i-.        i 

American  servative  public  in  England  to 
ooptra  on  understand  that  there  would  be 
no  desire  to  interfere  with  the  strength  of  the 
British  Navy,  but  only  a  desire  to  have  com- 
mon understanding  as  to  the  uses  for  which 
naval  power  might  be  exerted.  Since  there 
could  be  no  danger  at  all  of  disagreement 
upon  this  larger  subject  between  the  United 
States  and  Great  Britain,  the  last  chance  of 
difference  between  the  two  great  English- 
speaking  democracies  had  disappeared.  Great 
Britain  and  America  are  alike  in  wishing  to 
see  freedom  and  justice  prevail ;  they  are  alike 
in  seeking  to  safeguard  the  welfare  of  smaller 
countries ;  and  they  are  alike  in  their  view 
that  the  backward  regions  of  the  world  are 
to  be  aided  in  the  spirit  of  tutelage  and 
guardianship  rather  than  to  be  exploited  for 
the  mere  sake  of  economic  gain  or  imperial 


power.  The  spirit  of  .generosity  and  mutual 
goodwill  can  clear  away  many  seeming  diffi- 
culties. There  was  a  time  when  Lord  Bryce 
as  British  Ambassador,  and  Secretary  Root 
as  head  of  our  State  Department,  undertook 
to  dispose  of  various  questions,  mostly  having 
to  do  with  our  Canadian  relations,  that  had 
survived  from  earlier  days.  Theii^work  in- 
volved much  study  and  skilful  adjustment; 
but  it  was  successful  and  in  no  manner  em- 
barrassing, because  it  was  performed  in  a 
spirit  of  mutual  confidence  and  goodwill. 

Ti.  I*  ,         We  are  optimistic  enough  to  be- 

Tht  Italian        ,     ,.  ^  i 

and  Balkan  bclieve  that  the  warmth  and 
*  'ona  generosity  of  the  Italian  nature 
will  respond  to  some  plan  for  making  good 
neighbors  and  permanent  friends  of  the  South 
Slavs  who  wish  to  have  outlets  upon  the  Dal- 
matian coast.  Some  formula  for  cooperation, 
to  dispel  danger  of  rivalry,  is  what  that  situ- 
ation requires.  The  same  thing  is  true  of 
some  of  the  disputes  that  are  now  involving 
Poland,  Bohemia,  Ukrainia,  Rumania  and  all 
of  the  Balkan  countries  as  regards  precise 
boundaries  and  other  matters  affecting  their 
future  status.  A  complete  general  under- 
standing on  the  part  of  the  larger  Allies  gives 
a  basis  of  powerful  influence  by  virtue  of 
which  the  conflicting  claims  of  minor  states 
can  be  adjudicated.  Furthermore,  it  becomes 
the  obvious  duty  of  the  group  of  major  Allies 
so  to  determine  the  bounds  of  militarism 
within  the  European  countries  that  it  will  be 
virtually  out  of  the  question  for  countries  like 
Poland,  Ukrainia,  Czecho-Slovakia  or  the 
greater  Serbia  to  assert  their  claims  against 
one  another  by  war,  rather  than  to  resort  to 


(Q  Uridenvood  &  Undenvood,  X.  V. 

MARSHAL  FOCH  AND  ALLIED  PREMIERS  WHO  WILL  DECIDE  THE  DESTINIES  OF  NATIONS 

(This  photograph  was  taken  Deccmher  7  in  the  courtyard  of  No  10  Downing  Street,  London,  the  home  of 
Pf^mier  Lloyd  George,  where  Marshal  Foch  and  some  of  the  Allied  leaders  met  to  discuss  the  Allied  terms  to  be 
proposed  at  the  Peace  Conference.  From  left  to  right,  are.  Marshal  Foch,  Premier  Clemenceau  of  France,  Premier 
Lloyd   George  of   England,   Premier   Orlando   of   Italy,  and   Baron   Sonnino,   the  Italian   Foreign    Secretary.) 


THE    PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


119 


arbitration  or  to  the  machinery  for  settling 
disputes  that  the  League  of  Nations  will 
create.  The  difficulties  to  be  faced  are  so 
numerous  that  they  would  be  altogether  baf- 
fling but  for  the  determination  of  democratic 
peoples  everywhere  to  have  orderly  settlement 
of  disputes,  together  with  the  power  for  good 
that  the  Allied  nations  possess  in  the  fact  of 
their  own  fundamental  agreement. 

As   typical   of   what   lies   in    the 

The  Smuts  •      i  r  i  i         i  i 

British  mmds  01  men  abroad  who  speak 
Proposal  ^£  ^  League  of  Nations,  we  may 
mention  the  proposal  of  General  Smuts,  the 
South  African  soldier  and  statesman  who  is  a 
member  of  the  British  War  Cabinet  and 
whose  ideas  seem  to  be  in  keeping  with  those 
of  Mr.  Lloyd  George  and^ome  other  British 
leaders.  The  Smuts  plan  had  been  privately 
studied  among  statesmen  abroad,  though 
merely  tentative  and  subject  to  changes  that 
might  be  radical  in  their  extent.  First,  we 
are  told,  forming  the  League  of  Nations  is 
to  be  the  primary,  basic  task  for  the  Peace 
Conference  in  order  to  supply  the  necessary 
organ  through  which  ''the  vast  multiplicity 
of  territorial,  economic  and  other  problems 
can  find  their  only  solution."  This  Smuts 
plan  treats  the  Peace  Conference  itself  as  the 
first  or  preliminary  meeting  of  the  League, 
which  must  proceed  to  work  out  its  further 
organization  in  detail  and  to  determine  its 
own  functions. 

Second,  the  Smuts  plan  proposes 
Territorial  that  instead  of  any  policy  of 
Questions  separate  national  action  as  re- 
gards the  territories  formerly  belonging  to 
Russia,  Austria-Hungary  and  Turkey,  the 
League  should  step  in  and  be  clothed  with 
the  right  of  ultimate  disposal  along  the  line 
of  certain  agreed  principles.  Third,  these 
principles  are  to  the  effect  that  none  of  the 
victorious  states  are  to  make  annexations 
within  such  territories,  and  that  ultimate  self- 
rule  and  consent  of  the  governed  among  the 
peoples  shall  be  aimed  at  as  an  object. 
Fourth,  that  any  kind  of  authority  or  control 
from  without  that  may  be  necessary  as  re- 
spects these  peoples  shall  be  the  exclusive 
function  of  the  League  of  Nations;  but,  fifth, 
it  may  be  permissible  for  the  League  of 
Nations  to  delegate  authority  or  administra- 
tion to  some  one  state,  acting  as  its  agent  or 
mandatory,  although  in  such  cases  if  possible 
the  agent  ought  to  be  acceptable  to  the  people 
to  be  controlled  or  governed.  Sixth,  the  de- 
gree  of    authority    to    be    exercised    must    in 


GEN.     JAN     CHRISTIAAN     SMUTS,     SOUTH     AFRICAN 

LEADER    AND    MEMBER    OF    THE    BRITISH    CABINET 

(General  Smuts,  through  sheer  force  of  military 
knowledge  and  political  wisdorri,  has  become  one  of  the 
acknowledged  leaders  of  the  British  Empire  and  one  of 
the  broad-minded  statesmen  whose  views  are  particularly 
respected   by  Americans  abroad.) 

every  case  be  laid  down  by  the  League  of 
Nations  in  a  special  act  reserving  to  the 
League  the  complete  power  of  ultimate  con- 
trol and  supervision.  Seventh,  the  man- 
datory state  must  maintain  equal  economical 
opportunities  and  use  military  force  in  the 
way  prescribed  by  the  League  for  purposes 
of  international  police.  Eighth,  that  no  state 
formed  out  of  the  old  empires  shall  be  ad- 
mitted to  the  League  except  as  it  conforms  to 
the  rules  laid  down  for  its  conduct  as  re- 
spects military  force  and  armaments.  Ninth, 
that  the  League,  as  taking  over  certain  func- 
tions of  former  empires,  must  watch  over  the 
relations  of  new  independent  states  among 
themselves  in  order  to  conciliate  differences 
and  secure  order  and  peace. 


Forms 
of  the 
League 


Tenth,  the  League  itself  will  be, 
in  form,  a  Permanent  Confer- 
ence among  the  Governments  of 
the  constituent  States  for  joint  international 
action  in  certain  respects,  and  will  not  lessen 
the  independence  of  its  members.  It  will 
consist  of  a  general  conference,  a  council, 
and  courts  of  arbitration  and  conciliation. 
Eleventh,    the    Council    will    make    general 


120 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


rules  and  arrangements,  and,  twelfth,  it  will 
act  as  the  executive  committee  of  the  League 
and  be  made  up  of  Prime  Ministers,  Foreign 
Secretaries  and  so  on.  It  will,  thirteenth, 
hold  annual  meetings  of  high  officials,  ap- 
point a  permanent  body  of  secretaries  and 
staff-members,  will  have  standing  joint  com- 
mittees, and  will  thus  keep  the  nations  in  con- 
stant communication  with  each  other.  And 
fourteenth,  it  will  work  in  the  sphere  of  the 
matters  set  forth  in  the  first  nine  points. 

General   Smuts    in   his   fifteenth 

As  to  Future  .  ,      ,  .  ,  ^      <• 

Militarism  and  pomt  dcals  With  agreements  tor 
^°''  the  abolition  of  conscription  or 
compulson^  military  service,  and  in  the  six- 
teenth with  control  of  military  equipment 
and  armament,  while  in  the  seventeenth  he 
requires  the  nationalization  of  all  factories 
producing  war  material.  In  his  eighteenth 
point  he  prescribes  a  joint  and  several  agree- 
ment among  the  members  of  the  League  not 
to  go  to  war  with  one  another  without  pre- 
liminary submission  to  such  proceedings  as 
arbitration  or  inquiry  by  the  League's  coun- 
cil, and  not  before  there  has  been  an  award 
or  a  report,  and  not  even  then  as  against  a 
nation  which  complies  with  an  award  or 
recommendation.  It  is  provided  in  the  nine- 
teenth that  violation  of  the  agreement  as  to 
point  eighteen  shall  in  itself  create  a  state 
of  war  as  against  the  recalcitrant  member  by 


:>' 


'-^..^    & 


GAINING 

From   the  Eagle    (Brooklyn) 


Other  members  of  the  League.  This  would 
be  followed  by  economic  and  financial  boy- 
cott, and  by  a  course  of  proceeding  which 
would  probably  preclude  the  need  of  using 
naval  or  military  force.  The  covenant- 
breaking  state  after  the  restoration  of  peace 
would  be  subject  to  perpetual  disarmament, 
etc.  Points  twenty  and  twenty-one  refer  to 
further  conditions  for  resorting  to  arbitration 
among  the  members.  Our  allusions  here  are* 
from  a  condensed  report  cabled  over  by  a 
correspondent.  It  is  said  that  the  proposals 
as  a  whole  are  regarded  by  the  Americans  in 
Paris  as  exceedingly  statesmanlike  in  their 
provisions  for  difficulties  that  might  arise. 

Tu  «  ,..        Among    those     awaited     adjust- 

The  Soldiers  *=      .  ,  , .         ,        .  •' 

arid  Their  ment^  OT  public  business  to 
"  "'^^  which  we  have  been  referring, 
upon  which  almost  everybody's  private  life 
and  efifort  must  depend,  there  is  nothing  that 
stands  out  so  conspicuously  as  the  problem 
of  reducing  the  strength  of  armies  and 
bringing  back  the  soldiers  to  civilian  life. 
In  every  country  that  has  been  engaged  in 
war,  this  subject  is  a  most  pressing  one.  Na- 
tional treasuries  ask  for  demobilization  in  or- 
der to  lessen  the  heavy  burden  that  calls  for 
fresh  loans  and  drastic  taxes.  The  soldiers 
themselves  are  eager  to  see  their  homes  and 
families,  and  to  find  their  places  in  the  world 
of  industry  and  business.  They  are  increas- 
ingly anxious  about  their  future ;  and  they 
long  to  bring  their  aroused  faculties — their 
tried  courage  and  their  new  vigor — to  the 
tests  of  civil  life. 

„    ,  ^         At  first,  when  the  armistice  was 

Back  From         .  .        ,  ,  ,  ,  ,. 

Foreign       Signed,   the   problem   or   sending 
Shores        ^j^^   ^^^   homc  Seemed   to   most 

people  much  more  simple  than  that  of  train- 
ing them  and  sending  them  forth  to  war.  It 
will  within  a  few  days  be  three  months  since 
the  armistice  brought  actual  warfare  to  an 
end.  In  a  like  period  of  three  months  just 
preceding  the  armistice  we  sent  abroad  ap- 
proximately 800,000  soldiers.  Everything, 
however,  both  here  and  throughout  the  lands 
and  waters  under  the  sway  of  the  Allies, 
was  subordinated  to  the  great  object  of  build- 
ing up  an  irresistible  reserve  of  troops  in 
France  for  the  victory  that  we  knew  would 
come  in  1919  if  not  gained  sooner.  It  had 
taken  some  time  to  assemble  the  shipping,  and 
to  perfect  the  arrangements  for  dispatching 
our  troops  so  rapidly.  It  had  not  been  pos- 
sible to  anticipate  the  precise  moment  when 
hostilities  would  cease,  and  it  has  again  taken 


THE   PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


121 


(g)  International  Film  Service 

PRESIDENT  WILSON  REVIEWING  AMERICAN  TROOPS  AT  THE  FRONT  ON  CHRISTMAS  DAY 
(One  of  President   Wilson's  most  typical  addresses  abroad   was  delivered  to  the  troops  at  Humes,  where  he  ex- 
pressed the  sense  of  American  pride  and   affection  in  the  achievements  of  the  army.) 


time  to  arrange  on  the  great  scale  for  the  sol- 
diers' return  to  our  shores.  Secretary  Baker, 
in  a  clear  and  timely  statement,  sets  forth 
the  elements  of  the  problem  in  an  article  for 
our  readers  that  appears  in  this  issue. 

V 

Naturally,  we  are  all  impatient 

Reasons  -^  '  i  i      • 

For  Some  to  have  sons  and  relatives  and 
*  "^  friends  come  home ;  but  we  must 
remember  that  the  return  movement  which 
began  promptly  in  November,  and  attained 
increasing  proportions  in  December  and  Jan- 
uary, has  begun  about  a  year  sooner  than  we 
believed  that  it  would  last  summer.  We 
have  reason  in  this  to  find  cheer,  and  to  ex- 
amine the  problem  on  its  merits  without  ex- 
asperation. As  Secretary  Baker  shows,  both 
the  Department  and  the  General  Staff  at 
Washington  are  alive  to  the  bearings  of  all 
the  facts ;  and  doubtless  the  army  command 
in  France  is  dealing  with  the  subject  as  best 
it  can.  Reading  the  news  from  the  occupied 
German  borders  along  the  Rhine,  we  have 
begun  to  perceive  the  continuing  necessity  of 
large  Allied  forces,  at  once  to  support  the 
terms  of  the  armistice,  and  to  help  in  pro- 
tecting European  order  and  civilization  dur- 
ing a  chaotic  period  that  was  almost  inevit- 
able as  a  consequence  of  the  breakup  of  Rus- 
sian, German  and  Austrian  imperial  and 
autocratic  governments.  It  is  true  that  we 
shall  not  need  in  Europe  nearly  all  of  our 
present  forces,  and  it  might  be  roughly 
assumed  that  three-fourths  of  all  those  who 
have  gone  abroad  could  soon  be  returned. 
This  brings  us  to  the  problem  of  ships. 


Finding  the  Secretary  Baker  is  reassuring  in 
Troop  his  statements  on  this  point,  and 
expresses  the  hope  that  ultimate- 
ly we  may  have  shipping  capacity  for  from 
200,000  to  250,000  per  month.  He  alludes 
to  the  assistance  already  given  by  the  navy  in 
using  a  fleet  of  battleships  and  cruisers  for 
army  transport  purposes.  That  Secretary 
Daniels  and  the  naval  authorities  are  eager 
to  cooperate  to  the  fullest  extent  that  is 
feasible  admits  of  no  doubt.  The  construc- 
tion of  the  great  dreadnaughts  is  such  that 
they  are  not  well  fitted  for  carrying  numbers 
of  soldiers.  ''Otherwise,"  as  Secretary 
Daniels  remarks  in  a  letter  to  the  editor, 
"they  would  all  be  turned  into  transports  to- 
morrow morning."  As  matters  stand,  the 
navy  is  already  using  ships  having  a  capacity 
for  carrying  20,000  soldiers,  and  it  will 
doubtless  be  able  to  increase  this  considerably. 
Meanwhile,  Chairman  Hurley  of  the  Ship- 
ping Board  has  been  abroad  for  some  time 
making  contracts  for  as  large  a  quantity  of 
shipping  as  possible  on  the  plan  of  bringing 
American  soldiers  home  rapidly,  and  sending 
to  the  European  peoples  return  cargoes  of 
food  and  supplies. 

„    ,        ^     It  is  well  known  that  our  ports 

Huriey  and  i        i        •  •        t- 

the  German  of  embarkation  m  t  ranee,  par- 
^'"''*  ticularly  Brest,  St.  Nazaire  and 
Bordeaux,  have  been  much  congested  with 
soldiers  waiting  for  ships.  IVlr.  Hurley  was 
successful  last  month  in  obtaining  the  use  for 
transports  of  many  French,  Italian,  Dutch 
and    Swedish   ships.      The    British    were    al- 


122 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


ready  helping  us  to  the  extent  of  their  ability 
in  view  of  the  pressing  requirements  of  their 
own  Canadian,  Australian  and  other  troop 
contingents.  An  even  larger  source  of  sup- 
ply, however,  was  found  by  ]\Ir.  Hurley  in 
the  German  commercial  shipping  that  had 
been  tied  up  in  German  ports  for  more  than 
four  years,  and  which  under  the  continuing 
blockade  had  not  been  able  after  the  armis- 
tice to  go  to  sea.  The  Allies  were  ready  to 
modify  blockade  rules,  and  to  allow  a  large 
number  of  German  vessels  (of  a  capacity 
estimated  at  more  than  2,000,000  tons)  to 
be  manned  by  American  officers  and  seamen 
and  to  enter  our  transport  service.  It  is 
understood  that  on  the  return  voyages  the 
ships  will  carry  food,  some  of  which  would 
go  to  the  Central  Powers.  Mr.  Hurley  was 
to  accompany  General  Foch  after  the  middle 
of  January  to  Treves,  where  armistice  busi- 
ness required  a  further  conference  with  Ger- 
man representatives. 

.  .         As  Secretary  Baker  remarks,  we 
for  Soldier     shall   havc   discharged   from   the 

Err^ployment     ^^^^-^^^^  J^^^^,  ^^^^^    1,000,000 

men  by  the  time  these  pages  are  printed. 
Most  of  these  were  in  the  training  camps 
here  at  home.  Their  discharge  has  begun 
already  to  affect  the  labor  situation  appre- 
ciably, while  of  course  the  ending  of  many 
war  industries  has  to  an  even  greater  extent 
obliged  us  to  consider  the  economic  readjust- 
ments which  will  be  pressing  upon  us  for 
national  and  local  action  during  this  year 
and  next.  It  is  time  that  Congress  should 
be  adopting  some  comprehensive  policies. 
Mobilization  was  a  national  affair  both  mili- 
tary and  industrial ;  and  through  the  period 
following  war  the  situation  cannot  well  be 
left  to  the  ordinary  working  of  the  law  of 
supply  and  demand  in  the  labor  market. 
There  should  be  a  decent  job  at  good  wages 
on  some  kind  of  public  work  for  every  dis- 
charged soldier  who  asks  for  it,  in  order  to 
take  up  the  '"slack,"  and  to  give  time  for 
private  employers  to  find  the  men  and  for  the 
men  to  find  their  more  permanent  jobs. 
These  public  works  could  well  be  under  the 
auspices  of  the  national  government  as  re- 
spects assurance  of  employment ;  but  other- 
wise there  should  be  municipal  and  other 
local  undertakings  included  as  a  part  of  the 
general  scheme.  Not  only  should  there  be 
public  works  to  prevent  unemployment,  but 
the  undertakings  should  be  of  a  kind  to  yield 
permanent  benefits,  while  offering  induce- 
ments to  the  returning  soldiers. 


A  System      ^n'^o^g  such  undertakings  there 
of  Land       is   nothing   that   seems    to   us   so 

Settlement  .    .  n        r  • 

promismg,  or  so  ht  for  imme- 
diate action  by  Congress,  as  the  projects  for 
land  improvement  and  settlement  that  have 
taken  form  under  the  direction  of  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Interior,  Mr.  Lane,  and  that  are 
embodied  in  two  pending  bills.  One  of  these 
calls  for  the  immediate  appropriation  of 
$100,000,000  to  be  expended  under  the  di- 
rection of  the  Secretary  *'for  the  investiga- 
tion, irrigation,  drainage  and  development  of 
swamp,  arid,  waste  or  undeveloped  lands,  for 
the  purpose  of  providing  employment  and 
farms  w^ith  improvements  and  equipment  for 
honorably  discharged  soldiers,  sailors  and  ma- 
rines of  the  United  States."  The  accom- 
panying land  bill  is  much  more  extensive, 
providing  for  cooperation  between  the  United 
States  Government  and  the  individual  states, 
creating  a  Soldier  Settlement  Board,  and 
dealing  in  a  detailed  way  with  various  phases 
of  a  situation  that  has  been  studied  with  such 
care  and  thoroughness  that  those  who  are 
urging  the  plan  cannot  be  accused  of  being 
merely  enthusiasts  or  theorists.  Contrary 
to  the  opinion  of  some  people,  the  Senators 
and  the  Members  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives are  very  intelligent  and  able  men. 
But  they  have  a  tremendous  amount  of  pub- 
lic work  to  do,  and,  except  under  the  spur 
of  war  necessity,  it  is  hard  for  them  to  take 
up  a  wholly  new  subject  and  act  upon  it 
quickly.     Congress  is  more  likely  to  see  the 


A   PICTURE    WITHOUT   WORDS 
From  the  Jersey  Journal   (Jersey   City,   N.   J.) 


THE   PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


123 


merits  of  the'  proposals  of  Secretary  Lane's 
Department  than  are  the  legislatures  of  the 
particular  states;  yet  there  is  no  other  one 
thing  that  could  be  proposed  that  would  do 
so  much  to  revive  agriculture  and  state 
prosperity  along  progressive  lines,  especially 
in  the  Eastern  and  Southern  States,  as  the 
adoption  of  the  plans  w^hich  Mr.  Lane  is  now 
urging.  The  present  moment  is  one  of  great 
opportunity  for  the  utilizing  of  land  re- 
sources and  the  settlement  of  young  Ameri- 
cans upon  our  unimproved  acres.  Next 
month  we  shall  deal  in  a  more  extended  and 
statistical  way  with  the  basic  facts.  In  this 
appeal,  we  are  asking  Congress  and  the  coun- 
try to  give  open-minded  attention  to  the  op- 
portunity, and  we  urge  prompt  action. 

The  Men  ^  Surprisingly  large  number  of 
.. ,  Are  Eager  returning  soldicrs  are  ready  to 
enlist  in  this  land-improvement 
corps,  as  is  shown  wherever  the  subject  is 
presented  to  them  in  the  camps.  And  this  is 
particularly  true  of  the  men  returning  from 
F,rance.  The  plan  in  general  calls  for  the 
acquisition  of  suitable  areas  of  land  to  be 
properly  surveyed  and  laid  out,  and  to  be 
developed  and  settled  upon  lines  adapted  to 
soil,  climate  and  markets.  The  scheme  would 
give  work  immediately  to  the  soldier  accept- 
ing it,  and  would  save  him  from  the  almost 
hopeless  tasks  and  certain  errors  of  going  to 
the  land  alone.  His  farm,  when  ready  for 
him,  would  be  fully  equipped,  his  neighbors 
would  be  similarly  prepared,  and  his  pay- 
ments for  land  and  improvements  would  ex- 
tend over  a  long  period  of  years.  Nothing  is 
proposed  in  the  plan  that  has  not  been  thor- 
oughly tested  either  in  this  country  or  else- 
where ;  and  there  are  men  in  the  Reclamation 
Service,  in  the  Land  Office  and  otherwise 
connected  with  the  Department  of  the*Tn- 
terior  (together  with  men  in  the  Agricul- 
tural Department  and  in  the  State  agricul- 
tural services)  who  are  competent  in  the 
fullest  sense  to  direct  the  work  and  make  it 
successful.  It  is  impossible  to  think  of  any 
other  plan  that  would  so  inevitably  conserve 
the  money  invested  by  Congress  and  the 
states,  while  giving  the  country  the  constant 
benefit  to  be  derived  from  utilizing  its  neg- 
lected resources  of  arable  soil. 


"Reclamation*'  ^^    ^^^    ^^^    returning    soldiers, 

aProued       they  havc  become  so  accustomed 

to  a  hardy,  out-of-door  kind  of 

existence,  that  large  numbers  of  them  do  not 

welcome    the    thought    of    going    back    into 


HON.  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE,  SECRETARY  OF  THE  INTERIOR 

(Mr.  Lane  has  been  especially  active  in  recent  weeks, 
appearing  before  audiences  advocating  his  plan  of  land 
settlement  for  soldiers  and  presenting  the  cause  of  Amer- 
icanization in  its  urgent  aspects) 

offices  and  factories.  They  long,  rather,  for 
a  life  in  the  open  air  and  sunlight.  They 
have  neither  the  capital  nor  the  experience  to 
become  successful  farmers  on  their  own  initi- 
ative; but,  under  an  organized  system  such 
as  Secretary  Lane  and  his  associates  have 
thought  out,  there  are  many  thousands  of 
these  men  who  could  be  given  immediate  em- 
ployment and  who  could  have  reasonable  as- 
surance of  success  and  prosperity  on  lands 
that  only  need  proper  treatment  and  improve- 
ment to  become  a  permanent  source  of  agri- 
cultural wealth.  The  western  Reclamation 
projects  have  been  highly  successful  as  a 
whole ;  but  experience  has  shown  that  there 
must  be  expert  direction  given  to  the  prob- 
lems of  settling  and  farming  reclaimed  lands, 
as  well  as  to  those  of  constructing  the  dams 
and  irrigation  systems,  and  carrying  out  the 
projects  from  the  engineering  and  financial 
standpoint. 

B  „  x«         Only  the  thoughtless  could  havc 

Relief  More  -^  '^ ,  , 

Urgent  supposcd  that  when  the  war  was 
over  the  exceptional  calls  upon 
America's  resources  would  be  at  an  end. 
From  an  early  date  in  the  war  we  were 
sending  food  supplies  to  Belgium  through 
the  Hoover  Commission,  were  trying  to  as- 


124 


THE   AMERICAN  REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


sist  the  sufferers  of  Serbia,  and  were  sending 
relief  on  a  large  scale  to  the  oppressed  and 
ravished  peoples  of  the  Turkish  Empire. 
The  ending  of  war,  at  the  beginning  of  a  win- 
ter season,  could  not  of  itself  bring  the 
solace  of  food  and  raiment  to  destitute  com- 
munities. The  one  industry  that  is  most 
certain  to  be  resumed  with  desperate  energy 
is  that  of  producing  food  from  the  soil.  This, 
however,  will  require  the  supply  of  seeds 
and  utensils;  and  the  workers  must  be  fed 
until  the  crops  begin  to  mature  next  sum- 
mer. Relief  work  is  more  needed  now  and 
for  the  near  future  than  at  anv  earlier  time 
since  1914. 

$100,000,000    V""-,  ^'^''^f'  ^^^  ^^^"  P^^""^."^  ^\ 
for  Food       the  head  of  a  great  mternational 

to  EuropB  '      '  •  1         J  • 

commission  to  supervise  the  dis- 
tribution of  food  to  the  regions  most  lacking 
— beginning  of  course  with  those  peoples 
who  have  the  best  claim  upon  the  attention 
of  the  Allies,  but  not  refusing  to  face  the 
needs  of  suffering  childhood  and  starving 
humanity  in  any  zone  of  distress.  At  the 
cabled  request  of  President  Wilson,  a  bill 
was  passed  through  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives last  month  appropriating  $100,000,- 
000'  as  our  part  of  a  credit  fund  to  be  ex- 
pended at  once  for  the  purchase  and  ship- 
ment of  food  supplies  under  the  direction  of 
the  Allied  international  commission.  It  was 
understood  that  like  appropriations  were  to 
be  made  by  the  British,  French  and  Italian 
Governments.    There  was  some  opposition  in 


WHAT   EUROPE   EXPECTS 
From  the  Star  (St.   Louis) 


Congress  because  of  the  vagueness  of  the 
project  as  presented ;  but  probably  no  one  in 
either  House  failed  to  realize  that  in  some 
way  this  country  would  have  to  take  a  large 
part  within  the  coming  year  in  the  relief  of 
the  appalling  distress  of  Europe.  Surplus 
food  is  available  in  larger  quantities  now 
than  a  year  ago,  and  it  is  a  matter  of  lend- 
ing the  money  to  purchase  supplies.  Mean- 
while, the  shipping  question  seems  to  be  asso- 
ciated with  the  task  of  bringing  back  our 
soldiers,  it  being  planned  to  send  food  as  a 
return  cargo.  In  these  matters  Congress 
will  have  to  act  somewhat  blindly,  as  indeed 
it  always  has  done  when  it  votes  relief  money 
in  times  of  emergency. 

Help  for  the     '^^^  work  of  relieving  distress  in 
starving  and    the    Turkish    Empire    goes    for- 

Sich  in  Turkey  ■,  .  .  , 

ward  upon  an  increasing  scale 
under  the  direction  of  the  '^American  Com- 
mittee for  Relief  in  the  Near  East,"  this  be- 
ing the  new  name  for  the  ''American  Com- 
mittee for  Armenian  and  Syrian  Relief," 
which  has  been  at  work  through  several  past 
years.  This  committee,  with  the  earnest  ap- 
proval of  the  Government  and  the  hearty 
support  of  the  Red  Cross,  is  now  entering 
upon  a  campaign  to  secure  a  fresh  fund  of 
$30,000,000  for  its  work.  It  has  the  Armen- 
ians, Syrians  and  Greeks  of  Asia  Minor  and 
the  adjacent  region  as  its  principal  benefici- 
aries, but  it  helps  Persians,  and  others  in 
these  regions  who  are  within  its  reach. 
Through  the  war  period  its  work  has  gone 
steadily  on.  Last  month  it  actually  secured 
and  swiftly  forwarded  wheat,  medical  sup- 
plies and  other  needful  things  valued  in  mil- 
lions, the  Navy  aiding  with  vessels.  On 
January  4th  a  special  commission  sailed  from 
New  York  for  Constantinople  and  Beirut  to 
enter  upon  a  survey  of  conditions  in  Armenia, 
Syria  and  other  parts  of  Asia  Minor.  This 
group  was  headed  by  Dr.  James  L.  Barton 
of  Boston,  and  included  President  Main  of 
Grinnell  College,  la.,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Arthur 
Curtiss  James  of  New  York,  Prof.  Moore 
of  Harvard,  Mr.  W.  W.  Peet  of  Constanti- 
nople, Dr.  G.  H.  Washburn  of  Boston,  and 
Mr.  Harold  Hatch  of  New  York.  These 
are  men  of  exceptional  knowledge,  thorough- 
ly competent  to  direct  and  extend  relief 
activities  in  Turkey. 

^    ^u   ^  u.        Every  state  in  the  Union  is  or- 

For  the  Future  .  -^  ,  . 

as  Well        ganized    to   support   this    urgent 

work  of  relief,  and  the  lives  of 

many  thousands  will  be  saved  as  a  result  of 


THE    PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


125 


the  campaign  now  pending 
for  $30,000,000.  Further- 
more, America's  helping 
hand  at  this  time  is  likely  to 
do  more  than  anything  else 
to  impress  upon  the  Peace 
Conference  at  Paris  the  fact 
that  the  future  political  con- 
trol of  Turkey  must  be 
worked  out  in  an  unselfish 
spirit.  The  Turkish  system 
of  government  is  a  complete 
failure  •  and  must  be  abol- 
ished. The  peoples  of  all 
creeds  and  races  must  have 
freedom,  and  modern  oppor- 
tunities for  education,  and 
economic  prosperity.  The 
benefits  that  the  British 
Army  has  temporarily 
brought  to  Mesopotamia  and 
to  Palestine  must  not  be 
withdrawn  from  the  inhabi- 
tants. Medical  and  agricul- 
tural progress  must  be  pro- 
vided for.  In  short,  the 
problems  of  Turkey  would 
seem  to  present  themselves 
imperatively  to  a  League  of 
Nations.  The  thing  to  de- 
mand is  a  continuance  of  the 
kind  of  work  that  the  British  Army  and  the 
American  educational  and  relief  agencies 
have  performed,  not  forgetting  certain  ex- 
cellent reforms  in  Syria  due  to  arrangements 
following  the  French  intervention  more  than 
half  a  century  ago.  There  will  be  no  better 
opportunity  to  give  money  that  will  be  wisely 
spent  for  human  welfare,  this  month,  than 
that  which  is  set  forth  in  the  call  that  goes 
out  from  the  ''Committee  on  Relief  in  the 
Near  East.-" 


THREE  LEADING  MEMBERS  OF  THE  RELIEF  MISSION  TO  THE  NEAR  EAST 
(Dr.  Washburn  [on  the  left]  is  a  distinguished  Boston  surgeon,  son  of  the 
former  president  of  Robert  College,  Constantinople,  and  grandson  of  the  first 
oresident.  Dr.  Barton  [in  the  center]  was  formerly  engaged  in  missionary 
xvork  in  Turkey  and  is  now  at  the  head  of  the  American  Board  of  Missions. 
Mr.  Peet  [on  the  right]  has  lived  for  many  years  in  Constantinople  as  finan- 
cial representative  of  educational  and  missionary  enterprises,  and  is,  like  Dr. 
Barton,  a  widely  recognized  authority  upon   conditions  throughout  Turkey) 

Berlin  would  have  been  glad  to  have  the 
Allies  in  occupation  of  the  capital  during 
December  and  the  first  part  of  January,  for 
preservation  of  civil  order. 


Affairs 

in 
German!/ 


Armistice 
Requirements 


The  Germans  had  not  complied 
with  all  their  armistice  agree- 
nients,  particularly  those  having 
to  do  with  the  delivery  of  railroad  cars  and 
other  supplies.  The  Allies  were  justified  in 
making  certain  fresh  requirements  arising 
from  existing  circumstances.  Among  the 
new  demands  was  one  relating  to  a  large 
number  of  unfinished  German  submarines. 
Already  the  Germans  had  learned  that 
Allied  occupation  was  in  no  sense  oppressive 
but,  on  the  contrary,  was  for  the  time  being 
beneficial  to  the  districts  held  by  American, 
English  and  French  troops.  It  is  probable 
that  a  very  large  part  of  the  population  of 


After  a  long  period  during  which 
news  from  Germany  was  of  un- 
certain value  and  accuracy,  we 
are  now  obtaining  a  considerable  amount  of 
information  that  can  be  relied  upon.  Polit- 
ical, military  and  economic  conditions  in  Ger- 
many are,  however,  too  disturbed  and  ir- 
regular to  admit  of  any  clear  and  general 
statement.  The  government  of  the  majority 
socialists  with  Ebert  at  its  head  has  been 
through  a  severe  struggle  at  Berlin  with  the 
red  revolutionists  under  the  leadership  of 
Karl  Liebknecht.  There  was  a  brief  moment 
when  the  extremists  seemed  to  be  on  the 
point  of  gaining  control  by  a  violent  coup  d' 
etat;  but  the  military  elements  favored  the 
more  orderly  and  moderate  leadership  of 
Ebert.  After  bloody  street  fighting  it  was 
announced  on  January  15th  that  order  had 
been  restored.  This  made  it  reasonably  cer- 
tain that  the  popular  elections  for  a  Consti- 
tutional   Convention    to    decide    upon    Ger- 


126 


THE   AMERICAN  REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


many's  form  of  government  would  be  held 
in  the  immediate  future,  and  that  in  most 
parts  of  Germany  the  freedom  and  security 
of  the  polls  would  be  respected.  At  Coblenz 
and  in  the  districts  occupied  by  the  American 
Army,  our  military  authorities  issued  a  proc- 
lamation declaring  that  the  elections  must 
be  "a  free  expression  of  the  people's  will," 
and  must  be  orderly  and  unhampered.  The 
Allied  authorities  are  anxious  to  have  Ger- 
many establish  a  firm  and  liberal  government, 
with  which  business  can  be  carried  on  and 
which  may  be  capable  of  making  and  keeping 
agreements. 


A  Primary 


It  is  not  going  to  be  easy  for  any 
Requirement  of  the  rcccnt  belligerents  to  re- 

fromQermar^y   ^^^^^    ^^^^    ^j^^    j^^^^^    ^^^     ^^^_ 

dens  of  the  war,  and  Germany  must  not  be 
allowed  to  emerge  more  easily  than  those 
lands  that  have  been  the  victims  of  Ger- 
many's aggression  and  of  her  defiance  of  all 
the  rules  and  restraints  of  civilized  warfare. 
We  are  publishing  an  article  of  unusual  in- 
terest and  importance  written  for  us  by  M. 
Henri-Martin  Barzun  on  the  ravages  to 
which  France  has  been  subjected  and  upon 
various  aspects  of  the  business  of  reconstruc- 
tion. This  ravaged  territory  was  highly  in- 
dustrialized, and  the  Germans  seem  to  have 


PLANNING   A    HOUSE  TO    SUIT  THE  WHOLE  FAMILY 

IS    NO   EASY   TASK 

From  the  News  (Dayton) 


been  intent  upon  damaging  it  as  much  as 
possible.  Among  other  things,  they  took 
aw^ay  the  machinery  from  the  factories ;  as 
also  they  did  in  Belgium.  It  is  obvious  that 
one  of  the  first  requirements  must  be  the  re- 
turn by  Germany  of  a  full  equivalent  in  the 
way  of  machinery,  live  stock  and  the  working 
materials  of  industry.  From  some  source 
these  lacks  must  be  supplied.  Surely  there 
can  be  no  question  about  demanding  the 
return  of  stolen  goods.  The  thing  most  nec- 
essary for  France  and  Belgium  is  not  money, 
but  labor  and  machinery.  The  sooner  Ger- 
many is  set  at  the  task  of  restoration,  the  bet- 
ter it  will  be  for  everyone  concerned.  •> 

Instead   of   rendering  army  ser- 

"irreducibie    vice   in   future,   young  Germans 

Minimum"     ^j^^^jj  ^^  obliged  to  labor  either 

in  machine  shops  at  home  or  on  devastated 
areas,  in  order  to  give  back  the  utensils  of 
industry  and  to  restore  habitations,  factories, 
roads  and  farms.  Germany  has  not  been 
ravaged;  her  cities  are  intact,  her  fields  are 
productive,  her  great  establishments  for 
metal-working,  chemicals,  textiles,  etc.,  are 
in  being,  except  as  transformed  for  war  uses. 
It  would  be  a  travesty  to  permit  Germany 
to  resume  her  own  full  industrial  career 
without  having  undertaken  to  make  good 
completely  the  havoc  she  has  wrought  in  the 
industrial  life  of  France  and  Belgium.  This 
is  the  "irreducible  minimum"  of  require- 
ments. There  should  be  further  penalties 
visited  upon  Germany  of  such  kind  and  na- 
ture as  forever  to  deter  any  ambitious  nation 
or  race  from  entering  upon  a  project  of  mili- 
tary conquest.  The  more  firmly  the  Ger- 
mans suppress  anarchy,  face  the  facts  that  in- 
evitably follow  their  defeat,  and  fall  in  with 
the  findings  of  the  Peace  Conference,  the 
more  rapidly  and  completely  it  will  be  pos- 
sible for  the  armies  of  the  Allies  to  return 
to  their  homes  and  for  the  general  policy  of 
disarmament  to  go  into  effect. 

In  the  middle  of  January  it  was 
a  Federal  reported  that  the  Ebert  govern- 
Repubiic      ^^^^  j^^j  prepared  the  draft  of 

a  constitution  to  be  submitted  to  the  Na- 
tional Convention  which  was  expected  to 
assemble  about  February  10.  Americans 
will  be  interested  in  the  nature  of  this  draft, 
although  the  Convention  may  work  out 
something  wholly  different.  The  Ebert  draft 
proposes  a  federal  Republic,  and  gets  rid  of 
that  overwhelming  predominance  of  Prussia 
which  has  been  the  terrible  misfortune  of  the 


THE    PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


127 


recent  German  Empire.  Prussia  had  been  purpose  to  prevent  repetition  of  the  Bolshe- 
built  up  through  a  long  period  by  the  ab-  vist  uprisings,  and  referring  to  the  approach- 
sorption  of  many  separate  states  which,  in  ing  election  as  under  the  "freest  suffrage  in 
the  local  sense,  have  aWays  retained  their  the  world  to  determine  the  constitution  of 
identity.  Subdivision,  therefore,  into  a  group  the  German  State."  The  address  made  the 
of  commonwealths  somewhat  on  the  plan  of  following  significant  reference  to  the  Russian 
our  States  involves  no  arbitrary  scheme  of  menace: 
map-making.  With  Prussia  divided  into 
eight  states,  the  other  parts  of  the  proposed 
German  Federal  Republic  will,  according  to 
the  Ebert  draft,  consist  of  seven  more  states. 
The  list  of  fifteen  as  cabled  in  January  and 
as  a  merely  tentative 


proposal  (the  first 
eight  being  subdivi- 
sions of  Prussia)  is 
as  follows : 

First  —  Silesia,  with 
German  Posen  and  Ger- 
man East  Bohemia. 

Second — The  German 
parts  of  East  and  West 
Prussia. 

Third  —  Brandenburg, 
Pomerania,  and  Meck- 
lenburg. 

Fourth' — Greater  Ber- 
lin and  its  suburbs. 

Fifth — Lower  Saxony, 
Hanover,  and  Schleswig- 
Holstein. 

Sixth  —  Westphalia 
and  the  Lippe  principal- 
ities. 

Seventh — The  Rhein- 
land. 

Eighth — The  Prussian 
Province  of  Hesse  and 
the  Grand  Duchy  of 
Hesse. 

Ninth — Thuringia,  in- 
cluding certain  parts  of 
old  Prussia. 

Tenth — T  h  e  former 
Kingdom  of  Saxony,  in- 
cluding parts  of  Prus- 
sian Saxony. 

Eleventh — Baden. 

Twel  f  th — Wii  r  ttembe  rg. 

Thirteenth — Bavaria,  with  the  German  parts  of 
northwest  Bohemia. 

Fourteenth — German   Austria. 

Fifteenth — Vienna  and  its  suburbs. 

Doubtless  the  convention,  if  it  adopts  the 
general  plan,  will  revise  these  territorial  lines. 
The  Ebert  draft  proposes  a  President  of  Ger- 
many to  be  elected  for  a  ten-year  term  by  a 
direct  vote  of  the  whole  people. 


IGNACE   JAN   PADEREWSKI 

(Who  recently  went  back  to  Poland,  where  he  has 
taken  a  prominent  part  in  the  creation  of  the  Polish 
republic) 


No  less  is  it  our  task  to  protect  our  frontier 
against  fresh  Russian  military  despotism,  which 
wants  to  force  uppn  us  by  means  of  warlike 
power  its  anarchistic  conditions,  and  unchain  a 
new  world  war  of  which  our  country  would  be 

the  theater.  Bolshevism 
means  the  death  of 
peace,  of  freedom,  and 
socialism. 

It  is  now  apparent 
that  the  existing  Ger- 
man authorities  are 
much  more  worried 
about  the  danger  of 
Russian  Bolshevism, 
which  has  threatened 
Germany  both  from 
without  and  within, 
than  about  the  atti- 
tude towards  Ger- 
many and  her  future 
of  the  victorious  Al- 
lies in  session  at  Paris. 
They  know  that  the 
Allies  will  be  gov- 
erned in  their  discus- 
sions by  sanity,  intel- 
ligence, and  a  consid- 
eration for  future  Eu- 
ropean harmony. 
They  do  not  expect 
indulgence  or  easy 
terms  at  Paris,  but 
they  know  that  the 
burdens  to  be  placed  upon  them  will  be  those 
that  an  orderly  and  industrious  Germany  can 
survive.  Russian  Bolshevism,  however,  is  of 
itself  a  pestilence,  with  its  fanaticism,  it  tyr- 
anny and  its  violence;  besides  which  it  paves 
the  way  for  every  other  kind  of  pestilence 
that  follows  in  the  wake  of  civil  war — ty- 
phus, hunger  diseases,  social  demoralization. 


„  .     .       Germany  also  is  alarmed  about 

Poland  .  •'         .  •        1  r     T» 

in  the    aggressive    attitude    or    ro- 

^''""'"^      land.    Emanuel  Wurm,  the  Ger- 
man  Food   Commissioner,   informed   the  As- 
sociated  Press  correspondent  on  January   1 5 
that  *'the  situation   in   Posen  was   threaten- 
Premier     Ebert,     Philip     Scheidemann,    and       ing  to  become  acute,  and  that  its  immediate 
other  members  of  the  cabinet,   declaring  its      effect  upon  the  shipment  of  wheat  and  pota- 


Danoer^  ^"  January  15  the  existing  gov- 
inuoiuina  cmment  sent  out  an  appeal  to 
ermany      ^^^    German    nation    signed    by 


128 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


(g)  Couiuiuiee  on  Public  Information 

COLONEL  HOUSE  SECRETARY    LANSING  PRESIDENT    WILSON  HON.   HENRY   WHITE 

THE  AMERICAN  DELEGATES  TO  THE  PEACE  CONFERENCE  AT  PARIS 


GENERAL   BLISS 


toes  to  Berlin  was  already  being  felt."  "The 
Polish  authorities,"  said  the  Commissioner, 
"have  been  demanding  coal  in  exchange  for 
foodstuffs.  Germany  is  supplying  the  fuel, 
but  the  Poles  have  failed  to  reciprocate.  They 
not  only  have  failed  to  ship  wheat  and  pota- 
toes, but  have  retained  the  rolling  stock 
which  carried  our  coal  to  them."  This  offi- 
cial believed  "that  the  present  critical  food 
situation  in  Germany's  eastern  provinces  and 
its  e'ffect  on  the  Berlin  supply  would  be 
quickly  dissipated  when  Poland's  political 
aspirations  were  once  adjusted  and  the  Polish 
government  was  stabilized."  The  Peace 
Conference  must,  at  the  earliest  possible  mo- 
ment, decide  upon  the  boundaries  of  Poland 
and  use  its  influence  and  authority  to  secure 
order  and  save  the  Poles  from  internal  con- 
flict and  from  war  with  their  neighbors. 
There  has  been  a  temporary  government  in 
Poland  under  General  Pilsudski,  whose  cabi- 
net has  been  socialistic  and  apparently  de- 
rived mainly  from  Russian  Poland.  The 
eminent  Polish  leader,  Ignace  Jan  Paderew- 
ski,  so  well  known  to  Americans  as  a  great 
musical  artist,  is  even  better  known  among 
Poles  as  a  national  patriot  and  leader.  He 
left  the  United  States  some  weeks  ago,  and 
is  now,  it  would  seem,  the  foremost  personal 
influence  in  Poland,  where  he  has  been  try- 
ing to  secure  a  proper  recognition  of  Eastern 
and  German  Poland  on  a  coalition  plan  in 
the  temporary  cabinet.  Poland  also  has  been 
menaced  by  Bolshevism,  and  Paderewski's 
work  is  against  such  disorders  and  is  in  pro- 
motion of  democracy  and  Polish  unity.  Ger- 
man policy  in  the  past  has  been  so  infamous 


as  against  the  Poles  in  Posen  that  it  would 
be  too  much  to  expect  that  the  Poles  should 
not  now  assert  themselves  in  those  parts  of 
East  Prussia  that  had  belonged  historically 
to  the  Polish  nationality. 

The  Peace  ^^"^^  ^^  many  practical  prob- 
Conference  lems,  like  thcse  relating  to  Po- 
land, await  the  action  of  the 
Peace  Conference,  there  is  now  an  urgent 
demand  in  all  quarters  that  the  delegates  at 
Paris  expedite  business  as  fast  as  possible. 
It  was  not  until  January  15  that  the  plan 
of  representation  was  announced.  The 
United  States,  Great  Britain,  France,  Italy, 
and  Japan,  it  was  reported,  would  have  five 
delegates  each;  and  in  addition  to  the  British 
five  there  were  to  be  two  delegates  apiece 
from  Australia,  Canada,  South  Africa,  and 
India,  and  one  from  New  Zealand.  Proba- 
bly through  the  influence  of  the  United 
States,  Brazil  was  assigned  three.  Two  dele- 
gates each  were  accorded  to  Belgium,  China, 
Greece,  Poland,  Portugal,  the  Czecho-Slovak 
Republic,  Rumania,  and  Serbia.  One  dele- 
gate each  was  assigned  to  Siam,  Cuba,  Guate- 
mala, Hayti,  Honduras,  Liberia,  Nicarau- 
gua,  and  Panama,  and  one  to  Montenegro. 
It  will  be  noted  that  these  recognitions  are 
for  countries  that  were  definitely  associated 
with  the  Allies,  together  with  the  new  mid- 
European  countries  recognized  as  pro-Ally 
in  their  attitude  and  purpose.  It  was  to  be 
expected  that  there  would  be  some  disap- 
pointments, but  there  is  nothing  vital  in  the 
number  of  delegates  allowed  to  each  country 
because  decisions  in  the  Conference  are  nof 


THE    PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


129 


to  be  made  by  majority  vote  of  the  total 
group  as  in  an  ordinary  assembly.  The 
gathering  is  diplomatic  in  character,  and 
agreements  will  be  made  by  the  assent  of 
countries  concerned,  to  be  fixed  in  treaties. 


Publicity 

and 
Censorship 


As  the  Conference  began  its 
formal  sittings,  President  Poin- 
care  of  France  addressed  it 
and  Premier  Clemenceau  then  took  the 
chair  as  head  of  the  Government  w^ithin 
whose  country  the  Conference  was  sitting. 
The  question  of  full  publicity  for  the  cur- 
rent proceedings  of  the  Peace  Conference 
provoked  a  storm  of  discussion  when  a  deci- 
sion in  favor  of  virtual  secrecy  had  been 
given  out.  It  was  said  that  the  American 
and  British  delegations  had  favored  open 
sessions  and  wide  publicity,  but  that  the 
French,  Italian,  and  Japanese  delegates  were 
for  secrecy  and  strict  censorship.  The  great 
assemblage  of  American  correspondents,  well 
supported  by  the  British  newspapermen,  to- 
gether with,  many  French,  Italian,  and  other 
European  journalists,  protested  with  so  much 
vigor  that  it  was  soon  made  known  that — at 
•least  in  respect  to  much  of  the  work  of  the 
Confereince- — there  would  be  a  measure  of 
piiblicity,  although  at  certain  stages  of  in- 
quiry and  discussion  publicity  might  be  with- 
heWor  deferred.  Throughout  the  war  the 
news  censorship  in  France  had  been  close 
and  firm,  and  it  has  so  continued.  The 
American  Government  has  desired  that  there 
should  be  no  attempt  in  France  to  restrict 
the  sending  of  news  to  the  press  of  the 
United  States;  and  the  British  Government 
has  taken  a  like  course  with  respect  to  the 
freedom  of  the  newspapers  of  the  British 
Empire. 

„  ^.     ,       Some   of   our    readers   were    in- 

National  i-        ,  i  i  •      i         i  i 

Prohibition     clmed  to  be  skeptical  when  last 
Assured       j^j^    ^^    published    an    article 

from  the  pen  of  Mr.  Arthur  Wallace  Dunn 
of  Washington  which  undertook  to  answer 
in  the  affirmative  the  question  that  he  pro- 
posed in  his  title;  viz.,  **Will  the  United 
States  Be  'Dry'  in  1920  ?"  He  predicted  that 
when  the  legislatures  met  in  January,  1919, 
they  would  rapidly  ratify  the  prohibition 
amendment  to  the  Constitution,  and  that 
the  requisite  number,  thirty-six,  would  have 
been  secured  before  March  (it  having  been 
provided  that  the  amendment  should  go  into 
effect  one  year  after  ratification).  Mr. 
Dunn  analyzed  the  situation  carefully,  and 
his  predictions  have  been   fulfilled  with   re- 

Feb.— 2 


markable  accuracy.  During  a  few  days  in 
the  middle  of  January  the  ratifications  were 
numerous,  and  the  necessary  36th  state 
proved  to  be  Nebraska,  which  adopted  the 
amendment  on  January  16th.  On  the  day 
before,  the  states  of  Iowa,  Colorado,  Oregon, 
New  Hampshire,  and  Utah  had  acted  favor- 
ably, making  a  total  of  twelve  in  the  course 
of  two  days.  The  states  that  had  ratified 
previously  were  Kentucky,  Virginia,  Missis- 
sippi, South  Carolina,  North  Dakota,  Mary- 
land, Mo  itana,  Arizona,  Delaware,  Texas, 
South  Dakota,  Georgia,  Massachusetts, 
Louisiana,  Florida,  Michigan,  Ohio,  Okla- 
homa, Tennessee,  Idaho,  Maine,  West  Vir- 
ginia, Washington,  California,  Indiana,  Ar- 
kansas, Illinois,  North  Carolina,  Kansas  and 
Alabama.  It  was  fully  expected  that  several 
more  states  would  act  favorably  within  a 
short  time,  although  their  votes  were  not 
needed  to  insure  the  addition  to  the  Federal 
Constitution.  It  was  even  expected  that  the 
state  of  New  York  would  endorse  the  amend- 
ment and  thus  give  its  voluntary  sanction  to 
a  radical  change  to  which,  with  Its  great 
cosmopolitan  population.  It  had  been  regarded 
as  strongly  opposed. 

In  any  case,  we  were  bound  to 

A  Great  /  .  f  . 

War-time  try  the  experiment  or  nation- 
Reform  ^jde  prohibition,  because  as? 
war  measure  it  had  been  already  ord?'''  ■ 
that  the  manufa  ure  and  sale  of  intox'  viould 
drinks  should  r  se  after  the  thlrtleth'^^son- 
next  June,  the  ^v^riod  of  tolerance  bf 
only  five  months.  This  war  prohlbli 
to  last  until  six  months  after  demobili.discus- 
although  there  is  difference  of  opinion  ^^'hich 
what  that  may  mean.  The  dispute  will'  ^o^ 
to  be  decided  by  a  proclamation  to  be  IssQ"* 
by  the  President.  However,  now  that  tTr 
Constltutional  amendment  Is  ratified,  we 
shall  have  permanent  prohibition  beginning, 
let  us  say,  February  1,  1920;  and  it  is  not 
probable  that  there  will  be  any  interval  of 
resumed  liquor-traffic  between  the  temporary 
war  prohibition  and  the  enforcement  of  the 
permanent  policy.  The  significant  sections 
of  the  amendment  are  as  follows: 

"Section  1.  After  one  year  from  the  ratifica- 
tion of  this  article  the  manufacture,  sale,  or  trans- 
portation of  intoxicating  liquors  within,  the  im- 
portation thereof  into,  or  the  exportation  thereof 
from  the  United  States  and  all  territory  subject  to 
the  jurisdiction  thereof  for  beverage  purposes  is 
hereby  prohibited. 

"Section  2.  The  Congress  and  the  several 
States  shall  have  concurrent  power  to  enforce  this 
article   by  appropriate   legislation." 


130 


THE   AMERICAN  REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


The  meaning  of  these  words  Is  not  in 
any  doubt,  because  the  courts  have  for 
many  years  been  interpreting  prohibition 
clauses  in  the  state  constitutions.  Nor  is 
there  any  reason  to  believe  that  the  law 
will  not  be  rigidly  enforced.  The  evasions 
heretofore  practiced  in  some  "dry"  states 
will  become  far  more  difficult  when  the  whole 
country  is  under  a  prohibition  system. 

^,    „    .,.       Those  who  are  inclined  to  com- 

The  Positive         .    .  ,  c     •     e    • 

Benefits  to     plam  on   the  score  or   inirmge- 
Accrue        nient  of  personal  liberty,  would 
do  well  to  forget  that  phase  of  the  subject 
and  to  remember  what  prohibition  is  going 
to  mean  in  hundreds  of  thousands  of  homes. 
To   be  sure   that   growing  boys   and  young 
men   are   henceforth   to   be   practically   free 
from  the  dangers  of  the  drink  evil,  is  a  great 
gain  for  society.     The  economic  benefit  that 
will  accrue  to  homes  and  to  communities  as 
a  whole  will  be  almost  beyond  computation. 
^Ve  are  not  dealing  with  a  question  that  is 
now  open  to  argument  but  are  referring  to 
one  that  was  settled  last  month,  so  that  any 
further  discussion  becomes  academic.    Those 
who  do  not  like  the  idea  of  prohibition  must 
accept  the  inevitable;  yet  we  are  inclined  to 
think  that  they  will  change  their  minds  when 
they  see  the  good  that  will  surely  follow  the 
closing  of  saloons  and  bars.    The  capital  and 
i"ergy  that  have  gone  into  the  making  of 
its  YJcants   will   find    ample   opportunity   in 
quicf.is  other  fields.     The  prohibition  w^ave 
asplratin    advancing   in   this   country   for  a 
goveri;-  of  years,  so  that  everybody  connected 
Confrhe  business  of  distilling  and  brewing, 
men  with   the   retail    liquor   trade,   has   had 
anc^le  warning  and  long  opportunity  to  pre- 
<^ire  for  a  decision  that  is  not  destined  to  be 
.^considered.     In  no  small  measure,  getting 
rid  of  alcoholic  beverages  and  the  habits  they 
engender,   is  like  eliminating  certain   forms 
of  prevalent  disease.     It  is  sanitary  progress, 
physically  and  morally.     This  is  the  first — 
and  perhaps  most  notable — of  the  social  re- 
construction measures  that  are  to  better  the 
world  in  the  post-war  era. 

Two  Great  No  vaster  or  more  puzzling 
Pn)Viema*for  busIness  probkms  have  ever 
Congress  faccd  Congress  than  those  relat- 
ing to  the  ultimate  disposal  and  operation 
of  America's  transportation  lines  on  land 
and  on  sea.  Of  the  two,  the  railway  puz- 
zle is  the  more  imminent  and  pressing.  The 
roads  are,  under  the  present  law,  to  be  re- 
turned to  their  private  owners  not  later  than 


twenty-one  months  after  the  end  of  the  war, 
which  presumably  means  after  the  signing  of 
a  formal  peace  some  time  in  the  spring  or 
summer  of  1919.  There  is  a  fairly  general 
agreement  on  only  one  main  point:  that  the 
early  return  of  the  roads  to  their  owners 
without  new  and  vigorous  legislation,  doing 
away  with  certain  intolerable  phases  of  their 
operation,  would  be  disastrous.  In  his  ad* 
dress  to  Congress  before  he  sailed  to  Europe, 
President  Wilson  pointed  out  the  necessity 
for  prompt  Congressional  action,  and  in  the 
first  days  of  January  the  Senate  Committee 
on  Interstate  Commerce  began  a  series  of 
highly  important  hearings  from  which  Con- 
gress obtained  the  views  of  Mr.  McAdoo, 
the  retiring  Director-General  of  the  Rail- 
roads, the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission, 
the  Association  of  Railroad  Executives,  the 
shippers  and  representatives  of  the  State  com- 
missions. 

u    »M  A^   ,     The     Director-General     charac- 

Mr.  McAdoo's  •     •      n      i       i        111  1      i 

Fiue-Year  teristically  had  a  bold  and  clean- 
''^"^  cut  plan  for  action  in  the  matter. 
Expressing  himself  as  opposed  to  Govern- 
ment ownership,  he  advocated  new  legisla- 
tion which  should  extend  the  federal  control 
of  the  railways  as  now  exercised  for  a  period 
of  five  years,  arguing  that  only  through  such 
a  course  could  the  country  obtain  any  fair 
test  of  federal  control  during  peace  times. 
Five  years,  he  thought,  would  be  little 
enough  for  any  proper  study  of  conditions 
upon  which  to  base  future  policies  in  the  mat- 
ter of  our  railways.  Mr.  McAdoo  inti- 
mated that  if  the  period  of  Government  con- 
trol should  be  limited  to  twenty-one  months, 
he  would  urge  that  the  lines  be  returned  to 
private  control  immediately,  or  as  soon  as 
practicable.  This  course  he  defended  on  the 
ground  that  the  Federal  Railroad  Adminis- 
tration would  be  so  hampered  during  the 
short  period  of  control  that  the  Government 
"would  be  asked  to  continue  in  operation  de- 
prived of  all  the  elements  which  would  help 
in  making  the  operation  a  success."  Mr.  Mc- 
Adoo's five-year  plan  has  not  met  with  much 
favor.  Members  of  Congress,  financiers,  the 
owners  of  the  railways,  even  the  Interstate 
Commerce  Commission  itself  are,  with  few 
exceptions,  opposed  to  it.  There  is  a  general 
feeling  that  a  five-year  extension  of  federal 
control  would  inevitably  lead  to  Government 
ownership  and  that  it  would  be  begging  the 
question — the  greatest  question  of  all  in  the 
matter  of  transportation  lines — to  provide 
for  such   a  course  now.     The  feeling  was 


THE    PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


131 


widely  expressed,  too,  that  two  years  would 
be  ample  for  Congress  to  prepare  the  new 
legislation  necessary  for  a  program  promising 
reasonable  success. 

In   the   meantime   the   managers 

Proposals  ,      ■,  .,  ,  ,  , 

of  the  Railway  01  the  railwaj^s  tnemselvcs  nave 
Executives     j^^^^^  preparing  an  elaborate  plan 

for  untangling  the  present  transportation  sit- 
uation and  starting  out  afresh.  Chairman  T. 
Dewitt  Cuyler  of  the  Association  of  Railway 
Executives  presented  the  recommendations  of 
that  body  to  the  Senate  Committee  on  Jan- 
uary 9.  These  call  for  private  ownership, 
management,  and  operation  of  the  railways ; 
for  federal  regulation  alone  as  against  the 
former  State  and  federal  regulation ;  for  re- 
lieving the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission 
of  Its  executive  and  administrative  duties  ex- 
cept as  to  federal  valuation  and  accounting; 
for  a  Secretary  of  Transportation  In  the 
President's  cabinet  with  many  of  the  powers 
Director-General  McAdoo  has  been  exercis- 
ing during  the  past  months,  and  for  power  to 
be  given  to  the  carriers  to  initiate  rates  sub- 
ject to  the  approval  of  the  Secretary  of 
Transportation  and  finally  of  the  Interstate 
Commerce  Commission.  This  program  fur- 
ther calls  for  the  division  of  the  country  by 
.the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission  Into 
regions,  each  to  be  under  a  commission  ap- 
pointed by  the  President,  which  would  in  its 
territory  attend  to  the  work  entrusted  to  the 
Interstate  Commerce  Commission  and  report 
to  that  body. 

^     .  The  Interstate  Commerce  Com- 

Opmiona  .     .  •  i         i  •  c 

of  the  Commerct  miSSlOn,     With     the     CXCCptlOH     01 

Commission  Commissioner  Woolley,  made 
common  cause  with  the  railway  men  In  op- 
posing Mr.  McAdoo's  five-year  control  plan, 
and  advocated  legislation  nullifying  the 
President's  power  to  surrender  the  railroads 
without  notice.  The  most  unsatisfactory 
part  of  the  Commerce  Commission's  plan  was 
that  relating  to  rates.  The  word  "reason- 
able" has  been  the  stock  adjective  applied  to 
rates  to  be  put  In  force ;  but  the  absence  of 
any  working  test  of  reasonableness  for  a  par- 
ticular rate  has  resulted  in  the  past  in  volu- 
minous hearings  and  discussions,  and  has 
sadly  delayed  action.  Chairman  Clark,  of 
the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission,  agree- 
ing on  many  points  with  the  railway  men, 
had  no  more  definite  working  plan  for 
promptly  arriving  at  the  "reasonable"  rate 
than  was  furnished  in  his  statement:  "The 
rates  should  not  be  higher  than  the  shipper 


©  Harris  &  Ewing,  Washington,  D.  C. 

'      MR.  WALKER  D,   HINES 

(Who    has   succeeded    Mr,    McAdoo  as    Director-General 
of  the  railways  of  the  United   States) 

may  reasonably  be  required  to  pay  and  should 
not  be  lower  than  the  carrier  may  reason- 
ably be  required  to  accept." 

,,   ..         ,    The  danger  of  unlimited  dlscus- 

The  Views  of        .  °  ,  ,  i  •   v 

Senator       sion  ovcr   reasonableness,   wnicn 
Cummins      ^^^^   ^^^    railroads    waiting    for 

four  years  for  an  answer  to  their  1910  appli- 
cation for  a  rate  change,  is  thoroughly  appre- 
ciated by  Senator  Cummins,  who  will  be 
Chairman  of  the  Senate  Interstate  Com- 
merce Commission  when  Congress  reorgan- 
izes after  March  4.  It  Is  understood  that 
Senator  Cummins  will  come  out  strongly  for 

( 1 )  Government  ownership  of  the  railways, 

(2)  the  leasing  of  the  roads,  under  careful 
restrictions,  to  private  operators,  (3)  issues 
of  capital  stock  to  cover  equipment  by  the 
Government  at  a  guarantee  of  return  of 
something  like  4^  per  cent.,  and  -(4)  oper- 
ating capital  to  be  supplied  by  the  private 
operators  with  profits  allowed  to  them  in 
proportion  to  the  efficiency  of  management. 
In  interviews  Senator  Cummins  has  ex- 
plained that  he  has  in  mind  obtaining  the 
advantages   of   Government   ownership,    par- 


132 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


ticularly  the  use  of  capital  at  the  low  rate 
of  interest  that  would  be  possible  under  Gov- 
ernment guarantees,  without  losing  the  ad- 
vantages of  private  ownership — the  incent- 
ives  to   efficiency   and    initiative. 

On  January  13  was  made  pub- 
as'^birector-  Hc  the  appointment  of  Mr. 
Genera)  Walker  D.  Hines  to  the  post  of 
Director-General  of  the  railways,  allowing 
Mr.  AIcAdoo,  at  last,  to  get  away  on  a  va- 
cation which  was  earned,  if  any  vacation 
ever  was  earned,  by  the  magnitude  and  va- 
riety of  responsibilities  that  one  man's  shoul- 
ders had  borne.  Mr.  Hines  steps  easily  into 
the  headship  of  our  twenty  billion  dollars' 
worth  of  transportation  lines  because  he  has 
been  for  more  than  a  year  the  effective  lieu- 
tenant of  Mr.  McAdoo,  many  of  the  policies 
and  changes  initiated  during  the  Govern- 
ment regime  having  come  from  him.  Mr. 
Hines  is  a  practical  railroad  man  of  large 
calibre,  and  with  the  best  quality  of  training. 
For  twelve  years  he  was  counsel  for  the 
Atchison,  Topeka  &  Santa  Fe  Railway  and 
for  ten  years  Chairman  of  Its  Board  in  the 
period  during  which  that  great  system  was 
being  worked  over  Into  a  signally  efficient, 
successful  and  high-toned  organization.  It 
is  said  that  Mr.  Hines  agrees  with  Mr.  Mc- 
Adoo that  It  would  be  wise  to  extend  the 
present  Government  control  until   1924. 

Allowing:    all    promptness    and 

What  Will  .     ,  °  1-1  M 

We  Do  With  wisdom  m  solvmg  the  railway 
Our  Ships?  problem,  we  shall  scarcely  be 
through  with  it  before  Congress  is  faced  with 
a  task  of  scarcely  less  magnitude  and  one  in 
which  some  factors  are  even  more  compli- 
cated and  difficult — the  management  of  the 
enormous  merchant-marine  fleet  we  are 
building.  Few  people  realize  what  the  pres- 
ent program  will  mean  by  1920.  Before  the 
Civil  War,  in  1860,  we  had  over  half  of  the 
ocean  tonnage  in  the  world.  By  1910  our 
percentage  of  the  world's  shipping  had 
dropped  to  12  per  cent.  With  the  great 
demand  for  ocean  transportation  suddenly 
brought  by  the  world  war,  America  began 
slowly  to  arouse  herself  In  the  matter  of 
shipbuilding,  and  by  1915  had  Increased  her 
tonnage  from  five  millions  to  eight  millions — 
to  something  like  16  per  cent,  of  the  world's 
total.  Now  Chairman  Hurley,  of  the  United 
States  Shipping  Board,  talks  confidently  of 
an  American  merchant  marine,  within  a 
couple  of  years,  of  twenty-five  million  tons. 


H  he  is  right  in  expecting  such  a  growth 
by  the  end  of  1920,  the  world's  tonnage  will 
then  be  something  like  sixty  million,  of 
which  Great  Britain  will  have  about  twenty 
million  and  the  United  States  twenty-five 
million,  the  two  together  owning  three- 
fourths  of  all  the  world's  ocean  shipping. 
Japan  will  be  third  among  the  nations  in  the 
size  of  her  merchant  fleet.  In  a  few  years 
there  will  be  a  mighty  competition  for 
freights.  Is  our  vast  new  fleet  to  be  owned 
and  operated  by  the  Government,  or  owned 
by  the  Government  and  operated  privately, 
or  are  both  ownership  and  operation  to  be 
put  in  private  hands?  What  are  we  going 
to  do  about  the  La  Follette  Act,  with  its 
stringent  provisions  making  the  operation  of 
American  vessels  so  much  more  costly  than 
Japanese  and  British  ships?  Where  are  our 
ships  going  to  coal?  Great  Britain  has  sta- 
tions throughout  the  seven  seas.  These  are 
but  a  few  of  the  great  matters  that  must  be 
threshed  over  If  we  are  really  to  do  anything 
worth  while  with  our  billions  of  dollars' 
worth  of  new  ships. 

,„    ^  A  very  little  thought  will  suffice 

War  Exptnset  .     ■'  ,  ®         .  , 

Still         to  show  people — surprised  at  the 
Qrowmg       £^^^   ^^^^  monthly   expenses   for 

the  war  are,  with  the  war  ended,  greater 
than  ever  and  continually  growing — that 
there  Is  no  need  for  alarm  and  that  nothing 
else  could  have  been  expected  for  some 
months  after  the  signing  of  the  armistice. 
Last  November's  expenses  made  a  new 
record  and  December's  were  still  greater  by 
more  than  one  hundred  million  dollars.  One 
needs  only  to  consider,  however,  that  the 
expenses  of  demobilization  are  practically 
as  great  as  those  of  mobilization ;  and  that 
with  a  war  plant  growing  at  a  rate  never 
known  before  in  the  history  of  the  world, 
the  momentum  could  not  conceivably  be 
stopped  within  a  few  days  or  weeks — to  un- 
derstand that  no  other  result  could  have  been 
looked  for.  Then  such  single  Items  as  our 
shipbuilding  program  have  not  been  stopped 
or  scaled  down.  It  Is  probable  that  our 
fifth  great  bond  issue  on  account  of  the  war 
will  call  for  five  billion  dollars  or  more. 
In  the  middle  of  January  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  Glass  gave  some  suggestions  to 
show  the  trend  of  the  Treasury  Depart- 
ment's plans.  It  Is  not  improbable  that  the 
rate  of  Interest  may  be  raised  to  4^  per 
cent,  and  it  Is  practically  certain  that  the 
bonds  will  be  of  short  terms. 


@  Underwood  &  Underwood,  N.  Y.  ©  Committee  on  Public  Information 

THE  CITIZENS  OF  PARIS.  AND   PRESIDENT   POINCARE.    WELCOME   PRESIDENT    WILSON  ON  HIS  ARRIVAL   IN   THE 

FRENCH  CAPITAL 


RECORD  OF  CURRENT  EVENTS 

(From  December  i8,  iQl8,  to  January  j6,  igig) 


INCIDENTS  DURING  THE  ARMISTICE 

December  18. — The  American  Jewish  Congress, 
at  Philadelphia,  frames  a  bill  of  rights  and  se- 
lects delegates  to  lay  the  principles  before  the 
Peace  Conference. 

It  is  officially  stated  that  the  German  long- 
range  cannon  fired  168  shells  into  Paris,  killing 
196  persons  and  wounding  417,  and  that  during 
1918  there  were  1,211  casualties  from  air  raids 
over  Paris. 

December  21. — It  is  semi-officially  stated  that 
Italy's  casualties  in  the  war  were:  killed  in  action, 
200,000;  died  from  disease,  300,000;  severely 
wounded,  300,000;  prisoners,  500,000. 

December  22. — Russia's  war  casualties  are 
placed  at  9,150,000  in  a  dispatch  from  Petrograd 
—including  1,700,000  killed,  1,450,000  disabled, 
3,500,000   other   wounded,   2,500,000   prisoners. 

Austro-Hungarian  casualties  in  the  war  to  the 
end  of  May,  1918,  are  officially  reported  to  have 
been  slightly  above  4,000,000. 

A  report  of  the  American  air  service  shows 
that  24,512  men  were  at  the  front  when  the  war 
ended,  with  a  record  of  854  German  planes 
brought  down  against  an  American  loss  of  271. 

December  26. — French  war  casualties  are  offi- 
cially announced  as:  killed,  1,071,300;  prisoners 
still  alive,  446,000;   ''missing,"  314,000. 

December  29. — The  French  Foreign  Minister, 
Stephen  Pichon,  in  discussing  the  Government's 
peace  policies,  declares  that  the  principle  of  a 
League  of  Nations  is  accepted  and  that  interven- 
tion in  Russia  is  inevitable. 

Czechoslovak  and  Siberian  forces  capture  Perm, 
in  the  Ural  Mountains,  and  destroy  the  Bolshevik 
Army,  taking  31,000  prisoners. 

December  30. — Premier  Clemenceau  informs  the  • 


French  Chamber  that  the  old  system  of  alliances, 
or  "balance  of  power,"  will  be  his  guiding  thought 
at  the  Peace  Conference;  he  also  announces  that 
he  has  informed  Premier  Lloyd  George  that  he 
will  not  oppose  British  ideas  on  freedom  of  the 
seas;  the  Chamber  votes  confidence  in  him  380  to 
164. 

Reports  from  Archangel,  Russia,  describe  suc- 
cessful fighting  by  American  troops,  the  Polish 
Legion,  Russian  volunteers,  and  French — against 
the  Bolsheviki — along  the  Onega  and  Dvina 
rivers,  preparatory  to  establishing  winter  quar- 
ters for  the  expedition. 

January  3. — President  Wilson  names  Herbert 
Hoover  as  Director  General  of  an  international 
organization  for  relief  in  liberated  countries. 

January  4. — President  Wilson  cables  an  appeal 
to  Congress  for  an  appropriation  of  $100,000,000 
to  relieve  conditions  of  absolute  starvation  among 
the  liberated  peoples  of  Austria,  Turkey,  Poland, 
and  Western  Russia. 

The  Serbian  Minister  to  France  declares  that 
Serbia  will  go  to  war  if  the  Peace  Conference 
confirms  the  secret  treaty  under  which  England, 
France  and  Russia  agreed  that  Italy  should  pos- 
sess the  eastern  coast  of  the  Adriatic  Sea. 

Statistics  relating  to  the  number  of  German 
submarines  are  made  public  in  London;  203  l^- 
boats  were  destroyed  or  captured  during  the  war, 
14  self-destroyed,  7  interned,  122  surrendered 
since  the  armistice,  and  58  remaining  to  lie  sur- 
rendered. 

It  is  officially  announced  that  Norway's  loss  of 
merchant  ships  during  the  war  was  829  vessels, 
of  1,240,000  tons. 

January  6. — Bulgaria's  war  losses  are  reported 
from  Sofia  to  have  been:  killed  and  missing, 
101,224;  wounded,  1,152,399;  prisoners,  100,000. 

133 


134 


THE   AMERICAN  REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


January  7. — Statistics  of  American  wounded  are 
made  public;  of  71,11+  cases  in  expeditionary  hos- 
pitals between  January  15  and  October  15,  ,1918, 
85.3  per  cent,  returned  to  duty  and  8.8  died. 

January  8. — French  war  casualties  are  made 
public:  killed  in  action  or  died  from  wounds, 
1,028,000;  missing,  given  up  for  lost,  299,000; 
wounded,  3,000,000  (three-fourths  recovered,  700,- 
000  completely  disabled);  prisoners,  435,000;  the 
total  dead  and  disabled  are  between  5  and  6  per 
cent,  of  the  population  and  between  26  and  30 
per  cent,  of  the  men  mobilized. 

January  11. — The  French  Foreign  Minister  an- 
nounces that  France  has  declined  to  approve  a 
British  proposal  for  invdting  to  the  Peace  Con- 
ference representatives  of  the  various  Russian 
governments,  in  the  interest  of  world  harmony; 
the  French  hold  that  the  Bolshevists  cannot  be 
recognized  as  a  government. 

The  American  Chief  of  Staff  reports  on  de- 
mobilization: 694,000  men  and  47,000  officers  have 
been  discharged,  and  96,000  overseas  troops  have 
returned  to  the   United  States. 

January  12. — The  Supreme  War  Council — meet- 
ing at  Paris  and  attended  by  President  Wilson 
and  Secretary  Lansing  and  the  Premiers  and 
Foreign  Ministers  of  Great  Britain,  France,  and 
Italy,  together  with  Marshal  Foch  and  military 
representatives — begins  actual  consideration  of 
the  peace  settlement. 

Air  raids  over  Great  Britain,  it  is  announced, 
killed  1,260  civilians  and  injured  3,500. 

PRESIDENT  WILSON  IN  EUROPE 

December  19. — King  Victor  Emmanuel,  of  Italy, 
on  his  arrival  in  Paris,  calls  on  President  Wilson. 

December  21. — Premier  Orlando  of  Italy  and 
Foreign  Minister  Sonnino  place  before  President 
Wilson.  Italy's  territorial   aspirations. 

The  University  of  Paris  (the  Sorbonne)  con- 
fers upon  President  Wilson  the  degree  of  Doctor, 
Honoris  Causa. 


December  25. — The  President  reviews  10,000 
American  troops  (on  Christmas  Day)  near  the 
American  headquarters  at  Chaumont;  he  informs 
the  soldiers  that  he  does  not  find  in  Allied  leaders 
any  difference  of  principles  or  of  fundamental 
purpose  in  the  effort  to  establish  peace  upon  the 
permanent  foundation  of  right  and  justice. 

December  26. — The  President  and  Mrs.  Wilson 
cross  the  English  Channel  from  Calais  to  Dover, 
and  arrive  in  London;  they  are  met  at  Charing 
Cross  station  by  the  King  and  Queen,  and  are 
domiciled  in  Buckingham  Palace. 

December  27. — The  President  spends  the  entire 
day  in  discussion  with  Premier  Lloyd  George;  in 
the  evening  he  is  the  guest  of  King  George  at  a 
banquet  in  Buckingham  Palace,  where  he  speaks 
of  the  general  unity  of  aims  found  by  him  among 
the  spokesmen  of  Great  Britain,  France,  and 
Italy,  and  pleads  for  a  proper  understanding 
among  leaders  of  the  words  "right"  and  "justice." 

December  28. — Officials  of  the  City  of  London 
formally  welcome  President  Wilson  in  the  famous 
Guildhall ;  in  his  response  the  President  speaks 
particularly  of  the  universal  demand  for  a  League 
of  Nations. 

Premier  Lloyd  George  is  quoted  as  declaring 
that  the  conference  with  the  President  brought 
about  an  agreement  on  general  principles. 

December  29-30.— The  President  attends  service 
in  the  church  of  his  grandfather  at  Carlisle,  and 
makes  two  addresses  in  Manchester. 

December  31. — The  President  leaves  England 
for  Italy,  via  Paris. 

January  3. — Arriving  in  Rome,  the  President 
and  Mrs.  Wilson  are  welcomed  by  King  Victor 
Emmanuel  and  Queen  Helena ;  in  an  address  be- 
fore the  joint  session  of  the  Senate  and  Chamber 
of  Deputies,  the  President  declares  that  there  can- 
not be  another  "balance  of  power"  but  instead 
there  must  be  a  thoroughly  united  League  of 
Nations. 

January    4. — The    President    calls    upon    Pope 


(Q  Inieriiatioual  Kilrn  Service 

MACHINE  GUNS  IN  THE  BERLIN  STREET  FIGHTING 
(As    in    Russia   two    years   ago,   so    also    in    Germany    during    the    past    few    weeks    have    the    Radical    Socialists 
waged    a   counter-revolution.      Press    reports   told    of    the  ."bombardment"     of     the    imperial    palace — the       defenses 
of    which    are    shown    in    the    pictures    above.      They    also    told    of    the    "evacuation"    of    other   strategic    buildings) 


RECORD   OF  CURRENT  EVENTS 


135 


@  Harris  &  Ewing.  Washington 

THREE  EMINENT  AMERICAN  ARCTIC  EXPLORERS-ADMIRAL  PEARY,  VILHIALMUR  STEFANSSON. 

AND  MAJOR-GENERAL  A.  W.  GREELY 

(On  January  10  the  Hubbard  Gold  Medal,  an  award  by  the  National  Geographic  Society,  was  presented 
to  Mr.  Stefansson,  who  contributes  an  article  on  Roosevelt  as  an  explorer  to  this  number  of  the  Review 
[page  165].  In  acknowledging  the  medal,  Mr.  Stefansson  said  that  the  northern  sections  of  Canada  and 
Alaska  would  soon   be  among  the  greatest  grazing  regions  on   earth) 


Benedict  at  the  Vatican,  visits  historic  places  in 
Rome,  and  leaves  for  Paris  with  stops  at  Genoa, 
Milan,  and  Turin. 

January  7. — The  President  returns  to  Paris,  and 
the  full  American  delegation  confers  with  Premier 
Clemenceau. 

PROCEEDINGS  IN  CONGRESS 

December  18. — In  the  Senate,  Mr.  Knox  (Rep., 
Pa.)  criticizes  the  President's  proposal  for  the 
creation   of  a   League   of   Nations   as   part  of   the 


work  of  the  Peace  Conference;  an  amendment  to 
the  Revenue  bill  is  adopted,  placing  an  extra  10 
per  cent,  tax  on  the  profits  of  the  employers  of 
child  labor. 

December  19. — The  Senate  adopts  an  amend- 
ment to  the  pending  Revenue  bill,  abolishing  the 
complicated  zone  system  of  postage  rates  on  sec- 
ond-class matter. 

December  20. — The  Senate  ratifies  a  treaty  with 
Cniatemala,  designed  to  develop  commercial  re- 
lations. 


136 


THE   AMERICAN  REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


December  21. — In  the  Senate,  Mr.  Lodge  (Rep., 
Mass.)  criticizes  five  of  the  President's  "fourteen 
points''  essential  in  the  peace  settlement,  and  calls 
attention  to  the  fact  that  the  peace  treaty  must  be 
acceptable   to   the    Senate. 

December  23. — The  Senate  passes  the  Revenue 
bill  (under  discussion  for  two  weeks),  without  im- 
portant change  from  the  Finance  Committee's 
draft,  designed  to  raise  $6,000,000,000  by  taxation 
in  1919  and  $4,000,000,000  yearly  thereafter;  the 
measure  goes  to  Conference  Committee. 

January  7. — In  the  House,  Chairman  Sims  of 
the  Interstate  Commerce  Committee  introduces 
two  amendments  to  the  Railway  Control  Act, 
which  would  extend  Government  operation  for 
five  vears  and  provide  an  additional  "revolving 
fund'"'  of  $500,000,000  (the  original  half-billion 
being  practically  exhausted  during   1918). 

January  9. — The  House  passes  a  measure  au- 
thorizing the  Secretary  of  War  to  adjust  contracts 
for  material,  partly  fulfilled  when  war  ended. 

January  13. — The  House  appropriates  $100,000,- 
000  for  furnishing  foodstuffs  "to  populations  in 
Europe  and  countries  contiguous  thereto  outside 
of  Germany,"  in  accordance  with  a  cabled  request 
from  the  'President;  a  $27,000,000  River  and 
Harbor  bill  is  also  passed. 

January  16. — In  the  Senate,  Mr.  La  Follette 
(Rep.,  Wis.)  is  exonerated  of  the  charge  of  dis- 
loyalty, by  vote  of  50  to  21. 

AMERICAN  POLITICS  AND  GOVERNMENT 

December  19. — The  President  nominates  Joseph 
B.  Eastman  (a  member  of  the  Massachusetts  Pub- 
lic Utilities  Commission)  for  membership  on  the 
Interstate  Commerce  Commission. 

December  30. — Secretary  Daniels  is  questioned 
by  the  House  Naval  Affairs  Committee,  regarding 
the  three-year  construction  program  of  sixteen 
battleships  and  battle  cruisers,  to  make  the  navy 
*'as  powerful  as  that  of  any  nation  in  the  world." 

January  2. — Both  branches  of  the  Michigan 
legislature  adopt  without  debate  the  proposed  pro- 
hibition amendment  to  the  federal  constitution — 
becoming  the  sixteenth  State  to  ratify. 

January  7. — The  prohibition  amendment  is  rati- 
fied by  the  legislatures  of  Ohio  and  Oklahoma. 

January  8. — The  prohibition  amendment  is  rati- 
fied by  the  legislatures  of  Maine,  Tennessee,  and 
Idaho. 

Congressman-elect  Victor  L.  Berger  and  four 
other  Socialist  leaders  are  found  guilty,  by  a  fed- 
eral jury  in  Chicago,  of  conspiring  to  interfere 
with  the  successful  conduct  of  the  war. 

January  11. — Walker  D.  Hines,  Assistant  Di- 
rector-General of  Railroads,  is  appointed  by  the 
President  to  succeed  Mr.  McAdoo  in  full  control. 

January  12. — The  resignation  of  Attorney-Gen- 
eral Thomas  Watt  Gregory,  from  the  President's 
cabinet,  to  take   effect  March  4,   is   announced. 

January  13. — The  United  States  Supreme  Court 
upholds  the  constitutionality  of  the  so-called  Reed 
'bone  dry"  amendment,  forbidding  private  im- 
portation of  liquor  into  prohibition  States,  revers- 
ing the  lower  court. 

January  13. — The  legislatures  of  California 
and  Washington  ratify  the  prohibition  amendment 
to  the  federal  constitution. 


January  14. — The  prohibition  amendment  is 
ratified  by  the  legislatures  of  Alabama,  Arkan- 
sas, Illinois,  Indiana,  Kansas,  and  North  Carolina. 

January  15. — The  legislatures  of  Iowa,  Colo- 
rado, Oregon,  New  Hampshire,  and  Utah  ratify 
the  prohibition  amendment. 

January  16. — The  prohibition  amendment  sub- 
mitted to  the  State  legislatures  in  December,  1917, 
becomes  Article  XVIII  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  with  the  ratification  by  Nebraska, 
the  thirty-sixth  state;  Wyoming  and  Missouri  also 
adopt  the  amendment;  the  Article  prohibits  the 
manufacture,  sale,  and  transportation  of  liquor 
one  year  after  the  formal  proclamation  by  the 
Secretary  of  State. 

FOREIGN  POLITICS  AND  GOVERNMENT 

December  19. — A  conference  of  delegates  of 
Soldiers'  and  Workmen's  Councils,  at  Berlin,  de- 
cides to  hold  elections  to  a  National  Assembly  on 
January  19. 

Marshal  JofTre,  hero  of  the  first  Battle  of  the 
Marne,  is  made  a  member  of  the  French  Academy 
— one  of  the  forty  "immortals." 

December  22. — A  Jugo-Slav  Ministry  is  formed 
at  Belgrade,  with  M.  Protich  (a  Serbian)  as  Pre- 
mier. 

Thomas  G.  Masaryk  takes  the  oath  of  office  as 
President  of  the  Czecho-Slovak  Republic,  at 
Prague. 

December  24. — A  new  Portuguese  ministry  is 
formed,  with  Tamagnini  as  Premier. 

December  28. — Results  of  the  British  Parlia- 
mentary elections  on  December  12  become  known; 
the  coalition  Government  under  Premier  Lloyd 
George  will  command  471  seats  in  the  new  parlia- 
ment out  of  707;  Sinn  Feiners  elect  73  members, 
who  will  refuse  to  sit. 

Three  Independent  Socialist  members  retire 
from  the  German  Government,  leaving  the  three 
Majority  Socialists,  including  Premier  Frederic 
Ebert,  in  entire  control. 

December  31. — The  Rumanian  Government  re- 
ceives from  a  special  commission  from  the  Tran- 
sylvanian  Government  (including  Transylvania, 
Banat,  Marmaros,  and  Bukowina)  a  document 
containing  a  pact  of  union  in  accord  with  the 
desires   of  the   Transylvania    National    Assembly. 

January  7. — The  split  among  the  German  So- 
cialist leaders  widens  and  the  factions  resort  to 
fighting,  with  small  arms  and  artillery,  in  the 
streets  of  Berlin;  Dr.  Karl  Liebknecht,  head  of  the 
Spartacus  group,  and  Police  Chief  Eichorn,  cham- 
pion "the  rights  of  the  people"  and  condemn 
Philip  Scheideman  (Majority  Socialist  leader) 
and  Chancellor  Ebert. 

Leadership  of  the  Opposition  in  the  British 
House  of  Commons  falls  upon  the  chairman  of 
the  Labor  party  (the  largest  group  outside  the 
coalition),   Wm.   W.   Adamson,    a   Scottish   miner. 

January  8. — The  two  Bolshevist  leaders  of 
Russia  disagree;  the  Minister  of  War  (Leon 
Trotzky)  arrests  the  Premier  (Nikolai  Lenine), 
and  declares  himself  dictator. 

January  9. — Government  troops  in  Berlin  are 
reenforced    and    regain   control. 

January  10.— The  British  Government  under 
Premier  Lloyd  George  is  reorganized  as  the  re- 
sult of  the  elections. 


RECORD  OF  CURRENT  EVENTS 


137 


A  republic  is  proclaimed  in  Luxemburg,  the 
young  Grand  Duchess  retiring. 

Strikes  in  Buenos  Aires,  fomented  by  European 
agitators,  result  in  the  establishment  of  a  military 
dictatorship  by  General  Dellepaine  in  the  avowed 
interest  of  the  Government. 

January'  11. — Government  troops  in  Berlin  cap- 
ture the  Forivdrts  building,  with  the  use  of  field 
guns. 

January  13. — A  general  strike  is  called  in  Lima 
and  Callao,  Peru. 

January  15. — Announcement  is  made  at  Berlin 
of  the  completion  of  the  draft  of  a  constitution, 
creating  a  union  of  fifteen  states,  Prussia  being 
divided  into  eight. 

OTHER  OCCURRENCES  OF  THE  MONTH 

December  19. — The  British  Air  Ministry  an- 
nounces the  completion  of  a  flight  of  3950  miles, 
from  Cairo,  Egypt,  to  Delhi,  India,  begun  on  De- 
cember 13. 

December  26. — The  American  fleet  of  battle- 
ships and  destroyers  from  overseas  joins  the  home 
fleet  in  New  York  harbor  and  is  reviewed  by 
Secretary  Daniels. 

January  1. — The  transport  Northern  Pacific, 
carrying  2500  soldiers,  runs  aground  at  night  on 
the  southern  shore  of  Long  Island. 

January  8. — Ex-President  Theodore  Roosevelt, 
who  died  suddenly  at  his  home  on  January  6,  is 
buried  with  simple  ceremonies  at  Oyster  Bay, 
N.  Y. 

January  12. — A  United  States  Navy  dirigible 
flies  from  New  York  to  Hampton  Roads,  Vir- 
ginia. .  .  .  Tweniy-one  persons  are  killed  in  a 
rear-end  collision  on  the  New  York  Central  Rail- 
road, near  Batavia,  N.  Y. 

OBITUARY 

December  17. — Brig.-Gen.  J.  R.  McGinness, 
U.  S.  A.,  retired,  a  veteran  of  the  Civil  War,  78. 

December  20. — Bernard  N.  Baker,  of  Balti- 
more, a  noted  advocate  of  an  enlarged  American 
merchant  marine,  64.  .  .  .  Charles  Henry  McKec, 
president  and  editor  of  the  St.  Louis  Globe  Demo- 
crat, 66. 

December  21. — Walter  Hines  Page,  recently 
American  Ambassador  to  Great  Britain,  63  (see 
page  152). 

December  22. — Major-Gen.  Jacob  Ford  Kent, 
U.  S.  A.,  retired,  83. 

December  23.-=^Dr.  Donald  H.  Currie,  port 
physician  of  Boston  and  an  authority  on  leprosy, 
42. 

December  24. — Henry  Mitchell  MacCracken, 
Chancellor  Emeritus  of  New  York  University,  78. 
.  .  .  Benjamin  O.  Flower,  at  various  times  editor 
of  the  American  Spectator,  the  Arena,  the  Coming 
Age  and  the  Tiventieth  Century  Magazine,  60. 
Prince  Conrad  von  Hohenlohe-Schillingsfuerst, 
twice  Premier  of  Austria,   55. 

December  25.— J.   Wilbur   Chapman,   D.D.,   the 


MAJOR-GENERAL  J.  FRANK- 
LIN BELL 
(General  Bell,  who  died 
suddenly  last  month,  was  one 
of  the  best-known  and  most 
energetic  of*  American  army 
officers) 


noted  Presbyterian 
evangelist,  59.  .  .  . 
Dale  W.  Jones,  for- 
mer Governor  of 
Arkansas,  69.  .  .  . 
Mrs.  Harriet  Mann 
Miller  ("Olive 
Thorne"),  a  widely 
known  writer  on 
birds  and  bird  life, 
87. 

December  28. — 
George  P.  White,  a 
negro  member  of  the 
Fifty-fifth  and  Fifty- 
sixth  Congresses, 
from  North  Carolina, 
66. 

December  29. — 
Abby  Leech,  for 
thirty  years  profes- 
sor of  Greek  at  Vas- 
sar  College,  63. 

D  ecem  ber  31.  — 
Rossiter  W.  Ray- 
mond, a  distinguished 
New  York  mining 
engineer,  78. 

January,  1. — David 
Lubin,     the     Califor- 

nian  who  founded  the  International  Institute  of 
Agriculture  at  Rome,  78.  .  .  .  Richard  George 
Knowles,  a  widely  known  lecturer,  59. 

January  2. — Rear-Admiral  Abraham  V.  Zane, 
U.  S.  N.,  retired,  68.  .  .  .  Rev.  John  Wherry, 
D.D.,  for  half  a  century  engaged  in  missionary 
work  in  China  (translator  of  the  Bible  into 
Chinese),  79. 

January  3. — Rear-Admiral  Samuel  Williams 
Very,  U.  S.  N.,  retired,  72.  .  .  .  Frank  Duveneck, 
painter  of  "The  Whistling  Boy"  and  other  works 
of  art,   71. 

January  4. — Count  George  F.  von  Hertling,  of 
Bavaria,  German  Chancellor  from  October,  1917, 
to  September,  1918,  75.  .  .  .  Brig.  Gen.  John  E. 
Stephens,  U.  S.  A.,  44. 

January  6. — Theodore  Roosevelt,  former  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  60  (see  pages  153-166). 

January  8. — Major-Gen.  J.  Franklin  Bell,  U.  S. 
A.,  commander  of  the  Department  of  the  East,  62. 

January  10. — Wallace  Clement  Sabine,  profes- 
sor of  mathematics  and  natural  philosophy  at 
Harvard,  50. 

January  12. — John  Mason,  the  American  actor, 
60.  .  .  .  Sir  Charles  Wyndham,  the  English  actor, 
widely  known  in  the  United  States,  81. 

January  13. — Horace  Fletcher,  noted  advocate 
of  proper  food  mastication,  70. 

January  14. — George  R.  Sheldon,  New  York 
financier  and  former  Treasurer  of  Republican 
National  Committee,  61. 

January  15. — Henry  J.  Duveen,  the  New  York 
art  dealer,  64. 


CARTOONS    OF    THE    MOMENT 


aJHs 


^nn 


THE  RIGHT  KIND  OF  RECEPTION  COMMITTEE 

From  the  News  (Chicago) 


HOW  THEY  TURNED  THE  PRUSSIAN  TIDE  AT  CHATEAU-THIERRY  IS   THIS   WHAT   WE  FOUGHT  FOR? 

From  the  Central   Press  Association    (Cleveland)  From  the  Herald   (New  York) 

138 


CARTOONS    OF    THE    MOMENT 


139 


MARS  WAITING  FOR  THE  FERRY 

From  the  News  (Chicago) 


j       !  J       ^ 

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NO   ADMITTANCE 

From  the  World  (New  York) 


WATCHFUL  WAITING 
From  the  News  (Detroit,  Mich.) 


THE  OLD  WAY  AND  THE  NEW 
From  the  American  (Haltiinore,  Md.) 


140 


THE   AMERICAN  REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 

r 


THE  LITTLE  FELLOWS  :      HE  S  OUR  GOOD  FRIEND 

From  the  News   (Dallas,  Texas) 


LE  BIENVENU 
From  Punch   (London) 

OX  this  page  the  cartoons  picture  Presi- 
dent Wilson's  welcome  in  France,  the 
chfficultles  under  which  he  is  attempting  to 
bring  the  nations  together,  and  the  enthusi- 
asm with  which  he  is  hailed  by  the  smaller 
powers. 


READY   TO   DISPOSE  OF    MILITARISM 
From  Esquella  (Barcelona,  Spain) 


©  George  Matthew  Adams 

CAN    HE    PRODUCE    THE    HARMONY? 
From  the   Citizen   (Brooklyn,  N.  Y.) 


THE    CASE  IS    READY    FOR   THE   JURY 
From  the  Evening  Dispatch   (Columbus,  Ohio) 


CARTOONS    OF    THE   MOMENT 


141 


THE    NEXT    MENACE   TO   BE   OVERCOME 
From,  the   News   (Dayton) 

Whatever  the  rest  of  the  world  may  think, 
the  American  cartoonists  have  made  up  their 
minds  about  Bolshevism,  in  and  out  of  Rus- 
sia. They  have  a  chance  to  set  forth  their 
opinions  of  it  on  this  page. 


I  ARREST   YOU   IN    THE   NAME   OF  NO   LAW 
From  the  Evening  World  (New  York) 


©  Georgo  Matthew  Adams 

CAN  GERMANY  PUT  THE  GENIE  RACK  IN  THE  BOTTLE? 

From  the  Spokesman  Review   (Spokane,  Wash.) 


THE   FIRING    SQUAD 
From  the  World  (New  York) 


142 


THE   AMERICAN  REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


YOUNG  AMERICA  THE  CHAMPION  OF  LIBERTY  AND  ORDER 

From  La   Baioncttc    (Paris) 

France  rather  fancifully  conceives  of  The  might  of  the  Anglo-American  entente 
America  as  a  doughty  knight  battling  for  the  is  the  theme  of  the  Baltimore  ATnerican  car- 
world's  freedom  from  oppression.  This  idea  toonist,  while  the  New  York  Times  pays  a 
is  gracefully  expressed  by  Le  Baionette.  truthful  tribute  to  Theodore  Roosevelt. 


\-  .o<^^°,.\  ^iry^/ 


ome   blood  one   law 

ONE      LANGUASe  ^     . 


AS   LONG  AS  THESE  TWO   STAND  TOGETHER 
From  the  American  (Baltimore,  Md.) 


AS    HE   WILL   BE   REMEMBERED 
From   the    Times    (New   York) 


THE  RETURN  OF  THE  SOLDIER 


BY  HON.  NEWTON  D.  BAKER 

(Secretary  of  War) 


WHEN  the  armistice  was  signed  the 
strength  of  the  Army  of  the  United 
States  was  3,734,420  officers  and  men.  Of 
these,  there  were  in  Europe  and  Siberia  a 
total  of  2,002,175;  in  camps  and  posts  in  the 
United  States,  1,676,510;  and  in  our  insular 
possessions,  55,735. 

The  problem  of  demobilizing  this  army 
rapidly  and  fairly  was  at  once  undertaken. 
In  order  to  use  the  available  tonnage  which 
otherwise  would  be  idle.  General  Pershing 
was  directed  at  once  to  return  to  the  United 
States  such  casual  and  detached  units  as 
formed  no  essential  part  of  his  active  army, 
and  especially  to  use  all  of  the  suitable  ship 
space  for  the  return  of  such  sick  and  wounded 
as  were  sufficiently  recovered  to  travel  with 
safety.  A  few  ^convalescent  patients  from 
the  hospitals  had  been  returned  to  the  United 
States  prior  to  the  armistice ;  their  number, 
however,  was  small,  as  their  transportation 
subjected  them  to  the  submarine  risk  and 
only  such  soldiers  could  be  returned  as  were 
in  condition  to  deal  with  the  emergencies  pre- 
sented by  submarine  attack. 

General  Pershing  at  once  directed  the  ex- 
tension and  Improvement  of  the  camps  at 
Brest,  St.  Nazaire,  and  Bordeaux,  which  had 
been  used  as  receiving  stations  for  troops  ar- 
riving in  France,  the  purpose  of  this  exten- 
sion being  to  provide  accommodations  for  the 
accumulation  of  troops  to  use  without  delay 
all  of  the  available  tonnage.  General  Per- 
shing has  designated  eight  divisions  to  form 
the  Army  of  Occupation;  of  them  four  are 
Regular  Army  divisions,  two  National  Guard 
divisions,  and  two  National  Army  divisions. 
He  has  set  aside  for  operating  the  line  of 
communications  seven  divisions,  of  w^hich  two 
are  Regular  Army,  three  National  Guard, 
and  two  National  Army.  Nine  other  di- 
visions are  continuing  their  training,  and 
eighteen  divisions  have  been  set  aside  for 
early  return  to  the  United  States,  of  which 
three  have  already  embarked  and  eight  are 
assembling  at  the  ports,  awaiting  ships. 

It  Is  not  possible  as  yet  to  state  with  defi- 
nlteness   how   long   It   will   be    necessary   to 


maintain  our  army  abroad,  nor  how  rapidly 
It  can  be  reduced  in  size.  Two  elements  are 
Involved :  first,  an  adequate  force  must  be 
retained  to  carry  out  effectively  the  terms  of 
the  armistice  and  the  terms  of  any  peace  ar- 
rangement which  require  the  cooperation  of 
the  army;  second,  the  limitation  of  transpor- 
tation facilities. 

With  regard  to  the  first  of  these  consid- 
erations, It  seems  fairly  clear  that  a  relatively 
small  body  of  troops  cooperating  with  the 
diminished  armies  of  the  French,  British, 
and  Italian  will  be  sufficient.  With  regard 
to  the  second  limitation,  it  Is  to  be  remem- 
bered that  In  the  rapid  dispatch  of  our  great 
army  to  France  we  had  the  use  of  a  very 
substantial  part  of  the  British  passenger-car- 
rying fleet. 

Now  that  the  armistice  has  intervened. 
Great  Britain,  in  justice  to  her  own  army, 
must  return  her  Canadian,  Australian,  and 
New  Zealand  troops,  who  have  been  longer 
away  from  their  homes  than  ours,  and,  while 
the  British  Government  Is  generously  assist- 
ing us  In  the  return  of  our  soldiers,  we  can 
not  ask  as  great  assistance  as  she  was  able  to 
give  us  while  hostilities  still  continued. 

We  are,  however,  transforming  a  large 
number  of  cargo-carrying  ships ;  the  Navy 
has  placed  at  our  disposal  a  fleet  of  battle- 
ships and  cruisers;  all  of  our  own  passenger- 
carrying  fleet  is  retained  In  the  service;  and 
efforts  are  being  made  to  secure  some  of  the 
passenger  ships  which  Germany  retained  in 
her  ports  at  the  outbreak  of  the  war.  From 
all  of  these  sources.  It  Is  hoped  ultimately 
to  obj:aIn  a  capacity  of  from  200,000  to  250,- 
000  men.  per  month.  These  figures  are 
stated,  not  as  limits,  but  as  the  present  pros- 
pect, It  being  understood  that  every  resource 
Is  being  explored  in  order  to  increase  the  . 
rapidity  of  the  return  of  the  soldiers. 

Both  In  Europe  and  here,  the  effort  of  the 
War  Department  is  to  return  and  demobilize 
this  army  fairly  and  without  preference  to 
Individuals,  and  as  rapidly  as  can  be  done  in 
order  that  these  men  may  return  to  their  civ- 
ilian employments.     By  this  course,  tlie  re- 

143 


144 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEJV    OF   REVIEWS 


sumption  of  industry  and  commerce  in  the 
country  will  be  expedited  and  the  men  who 
have  forfeited  industrial,  commercial,  and 
educational  opportunity  in  order  to  serve 
their  country  will  be  justly  and  equally  af- 
forded opportunities  to  resume  their  inter- 
rupted careers. 

It,  is,  of  course,  impossible  to  return  and 
demobilize  them  all  at  once,  and  special 
branches  of  the  service,  by  reason  of  their 
continued  usefulness  in  the  work  still  to  be 
done,  will  necessarily  still  be  delayed  in  their 
demobilization.  But  as  far  as  possible  men 
will  be  discharged  equally  and  without  ref- 
erence to  individual  preference  or  desire,  ex- 
cept in  a  relatively  few  cases  of  special  hard- 
ship by  reason  of  deaths  and  changed  circum- 
stances at  home,  in  which  cases  camp  com- 
manders are  authorized  to  recognize  urgent 
situations  by  preferential  discharge. 

The  macninery  of  demobilization  Ts  now 
fully  organized  and  working.  Each  soldier 
must  have  a  physical  examination  and  careful 


records  must  be  preserved  in  order  that  the 
completion  of  honorable  service  may  be  made 
of  permanent  record  in  the  War  Department. 
We  are,  therefore,  discharging  men  at  the 
rate  of  about  a  thousand  officers  and  twenty- 
five  thousand  soldiers  per  day,  and  have  al- 
ready given  honorable  discharges  to  more 
than  700,000  men. 

By  the  time  this  statement  Is  printed,  the 
number  discharged  will  be  nearly  a  million; 
and  those  who  are  anxious  to  know  when 
they  can  expect  the  return  of  their  soldier 
friends  will  have  seen  the  rapidity  with 
which  discharges  are  taking  place.  Both  the 
soldiers  and  their  friends  can  rely  upon  the 
War  Department  to  speed  up  these  dis- 
charges. Their  patience  and  cooperation  in 
the  process  will  assist  those  who  are  doing 
the  work.  The  one  rule  guiding  us  In  this 
whole  matter  Is  that  justice  and  speed  in  the 
return  of  the  soldiers  and  their  demobiliza- 
tion Is  the  due  of  the  soldier  and  the  best  in- 
terest of  the  countrv. 


(g)  Western  Newspaper  Union 


THE  RETURN  OF  THE  AMERICAN  SOLDIER.  AFTER  WORTHY  PARTICIPATION  IN  THE  GREAT  WAR 

(In  the  illustration  on  the  left  the  boys  are  enthusiastic  over  their  approach  to  the  Statue  of  Liberty,  in 
Xcw  York  Harbor.  f)n  the  right  is  a  grouj)  of  Marines  who  took  part  in  the  famous  battles  at  Chateau  Thierry, 
Belleau  Wood,  and  elsewhere.  All  of  them  have  been  awarded  the  Croix  de  Guerre  and  many  of  them  the  Dis- 
tinguished Service  Cross  also.) 


EUROPE  IN  TRANSITION 

BY  FRANK  H.  SIMONDS 


I.  Demobilization 

LAST  month  I  reviewed  in  some  detail 
the  main  political  problems  waiting  upon 
the  Versailles  Congress  for  settlement.  In 
the  present  article,  covering  in  the  main  the 
period  of  preliminary  conferences  necessarily 
secret,  before  the  main  work  begins,  I  shall 
discuss  briefly  some  of  the  salient  features  of 
another  great  phase  of  war  settlement,  which 
is  proceeding  rapidly,  changing  the  face  of 
Europe,  solving  some  problems  only  to  raise 
others — namely,  demobilization. 

Leaving  Russia  out  of  the  calculation,  we 
can  safely  estimate  that  not  less  than  twenty 
millions  of  men,  perhaps  thirty  millions,  are 
in  part  returning  to  peace  conditions,  and 
will  in  growing  numbers  return  in  the  next 
few  months  until  there  is  left  only  something 
like  the  number  which  was  regularly  em- 
ployed in  standing  armies  before  the  outbreak 
of  the  war. 

This  estimate  covers  Britain,  France, 
Germany,  Italy,  and  the  minor  states  which 
have  been  fighting,  including  the  fragments 
of  the  Austro-Hungarian  Empire. 

Not  all  of  this  number  (and  I  think  25,- 
000,000.  is  a  conservative  estimate),  not  half 
of  them,  are  returning  from  the  front ;  not 
half  of  them  have  ever  been  used  in  the  fight- 
ing. But  all  of  them  have  been  mobilized 
for  the  war,  all  of  them  have  been  working 
or  fighting,  occupied  with  tasks  which  were 
the  direct  or  the  indirect  outgrowth  of  the 
struggle,  tasks  which  were  practically  com- 
pleted when  the  German  power  to  resist  was 
broken  and  the  Armistice  of  Senlis  was  trans- 
formed into  effective  disarmament  of  the 
German  nation. 

Now  for  this  great  phenomenon  we  have 
no  parallel  in  history,  because  we  have  no 
previous  example  of  a  general  war  of  the 
peoples,  as  contrasted  with  the  states.  At 
the  close  of  the  Napoleonic  struggle  all  the 
European  states  had  large  armies,  but  France, 
most  completely  mobilized,  had  raised  500,- 
000  for  the  Waterloo  campaign  out  of  a 
population  of  25,000,000,  while  Serbia,  in 
the  present  war,  with  a  population  in  excess 
of  4,000,000,  but  under  5,000,000,  has  cer- 

Feb.— 3 


tainly  raised  400,000  men  for  fighting  service 
alone. 

In  the  old  wars  the  business  of  the  nations 
in  many  respects  went  on  as  before.  There 
were  men  left  to  plow  and  to  sow.  A  cen- 
tury ago  the  manufactures  were  still  insig- 
nificant. Supplying  an  army  with  material 
was  no  great  task.  In  no  small  degree  the 
armies  lived  on  the  regions  in  which  they 
fought  or  camped,  and  in  nearly  a  quarter 
of  a  century  of  almost  continuous  warfare 
only  an  insignificant  portion  of  France,  for 
example,  was  invaded,  while  Germany,  fre- 
quently overrun,  suffered  less  in  the  way  of 
destruction  of  material  wealth  than  any  one 
of  the  dozen  northern  departments  of  France 
in  the  latest  struggle. 

When  the  Napoleonic  Wars  were  over  the 
mass  of  the  soldiers  returned  to  the  condi- 
tions which  had  existed  before  the  struggle. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  those  who  had  long  been 
in  the  armies  found  better  conditions  of 
life,  of  communications,  of  material  pros- 
perity. At  least  this  was  true  in  Western 
Europe,  where  the  wonderful  achievements 
of  Napoleonic  organization  had  transformed 
territories  always  French,  or  territories  long 
occupied  by  French  armies  and  administered 
by  French  officials. 

And  this  demobilization  merely  involved 
the  soldiers.  There  was  nothing  to  compare 
with  the  contemporary  mobilization  of  the 
whole  male  population  of  the  country  and 
of  a  very  large  percentage  of  the  women. 
Actually  war,  even  the  great  Napoleonic 
Wars,  surpassing  the  wars  of  the  past  enor- 
mously, affected  but  a  relatively  small  per- 
centage of  the  population  of  any  country — 
so  small  a  percentage  that  the  soldiers  who 
returned  were  absorbed  easily;  they  created 
hardly  a  ripple  on  the  surface  of  the  eco- 
nomic sea. 

In  our  own  Civil  War  the  same  thing 
happened.  In  the  South  the  great  losses,  in 
proportion  to  the  total  white  population,  left 
a  gap  not  easily  filled,  while  the  change  of 
conditions  incident  to  freeing  the  slaves  im- 
posed upon  the  veterans  of  the  Southern  ar- 
mies burdens  which  consumed  all  their  in- 
dustries.    In  the   North,   while  in  part  the 

145 


146 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


absorption  was  rapid,  there  was  the  addi- 
tional factor  supplied  by  the  sudden  opening 
up  of  the  great  West.  Thither  went  thou- 
sands of  soldiers,  who,  having  preserved  the 
Union,  contributed  only  less  greatly  to  its 
future  by  laying  the  foundations  for  an  ex- 
pansion of  the  country  economically  to  the 
Pacific.  Thus  were  absorbed  those  who  did 
not  return  to  old  conditions. 

II.    The  Difference 

But  to-day  the  return  of  the  vast  hordes 
who  were  yesterday  either  in  the  armies  or 
the  factories  devoted  to  war  manufacture, 
presents  a  new  problem.  And  the  problem 
is  accentuated  by  the  fact  that  the  percent- 
age of  men  who  come  from  agricultural  pur- 
suits, as  contrasted  with  those  who  come  from 
industrial  occupations,  is  far  less  than  fifty 
years  ago.  A  century  ago  the  percentage  of 
the  population  not  engaged  in  agriculture 
was  comparatively  insignificant. 

For  those  who  left  the  farm  for  the  war, 
the  farm  remains,  save  in  devastated  dis- 
tricts, and  even  in  the  devastated  districts 
there  is  only  a  restricted  area  in  which,  with 
government  aid,  agriculture  cannot  soon  be 
renewed.  But  for  those  who  worked  in  the 
factories — certainly  the  larger  share  of  the 
British  and  German  mobilized  population — 
the  return  must  be  postponed  until  such  time 
as  the  industries  can  be  restored,  until  the 
factories  and  machine  shops,  which  have  been 
made  over  to  do  war  work — to  make  shells, 
for  example — can  be  transformed  to  their 
old  uses. 

Literally  millions  and  millions  of  men  and 
women  will  thus  be  temporarily  without  oc- 
cupation. In  France,  in  Belgium,  in  Po- 
land, there  must  be  added  to  this  the  popu- 
lation of  districts  whose  cities  have  been  de- 
stroyed, whose  factories  have  been  stripped 
of  their  machinery.  Before  the  war  Lille, 
for  example,  was  one  of  the  greatest  manu- 
facturing towns  of  Europe.  But  to-day,  al- 
though the  city  is  practically  intact  and  the 
population  only  slightly  reduced,  the  facto- 
ries are  without  machinery;  many  have  been 
ruined. 

In  the  northern  departments  of  France, 
which  have  been  fought  over  for  four  years, 
even  the  villages  are  gone  in  many  cases. 
The  agricultural  as  well  as  the  mechanical 
tools  are  lacking.  In  restricted  areas  even 
the  fruit  trees  have  disappeared,  while  for 
nearly  five  hundred  miles,  from  Switzerland 
to  the  sea,  there  is  a  strip,  varying  in  width 


from  twenty  to  fifty  miles,  which  is  more 
sterile  than  any  similar  area  of  the  world's 
surface,  save  the  immemorial  deserts,  by  rea- 
son of  long-continued  shell  fire. 

The  problem  of  demobilization  is,  then, 
difficult  in  the  extreme.  The  fighting  is 
over.  The  armies  may  in  the  main  go  home, 
but  having  gone  home,  what  shall  the  sol- 
diers or  even  the  mechanics  do?  How  shall 
they  resume  their  old  tasks  and  who  will  feed 
and  clothe  them  until  they  can  support  them- 
selves? To  defeat  Germany,  Europe  trans- 
formed itself  until  war  was  the  only  indus- 
try, but  it  took  four  years  to  do  this  and 
the  reverse  process  will  hardly  be  ma- 
terially shorter. 

Again,  there  is  the  question  of  communi- 
cations. Anyone  who  has  traveled  in  Eu- 
rope in  the  last  three  years  knows  how  pro- 
gressively the  railroads  have  run  down,  save 
only  those  lines  which  were  immediately  oc- 
cupied in  transporting  men  or  material  to 
the  front.  In  Britain,  in  Belgium,  in  France, 
railway  lines  used  before  the  war  for  ordi- 
nary purposes  have  been  taken  up  and  relaid 
along  the  front.  The  rolling  stock  of  all 
lines  has  gone  to  pieces  and  there  has  been 
almost  no  renewal.  The  roadbeds  have  de- 
teriorated because  there  was  lacking;  both  ma- 
terial and  labor. 

Add  to  this  the  consequences  of  submarine 
warfare  on  the  ocean  tonnage.  The  world 
is  short  of  shipping,  desperately  short,  and 
moreover  such  shipping  as  exists  must  in  no 
small  measure  be  employed  in  moving  mil- 
lions of  troops  back  to  America,  Canada, 
Australia,  and  in  transporting  provisions  to 
the  armies  still  maintained  in  Europe  by 
British  and  French  colonies,  as  well  as  by  the 
Unitod  States.  Great  maritime  ports  like 
Havre  have  been  entirely  taken  over  by  the 
military  and  the  naval  authorities  and  can 
only  be  turned  back  after  long  delays,  which 
will  be  extended  by  the  need  of  readjust- 
ing things  for  the  work  of  commerce.  How 
long  before  Paris  can  expect  to  have  full  use 
of  Havre,  Its  natural  port,  is  a  thing  no  one 
can  forecast. 

Now  one  may  multiply  the  examples  of 
this  dislocation  in  the  life  of  the  nations 
which  have  won  the  war,  which  have  suffered 
no  essential  transformation  In  their  political 
or  economic  conditions,  have  not  experienced 
defeat  or  revolution  and  find  themselves  in 
such  relations  with  their  former  commercial 
markets  that  they  can,  as  soon  as  it  is  pos- 
sible, look  forward  to  new  and  even  ex- 
tended trade  with  them.     Yet  mobillzatioD 


EUROPE   IN    TRANSITION 


147 


and  demobilization  cannot  take  place  in  the 
same  way.  Millions  may  be  called  to  arms  in 
a  relatively  restricted  time,  but  even  there 
wise  authority  waits  upon  immediate  neces- 
sity, but  millions  cannot  be  demobilized  in  a 
month  or  even  a  year  without  dangers  incal- 
culable, political  quite  as  much  as  economic. 

III.    In  Germany 

Now,  looking  at  the  German  aspect,  it 
will  be  seen  that  the  difficulties  are  enor- 
mously increased.  Germany  has  not  been 
devastated,  but  Germany  is  invaded.  More 
German  territory  is  now  in  Allied  hands 
than  Germany  ever  held  in  France  and  al- 
most half  of  it,  Alsace-Lorraine,  is  perma- 
nently lost,  while  even  larger  areas  are  either 
in  Polish  hands  or  are  scenes  of  contests  be- 
tween Polish  and  German  elements,  which 
are  steadily  growing  more  bitter. 

But  not  only  is  Germany  invaded ;  she  is 
still  blockaded.  Her  great  ports  are  as  idle 
as  they  were  at  this  time  last  year.  Her 
fleet,  her  commercial  fleet,  is  still  locked  up 
in  home  or  neutral  ports,  and  it  remains  a 
matter  of  doubt  as  to  whether  it  may  not  im- 
mediately pass  .to  Allied  control,  and  pass 
permanently,  to  make  good  the  loss  of  Allied 
marine  incident  to  the  undersea  warfare  of 
the  past  four  years. 

Again,  Germany  is  deprived  of  all  possible 
chance  to  import  those  raw  materials  neces- 
sary to  her  industry.  She  cannot  start  her 
factories,  even  when  she  has  transformed 
them  to  peace  uses  again,  unless  she  gets  per- 
mission. To  this  must  be  added  the  fact  that 
the  French  have  retaken  the  Lorraine  iron 
fields,  stolen  from  them  in  1871,  and  will 
hold  them  henceforth.  Thus  Germany  loses 
a  very  important  source  of  her  iron  supplies. 
In  addition  the  Poles  are  almost  certain  to 
take  the  great  coal  fields  of  Upper  Silesia. 
The  French  may  retake  the  coal  districts  of 
the  Saar,  taken  from  them  by  the  Germans 
in  1814  and  1815. 

Back  of  all'  this  stands  the  fact  that  Ger- 
many cannot  expect  immediately,  perhaps 
ever,  to  reclaim  her  old  markets  in  countries 
once  open  to  her.  The  character  of  the  war 
has  closed  many  avenues  of  trade  to  her — 
if  not  forever,  for  that  important  period 
when  she  will  seek  to  get  on  her  feet  again. 
In  the  same  way  neither  Britain  nor  France 
is  likely  again  to  open  its  ports  to  German 
ships  on  the  old  terms,  and  the  same  is  true 
of  Italy.  All  three  nations  permitted  Ger- 
many to  compete  with  their  own  citizens  in 


home  lands  on  equal  terms.  This  will  not 
occur  again  for  at  least  a  generation,  and 
Germany  is  thrown  back  upon  South  Amer- 
ica as  possibly  her  leading  non-hostile 
market. 

But  if  the  machinery  of  national  business 
in  Allied  nations  has  in  a  large  measure  run 
down,  that  in  Germany,  despite  the  absence 
of  devastating  invasion,  has  gone  still  more 
to  general  rack  and  ruin.  Her  railroads  are 
in  worse  condition  than  the  British  and  the 
French.  Such  essential  materials  as  rubber 
have  long  been  lacking.  Her  cities,  once  the 
cleanest,  have  become  the  dirtiest  in  Europe, 
and  her  population,  while  never  starved,  has 
suffered  more  from  underfeeding  over  a  long 
period  than  that  of  any  other  great  nation 
in  the  war. 

To  all  this  must  be  added  the  financial 
condition  due  to  the  losses  of  the  war.  All 
nations  have  piled  up  terrific  debts,  but  to  the 
internal  debt  of  Germany  must  now  be  added 
that  external  debt  which  will  be  demanded 
by  her  conquerors  to  repair  the  injuries,  the 
wanton  injuries  and  devastations,  of  German 
armies  in  the  hour  of  temporary  victory. 
To  pay  for  these  injuries  Germany  will  have 
to  turn  over  in  the  next  few  years  sums 
which  it  is  impossible  to  calculate,  but  will 
hardly  fall  very  far  below  the  $20,000,000,- 
000  mark. 

This  is  the  condition  which  confronts 
some  ten  million  men,  now  returning  from 
the  battle  front  or  laying  down  their  tools 
in  the  war  industrial  establishments.  Nor  is 
this  all.  Besides  there  are  the  factors  which 
grow  out  of  the  revolution.  The  whole 
governmental  system  of  Germany  has  been 
upset.  Not  all  the  old  officials  are  gone,  but 
almost  all  are  going,  and  with  their  de- 
parture progressive  deterioration  is  inevitable. 
The  old  police  force  has  gone,  for  example, 
and  order  is  maintained  haphazard  in  a 
country  once  the  most  rigidly  policed  in  the 
world.  The  railroad  system,  once  the  model 
of  the  Continent,  has  become  a  thing  of  mere 
chance.  Trains  run  or  fail  to  run  with  no 
apparent  regard  to  public  convenience 
or    necessity. 

Such  is  the  German  problem  of  demobili- 
zation, accentuated  by  the  political  revolu- 
tion, replete  with  minor  problems  which  must 
take  a  full  generation  to  solve  and  full  of 
dangers  which  can  hardly  be  overestimated 
when  one  thinks  of  the  events  in  Russia, 
where  the  conditions  were,  to  be  sure,  worse, 
but  the  population  more  fully  accustomed  to 
hardship  and  inefficiency. 


148 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


IV.    Casualties 

We  have  further  to  reckon  the  effect  upon 
Europe  of  the  terrible  battle  losses.  Exact 
figures  are  still  lacking,  but  approximate 
statistics  of  slaughter  are  beginning  to  be 
available.  We  know  that  the  German  loss 
in  killed  alone  was  not  less  than  2,000,000; 
the  French,  1,400,000;  the  British,  1,000,- 
000;  the  Italian,  500,000;  the  Austrian, 
close  to  1,500,000.  At  least  6,500,000  men, 
the  best  of  the  various  countries,  were  thus 
removed  by  death  due  to  wounds  or  disease 
among  the  five  great  powers. 

But  to  these  figures  we  must  add  many 
more  millions  who  died  as  an  indirect  conse- 
quence of  the  struggle — children  by  the  hun- 
dreds of  thousands,  for  example;  and  it  will 
probably  never  be  possible  to  fix  the  mor- 
tality of  the  populations  of  invaded  districts 
in  Belgium  and  France.  Thus,  while  demo- 
bilization releases  vast  masses  of  men,  it  can- 
not restore  many  millions  who  were  the  most 
valuable  part  of  the  industrial  resources  of 
the  great  powers. 

And  as  men  have  been  drawn  to  the  armies 
in  ever-increasing  numbers  to  replace  the 
vast  wastage  in  casualties,  women  have  been 
drawn  into  industry  until  to-day  many 
Enropean  cities  are  mainly  operated  by 
women,  while  millions  of  women  have 
achieved  independence  and  prosperity  by  la- 
bor hitherto  performed  by  men.  Moreover, 
upon  these  women,  in  Britain,  the  vote  has 
already  been  bestowed,  and  the  same  is  true 
in  Germany.  What,  therefore,  will  be  the 
political  consequences  of  this  double  trans- 
formation of  the  role  of  the  woman,  first 
industrial  and  then  political? 

Now  it  is  an  axiom  of  all  European  poli- 
tics that  the  world  is  waiting  upon  the  re- 
turn of  the  soldier,  upon  demobilization. 
The  men  who  ran  the  war,  on  the  political 
side,  are  still  in  charge,  but  their  day  is  rap- 
idly drawing  to  a  close,  unless  it  shall  prove 
that  the  soldiers  returning  from  the  trenches 
and  the  workmen  returning  from  factories 
where,  because  of  war  necessities,  they  have 
been  able  to  demand  and  receive  huge  wages 
and  vastly  improved  conditions  of  labor,  give 
their  support  to  the  men  now  in  power ;  and 
those  who  are  in  power  show  little  confi- 
dence that  this  will  occur. 

The  labor  problems  of  the  time  to  come 
are  too  vast  even  to  be  suggested  here,  but 
one  may  measure  the  political  possibilities 
when  it  is  recalled  that  in  Great  Britain 
there  is  a  firm  conviction  in  many  quarters 


that  a  Labor  Ministry  will  follow  the  new 
Lloyd  George  Cabinet  and  at  no  very  dis- 
tant time.  Labor  and  Women,  these  two 
elements — the  one  wholly  transformed,  the 
other  a  new  factor — are  certain  to  add  to 
the  puzzles  of  the  time  that  is  to  come. 

Thus  roughly  I  have  striven  to  recapitu- 
late some  of  the  main  features  of  the  situa- 
tion which  exists  in  Europe  at  the  moment 
when  the  Congress  of  Versailles  is  under- 
taking its  colossal  task.  In  every  one  of  the 
great  countries  of  Europe  there  is  the  plain 
possibility  that  revolution,  peaceful  or  vio- 
lent, may  at  any  moment  intervene  to  recall 
the  delegates  representing  them  at  Versailles. 
The  volcano  is  there.  One  may  exaggerate 
its  immediate  threat.  One  must  recognize 
that  there  are  two  Europes,  only  one  of 
which  is  fully  represented  at  Versailles. 

If  German  revolution  takes  a  violent,  a 
Russian,  form  the  Congress  of  Versailles  will 
have  to  be  adjourned  to  deal  with  the  Ger- 
man problem,  as  the  Congress  of  Vienna  was 
adjourned  to  permit  Europe  to  dispose  of 
Napoleon  at  Waterloo.  If  the  debates  at 
Versailles  are  too  long  protracted  or  take 
forms  distasteful  to  the  demobilizing  mil- 
lions, changes  in  ministry,  or  even  more  vio- 
lent changes,  in  various  Allied  countries  may 
likewise  affect  the   Peace   Conference. 

We  in  America  have  no  accurate  appre- 
ciation of  European  conditions  because  we 
have  nothing  at  home  with  which  to  com- 
pare them.  The  peoples  of  Europe  have 
been  strained  by  this  war  almost  to  the 
breaking  point.  In  Russia  they  have  broken. 
The  whole  fabric  of  their  economic  and  po- 
litical life  has  been  changed.  Having 
fought  and  suffered  untold  agonies  for  four 
years,  millions  of  men  are  now  returning, 
not  to  peace  conditions,  but  to  paralysis  of 
all  peace  industries  following  upon  the  trans- 
formations due  to  the  war.  Those  who 
would  work  may  be  unable  to  work  for 
months,  perhaps  for  years.  Those  who 
would  not  work  will  find  an  infinite  oppor- 
tunity for  agitation  and  disorder. 

V.    Dangers 

I  think  it  is  the  common  belief  of  most 
of  the  best-informed  observers  of  European 
conditions  that  the  war  went  far  too  long  to 
permit  a  return  to  the  conditions  of  1914 
in  any  of  the  great  nations.  Men  differ 
widely  as  to  what  is  coming.  Bolshevism 
is  certainly  one  of  the  things  that  has  grown 
out  of  the  exhaustion  of  one  great  nation. 


EUROPE    IN    TRANSITION 


149 


The  paralysis  of  German  leadership,  with 
certain  Bolshevistic  tendencies,  is  at  least  a 
related  phenomenon.  But  the  changes  which 
are  assured  in  Britain  are  different  rather  in 
the  manner  they  are  to  be  accomplished  than 
in  their  extent,  if  Englishmen  are  to  be 
believed. 

The  thing  which  I  am  trying  to  say  is  that 
we  in  America  shall  make  a  very  great  mis- 
take now  if,  the  war  being  over,  we  concen- 
trate our  attention  upon  the  Congress  of 
Versailles  alone.  There  are  other  great  forces 
at  work  on  the  Continent.  Europe  is  in  tran- 
sition. This  World's  War,  with  all  its  ter- 
rible sufferings,  has  unmistakably  produced 
a  dislocation  of  thought  and  of  policy  compa- 
rable only  with  the  same  effects  of  the  Wars 
of  the  French  Revolution. 

The  Congress  of  Vienna,  which  sought  to 
liquidate  the  Wars  of  the  French  Revolu- 
tion and  of  Napoleon,  was  blind  to  the  facts 
which  had  been  established  during  the  great 
conflicts  which  it  undertook  to  liquidate.  It 
went  blandly  and  confidently  to  the  task  of 
restoring  the  Europe  of  1789  in  1815.  The 
result  was  that  nothing  of  its  work  survived 
the  century,  while  almost  every  detail  in  its 
peace-making  turned  out  to  be  a  direct  cause 
of  a  later  war.  The  greatest  problem  to- 
day must  be  whether  the  Versailles  Congress 
will  better  understand  its  world  than  did 
the  last  similar  gathering. 

But,  unlike  the  Congress  of  Vienna,  that 
of  Versailles  has  not  a  firm  grip  upon  the 
world.  I  have  dwelt  upon  the  different 
conditions  in  1815  and  1919.  Then  the 
masses  of  the  populations  of  the  various 
countries  were  not  involved  in  the  war. 
Relatively  small  bodies  of  men,  only,  were 
demobilized  and  the  governments  themselves 
were  the  unchallenged  masters  of  their  na- 
tions. This  is  not  true  to-day.  It  is  not  even 
approximately  true.  Either  the  governments 
represented  at  Versailles  will  follow  the  will 
of  their  respective  publics  or  they  will  fall, 
while  the  conference  is  still  in  progress.  In 
a  very  large  degree  all  the  various  ministries 
of  the  Allied  countries  are  provisional,  de- 
pending upon  constituencies  whose  will  has 
not  been  ascertained,  since  the  voting  popu- 
lation has  been  mainly  under  arms  for  the 
past  four  years. 

And  we  must  expect  the  currents  of  na- 
tional emotion,  unperceived  at  this  distance, 
but  instantly  and  powerfully  felt  in  Paris, 
to  have  a  great  influence  upon  the  historic 
debates  at  Versailles.  Peace  is  being  made 
at  a  moment  when  the  whole  economic  and 


political  systems  of  the  great  as  well  as  the 
small  European  nations  are  in  a  state  bor- 
dering upon  chaos.  Concomitant  with  this 
process  of  winding  up  the  war,  there  will  be 
going  on  the  far  vaster  task  of  beginning  the 
business  of  peace,  economically,  industrially. 
Problems  of  food  and  of  work  will  press 
upon  the  ministers  who  are  debating  at  Ver- 
sailles the  questions  of  frontiers  and  of  in- 
ternational agreements. 

The  Congress  of  Vienna  broke  up  with 
its  work  only  summarily  done  because  Napo- 
leon suddenly  returned  from  Elba  and  threat- 
ened to  undo  all  that  had  been  accomplished. 
Versailles  will  be  under  a  similar  threat 
growing  out  of  the  dangers  and  the  menaces 
to  be  found  in  the  conditions  in  each  great 
nation  as  a  consequence  of  the  prolongation 
of  'the  war.  Before  it  has  progressed  far 
powerful  voices  may  be  raised  among  the 
newly  returned  soldier  and  workman  ele- 
ments in  one  or  many  nations,  and  these 
voices  will  have  to  be  heeded. 

Moreover,  keeping  step  with  the  Versailles 
Congress,  great  transformations  will  be  go- 
ing on  in  all  countries.  United  for  more 
than  four  years  in  a  common  determination 
to  destroy  the  German  peril,  all  the  various 
elements  in  the  political  life  of  the  several 
nations  of  Europe  have  regained  and  re- 
asserted their  freedom  with  the  victory.  Po- 
litical feuds  and  struggles  suspended  for  the 
war  have  been  renewed.  Not  only  this,  but 
the  balance  between  the  forces  has  been 
greatly  shifted  in  many  instances.  Labor, 
for  example,  has  attained  a  new  influence, 
which  may  make  it  at  least  temporarily 
dominant  in  several  nations  and  capable  of 
naming  its  own  leaders  as  the  ministers  of 
the  governments. 

VI.    The  Fact 

It  is  entirely  possible,  it  is  even  probable, 
that  in  the  main  Europe  will  outwardly  slip 
back  into  old  ways,  at  least  for  the  time. 
The  very  exhaustion,  which  seems  to  be 
fraught  with  so  much  menace,  may  prove  in 
the  end  to  restrain  exactly  the  forces  which 
are  most  feared.  Yet,  holding  to  the  opti- 
mistic view  as  one  must,  we  are  bound  to 
realize  that  it  may  prove  that  the  end  of  the 
World  War  is  by  no  means  the  end  of  our 
perplexities,  our  confusions,  and  even  our 
agonies. 

There  are  two  situations  in  Europe,  in 
the  world  to-day,  only  one  of  them  mirrored 
at    Versailles,    and    the  other,    the   economic 


150 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


and  political  situation  of  Europe,  will  inevi- 
tably undo  and  overset  the  work  of  the  Ver- 
sailles gathering  if  it  takes  directions  which 
are  at  least  forecast  by  events  in  Russia  and 
in  Germany.  We  have  nothing  in  America 
that  remotely  suggests  European  conditions. 
We  have  nothing  which  supplies  us  with 
any  measuring-stick.  We  are  in  Europe  and 
in  the  world  of  affairs,  at  this  moment  cen- 
tering in  Europe,  to  stay.  But  in  this  state 
of  flux  we  are  almost  the  only  wholly  stable 
element. 

The  Congress  of  Versailles  is  undertaking 
to  settle  political  questions,  to  redraw  polit- 
ical boundaries,  and  to  redistribute  political 
possessions.  It  is  making  a  new  map  of 
Europe,  western  Asia,  and  Africa.  It  is  un- 
dertaking to  fix  questions  of  indemnities  and 
last  of  all  to  erect  some  sort  of  association 
of  the  nations  of  the  world  which  will  make 
war  impossible  in  the  future  and  provide  the 
machinery  for  international  combination 
against  any  disturbing  factor. 

But  at  the  same  moment  there  is  abroad  in 
Europe  another  spirit  which  seeks  not  to 
abolish  but  to  perpetuate  war,  to  substitute 
for  international  warfare  the  warfare  of  the 
classes.  For  those  who  press  this  newer  doc- 
trine that  nationalism  which  at  Versailles  is 
to  be  a  dominant  principle,  is  liberating  en- 
slaved races  and  protecting  small  nations,  is 
of  no  importance.  Internationalism,  not  na- 
tionalism, is  the  prevailing  principle  of  Bol- 
shevism, and  Bolshevism  borrowed  it  di- 
rectly from  German  Socialism. 

If  the  Russian  gospel  prevails  in  Germany, 
Western  Europe  will  find  itself  condemned 
to  a  new  struggle,  nor  will  it  be  immune 
from  internal  dissensions  growing  out  of  the 
presence  in  Italy,  France,  and  even  in  Eng- 
land, of  those  who  hold  to  the  principles 
professed  in  Russia  to-day. 

We  must  see  the  thing  as  it  is.  We  hope 
and  we  believe  that  order  and  democracy, 
as  we  understand  and  practise  it  in  Amer- 
ica, will  continue  to  prevail  in  western  Eu- 
rope and  ultimately  rise  to  control  in  the 
lands  east  of  the  Rhine  and  of  the  Vistula. 
If  it  does,  if  the  work  of  Versailles 
is  performed  in  accordance  with  the  prin- 
ciples of  liberal  democracy,  of  representative 
democracy,  which  concedes  the  fundamental 
axiom  that  just  governments  derive  their 
authority  from  the  consent  of  the  governed, 
if  no  new  Alsace-Lorraine  is  created  and  no 
old  offense  like  those  of  Vienna  against  Italy 
repeated,  the  results  will  endure  and  prove 
the    foundation    for    a   better   world,    but    a 


world  which  has  progressed  without  new 
and  general  revolution. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  conditions  of  de- 
mobilization, of  economic  disorder  and  dis- 
organization in  all  the  nations  which  have 
been  long  at  war,  provide  the  situations  and 
the  material  out  of  which  revolutions  may 
develop.  The  next  year  is  going  to  be  far 
more  critical  than  the  last,  when  the  enemy, 
strong  as  he  was,  could  be  recognized  and 
fought  across  the  trench-lines.  And  the 
greatest  dangers  and  the  most  important  de- 
velopments will  not  be  discovered  by  the 
most  patient  observation  of  the  Conference. 

At  Vienna  Old  Europe  undertook  to  lay 
down  the  conditions  under  which  a  new 
Europe  it  knew  nothing  about,  save  to  hate, 
should  henceforth  exist.  The  failure  was 
prompt  and  immeasurable.  Now,  I  think 
everyone  must  recognize  that,  as  a  conse- 
quence of  the  recent  war,  there  is,  not  a  New 
Europe  but  a  new  world,  and  the  question 
to-day  is  whether  the  statesmen  who  meet  at 
Versailles  and,  in  the  great  majority  of  cases, 
represent  the  Old  World  of  1914  perfectly, 
can  understand  or  sympathetically  represent 
the  new.  We  in  America  think  of  the  war 
as  political  and  of  the  forthcoming  peace  in 
political  terms,  with  certain  moral  amend- 
ments, but  there  are  millions  in  Europe  who 
are  thinking  not  in  political  or  moral  terms, 
as  we  understand  them,  but  economic.  They 
believe'  that  destruction  incident  to  the  war, 
destruction  of  institutions  as  well  as  prop- 
erty, has  cleared  the  way  for  them.  Through- 
out the  next  few  months  we  can  never  af- 
ford for  a  moment  to  cease  watching  them 
or  forget  that  none  of  the  principles  which 
they  advocate  will  be  ch-ampioned  at  Ver- 
sailles, which  means  that,  so  far  as  they  are 
able,  they  will  compel  the  repudiation  of  the 
Treaty  of  Versailles,  when  it  is  made. 

VII.    The  Task 

In  a  very  real  sense,  then,  we  may  say  of 
the  Congress  of  Versailles  that  it  represents 
a  desperate  effort  of  democracy,  as  we  under- 
stand it,  to  liquidate  the  World  War  and 
so  liquidate  it  as  to  preserve  itself.  If  it 
succeeds,  if  at  the  same  time  those  men  and 
those  political  parties  now  in  control  in 
France,  Britain,  and  Italy,  succeed  in  pre- 
venting domestic  disorder  and  in  achieving 
international  accord,  then  the  dangers  which 
Bolshevism  and  its  milder  German  image 
typify  may  be  escaped. 

But  the  alternative  is  obvious  and  under- 


EUROPE   IN    TRANSITION 


151 


lies  all  the  European  apprehension,  unmis- 
takable to-day,  when  the  Versailles  Confer- 
ence is  assembling.  The  German  aspect  of 
the  war  disappeared  with  the  signing  of  the 
Armistice  of  Senlis.  Disarmed  Germany  is 
no  longer  a  peril,  and  there  is  not  the  small- 
est likelihood  that  we  shall  have  to  fear  a 
German  attack  for  decades  to  come.  The 
collapse  of  militarism  in  Germany  is  more 
complete  than  that  of  militarism  as  expressed 
by  Napoleon  in  France  a  century  ago.  It 
has  not  only  failed,  but  instead  of  Waterloo, 
with  its  magnificent  if  disastrous  fight,  there 
is  the  inglorious  surrendering  of  the  fleet  and 
quitting  of  the  army,  with  guns  still  in  its 
hands  and  its  machine  intact  in  all  save 
courage. 

But  the  collapse  of  Germany  has  served 
to  reveal  new  dangers.  Almost  a  year  ago 
conservative  elements  in  Britain,  of  which 
Lord  Lansdowne  was  the  most  conspicuous 
spokesman,  perceived  that  a  new  peril,  even 
greater  for  the  things  they  cared  about  than 
the  German,  was  arising,  and,  perceiving  it, 
bade  us  make  peace,  lest  the  old  order  be 
utterly  destroyed  and  Germany,  ultimately 
sinking  to  defeat,  drag  down  with  her  all 
existing  governments  and  systems.  The 
warning  was  repulsed  with  all  proper  scorn. 
It  was  an  appeal  to  save  property  at  the  ex- 
pense of  principle  and  privilege  at  the  cost 
of  justice. 


Yet  the  thing  Lord  Lansdowne  saw  re- 
mains. It  is  a  visible  fact  within  the  vision 
of  every  intelligent  statesman  in  Europe  to- 
day. There  is  no  longer  any  question  in 
Europe  of  saving  everything  that  existed  be- 
fore the  war.  It  is  now  a  problem  of  saving 
the  best  and  avoiding  the  most  obvious  dan- 
gers inherent  in  the  new  principles  which 
rule  from  the  Urals  to  the  Niemen  and  exer- 
cise a  mighty  influence  to  the  east  bank  of  the 
Rhine,  which  at  the  same  time  find  disquiet- 
ing echoes  on  the  banks  of  the  Seine  and  the 
Thames. 

In  the  articles  which  I  shall  write  for  this 
magazine  from  Europe,  henceforth,  I  shall 
seek  to  discuss  both  the  political  questions 
which  form  the  basis  of  the  negotiations  at 
Versailles  and  the  economic  questions  which 
are  raised  both  by  the  Bolshevist  and  the 
Socialistic  revolutions  in  Germany  and  the 
disorganization  of  the  industrial  life  of  the 
western  and  victorious  countries.  As  I  see 
it,  Europe  is  already  divided  by  a  great  con- 
test between  representative  democracy  in  the 
West  and  extreme  radical  and  even  anarchis- 
tic socialism  in  the  East,  and  the  decision  in 
this  greater  conflict  may  depend  upon  the 
success  or  failure  of  the  Congress  of  Ver- 
sailles, where  representative  democracy  is 
undertaking  to  reorganize  Europe,  while  sav- 
ing it  from  the  anarchy  that  is  threatened 
even  now. 


BACK  AGAIN 
The  Traveler:   "Und  this  is  the  very  i)lacc   I  started  from  almost  fifty  years  ago! 

From    The   Tiwcx   (New   York) 


g)  Harris  &  Ewing,  Washington 

THE  LATE. WALTER  HINES  PAGE,  FORMER  AMBASSADOR  TO  GREAT  BRITAIN 
The  death  of  Mr.  Page  occurred  in  North  Carolina,  December  22.  This  was  the  State 
of  his  birth,  and  he  was  an  admirable  representative  of  the  strong  and  sturdy  leaders  who 
have  come  from  the  South  Atlantic  States.  After  a  classical  education  in  North  Carolina, 
Virginia,  and  Maryland,  he  chose  journalism  as  his  profession,  and  in  due  time  came  to  New 
York  where,  after  several  years  of  daily  newspaper  work,  he  succeeded  Mr.  Metcalf  as  editor 
and  manager  of  the  Forum.  A  few  years  later  he  became  the  editor  of  the  Atlantic  Monthly, 
and  subsequently  a  partner  in  the  firm  of  Doubleday,  Page  &  Co.,  and  the  editor  of  The  World's 
li'ork.  He  was  very  influential  in  movements  for  the  progress  of  southern  education,  and 
always  a  faithful  and  courageous  friend  of  the  negro  race  in  all  that  made  for  its  true  welfare. 
President  Wilson,  in  1913,  appointed  Mr,  Page  Ambassador  to  Great  Britain  to  succeed 
the  late  Mr,  Reid,  Following  a  long  line  of  eminent  and  brilliant  predecessors  at  the  Court  of 
St.  James's,  he  fully  sustained  the  tradition.  Though  not  so  polished  a  dinner  speaker  as 
Choate,  It  may  be  said  that  Page  was  superior  in  characteristic  American  humor.  The  genu- 
ineness of  his  qualities  and  the  soundness  of  his  common-sense  greatly  endeared  him  to  all 
classes  of  the  British  people.  There  is  much  testimony  from  England  to  the  effect  that  no 
American  Ambassador  has  ever  been  held  there  in  warmer  regard,  while  no  other  has  been 
deemed  more  worthy  in  every  sense  of  the  position  and  its  dignities,  Mr.  Page  was  born  in  1855, 
and  was  therefore  in  his  sixty-fourth  year.  He  had  resigned  on  account  of  ill  health,  due  to  war- 
time overstrain,  and  had  returned  to  this  country  in  October. — A.  S. 


THEODORE  ROOSEVELT, 
BOY  AND  MAN 

BY  GEORGE  HAVEN  PUTNAM 

THE   death  of  Theodore  Roosevelt  has  tive-minded  and  enterprising.   He  was  rather 

brought  sorrow  and  the  feeling  of  per-  slight  in  physique,  and  later  during  his  col- 

sonal  loss  to  millions  who  have  never  seen  lege  years  there  was  dread  of  tuberculosis, 

the  man,  and  had  never  even  read  his  writ-  The  doctors  advised  a  long  open-air  experi- 

ings.     Roosevelt's  vital  personality  had   im-  ence,  and  in  his  junior  year  Theodore  was 

pressed  itself  upon  his  fellows  to  an  extent  sent  out  to  Montana,  where  he  took  in  ex- 

for  which  there  is  no  parallel  in  the  rela-  perience  as  a  cowboy   and   ranchman.      He 

tions    with    the    community    of    any    other  learned  to  ride  and  to  shoot,  and  his  riding 

American — I  may  say  of  any  other  leader —  and  his  shooting  (the  latter  done  under  the 

of  his  generation.     The  youngsters,  with  no  difficulties  of  near-sightedness)  were  both  of 

understanding  of  the  part  played  in  great  af-  the  first  class, 

fairs  by  this  man  of  energy,  have  thought  of  n       i   r  -f    -     n^ 

''Teddy"    Roosevelt    as    one    of    themselves.  Ranch  Life  tn  Montana 

The  boys  realized   instinctively — what  asso-  I  remember  a  word  given  to  me  by  the 

ciates  of  our  friend  knew  through  their  per-  senior  cowboy  of  Theodore's  ranch,  who  ac- 

sonal  experiences — that,  notwithstanding  his  companied  his  chief  a  year  or  two  later  to 

three-score     years     of     strenuous     activities,  New  York,  in  regard  to  Theodore's  encoun- 

Roosevelt  had  never  lost  his  youth.     In  en-  ter  with  a  grizzly.     "The  party  came  sud- 

joyment  of   life,   exuberance  of   feeling,   ab-  denly  upon  a  bear  which  charged  at  Theo- 

sorption   in   the  things   of  the   moment   and  dore.     For  once  his  trusty  rifle  snapped  fire, 

confident  optimism,  Theodore  remained  un-  and  it  looked  as  if  he  could  not  escape  the 

til  the  last  a  boy — a  boy  sometimes  perhaps  bear's  onset.     A  tree,  with  an  over-hanging 

perverse  and   troublesome — but   always   pos-  branch,  happened  to  be  within  reach,  and  as 

sessing  a  charming  magnetism  which  won  the  the  bear  charged,  Theodore  jumped,   lifted 

love  of  all  who  knew  him.  himself  by  one  arm  and  swung  clear  over  the 

It  was  more  than  fifty  years  ago  that  I  back  of  the  grizzly.    A  shot  from  one. of  the 

first    knew    Theodore    the    boy.      He    was  cowboys  crippled  the  bear,  which  was  then 

brought  up  in  an  attractive  home  circle.    His  finished  by  Theodore's  second   rifle."     The 

father,  Theodore  the  first,  was  one  of  the  cowboy  added,  **Mr.  Roosevelt  lets  old  Eph- 

unselfish    public-spirited    citizens    who    did  raim    [the   ranch   name   for   grizzly]    get   a 

much  for  the  welfare  of  New  York  and  of  good  deal  nearer  than  we  should  like." 

his  fellow  men  generally.     It  was  to  the  ini-  The  American  boys  have  always  been  in- 

tiation   and   unselfish   cooperation   of   Theo-  terested  in  reading  of  the  pleasure  taken  by 

dore's  father  and  uncle  that  the  City  owes  Theodore  in  sport  and  of  his  skill  as  a  hunts- 

the  Roosevelt  Hospital,  and  this  is  only  one  man.     Those  who  read  the  accounts  of  his 

of  the  many  obligations  to  the  family.  hunting  experiences  understood   that   Roose- 

The  father  represented,  as  we  all  know,  velt  never  killed  for  waste.     He  was  a  thor- 

the  old  Dutch  stock  of  the  city,  which,  how-  ough  student  of  nature,  of  birds  and  animals, 

ever,  as  far  as  energy  and  active-mindedness  and  authorities  on  the  science  of  nature,  such 

was    concerned,     had     become    very     much  as  John  Burroughs,  tell  us  that  Roosevelt's 

Americanized.     Theodore's  mother,   a  most  knowledge  was  precise  and  trustworthy.     He 

charming  and  gentle-natured  lady,  came  from  could    use   in    political    utterances    examples 

an  old  Georgia  family.     Her  brother.  Com-  taken   from   his  nature  experience.     Among 

modore    Bulloch,    was    in    fact    the    director  these,  I  may  recall  his  phrase  of  approval  of 

during  the  Civil  War  of  the  naval  opera-  the  character  and  work  of  a  political  asso- 

tions  of  the  Confederacy  in  Europe.  ciate.      "His   career,"   said   Theodore,    "was 

Theodore  the  younger  was,  as  a  boy,  ac-  as  clean  as  a  hound's  tooth." 

153 


154 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


In  the  Publishing  Business 

After  getting  through  with  his  college 
work,  Theodore  came  to  my  office  with  the 
view  of  securing  some  business  experience. 
He  became  a  special  partner,  but  his  -home 
was  near  to  the  office,  and  he  found  it  con- 
venient to  place  his  desk  next  to  mine  and 
to  carry  on  his  correspondence  and  his  other 
activities  from  the  publishing  headquarters. 

He  became  promptly  interested  in  pub- 
lishing possibilities,  and  he  showed  me  from 
week  to  week  how  the  business  ought  to 
be  run.  His  plans  were,  naturally  for  the 
most  part,  not  practicable,  but  he  took  with 
full  good-nature,  the  turning  down  of  his 
suggestions.  I  found  myself  holding  the 
young  man  in  increasing  regard,  but  there 
was  difficulty  in  carrying  on  my  correspond- 
ence with  this  exuberant  and  suggestive  per- 
sonality at  my  right  hand.  I  was  glad, 
therefore,  to  have  the  opportunity  of  sug- 
gesting to  the  Republican  committee  in  the 
district  that  Roosevelt  would  make  an  ex- 
cellent representative  in  the  Assembly.  He 
came  into  the  office  on  one  Monday  in  great 
delight,  with  the  nomination  in  his  hand. 

"Haven,"  he  said,  "I  am  going  into  poli- 
tics. I  have  always  wanted  to  have  a  chance 
of  taking  hold  of  public  affairs."  He  never 
knew  how  the  suggestion  had  come  up,  but, 
of  course,  it  was  only  a  question  of  one 
month  or  another  as  to  his  getting  hold  of 
the  political  life  in 'which  he  was  so  keenly 
interested. 

In  Politics  at  Twenty-four 

It  w^as,  if  I  remember  rightly,  in  his 
rvventy-fourth  year,  that  Theodore  began  his 
political  life  by  service  in  the  Assembly.  He 
had  already  married  a  wife  and  was  writing 
his  first  book — a  book  that  still  remains  an 
authority.  It  was  the  "History  of  the  Naval 
War  of  1812." 

The  year  1882  was  for  him,  therefore, 
fully  occupied.  As  a  rule,  a  new  Assembly- 
man is  not  able — however  ambitious  and 
energetic — to  get  a  hearing  during  his  first 
term.  Roosevelt,  however,  made  himself 
felt  at  once.  He  worked  wn'th  the  Repub- 
lican leader  in  general  party  matters,  but  he 
refused  to  be  bound  by  party  shackles  in  re- 
gard to  municipal  matters,  or  in  regard  to 
ai\v  individual  bills  on  which  he  had  his  own 
opinion.  By  the  sheer  force  of  will,  he  was 
instrumental  with  the  aid  of  a  small  group 
of  other  assemblymen  of  the  better  class — 
among  others  his  friend  and  mine,   Walter 


Howe — even  during  this  first  term,  in  ex- 
posing the  bad  purpose  of  certain  measures 
affecting  the  City  of  New  York,  and  in  de- 
feating them.  He  succeeded  also  in  con- 
vincing the  leaders  of  the  desirability  of  giv- 
ing consideration,  at  least  occasionally,  to 
the  just  claims  of  the  city.  In  every  public 
service  that  he  undertook,  he  made  himself 
felt.  His  action  was  not  always  judicious, 
and  sometimes  had  to  be  reversed,  but  there 
never  could  be  question  of  his  absolute  be- 
lief in  the  value  for  the  cause  of  such  plan 
or  suggestion  as  he  was  submitting. 

In  his  self-centered  absorption  in  his  own 
conception  of  a  public  measure  and  of  his 
own  duty,  he  could  be,  and  from  time  to 
time  was,  unjust  to  other  people  who  failed 
to  agree  with  him,  or  at  least  failed  to  give 
immediate  assent.  It  was  difficult  for  his 
impetuous  nature  to  have  patience  with  op- 
position or  delays. 

An  Admirer  of  Andrew  Jackson 

I  remember,  during  his  first  term  in  the 
White  House,  being  with  him  at  a  small 
lunch  party,  including  six  or  eight  friends. 
The  guest  of  the  occasion  was  an  old  Con- 
federate General  of  Tennessee,  who  had  been 
brought  in  by  Senator  Bate  of  that  State. 
Roosevelt  always  felt  his  obligations  as  a 
host,  and  he  turned  the  conversation  to 
matters  connected  with  Tennessee.  In  con- 
nection with  the  preparation  of  his  "Win- 
ning of  the  West,"  he  had  made  a  careful 
study  of  the  history  of  Tennessee,  Kentucky, 
and  the  temporary  State  of  Franklin,  and  he 
knew  the  careers  of  the  men  who  had  been 
produced  in  that  region.  He  spoke  of  the 
early  frontiersmen,  of  President  Polk  and 
(this  with  special  pleasure  and  emphasis)  of 
General  Jackson." 

"Jackson,"  said  Roosevelt,  "was  a  man 
who  believed  in  the  powers  of  the  executive. 
Devoted  as  he  was  to  the  service  of  the  Re- 
public and  convinced  of  the  integrity  of  his 
own  purpose,  he  found  it  difficult  to  accept 
with  patience  opposition  or  delay.  With  full 
belief  in  the  powers  that  had  been  given  to 
the  executive  under  the  constitution  and  with 
his  readiness  to  brush  to  one  side  obstacles 
that  stood  in  the  way  of  what  he  believed  to 
be  essential  for  the  country,  he  was  able  to 
render  great  service  to  the  state.  He  had 
no  regard  for  red  tape,  and  he  was  impa- 
tient with  official  restrictions,  but  he  was  a 
great  leader.  Of  course  he  had  his  faults. 
He  was  inclined  to  assume  that  the  man  who 
did    not   agree   with   Jackson   was   either   a 


THEODORE   ROOSEVELT,   BOY   AND   MAN 


155 


fool  or  a  villain."  At  this  point,  Theodore 
caught  the  expression  of  my  face,  which  I 
thought  I  had  well  under  control.  **Now, 
Haven,"  he  said,  turning  across  the  table, 
"don't  you  chuckle.  I  know  what  you  are 
thinking  about."  At  this  the  whole  table, 
including  the  host,  broke  into  laughter. 

Theodore  had,  of  course,  not  a  few  of  the 
traits  that  he  was  admiring  in  Jackson,  but 
his  real  sweetness  of  nature  saved  him  from 
arousing  the  antagonism  that  Jackson  had 
frequently  provoked. 

Theodore's  habit  of  holding  his  opinions 
as  burning  convictions  hardly  lessened  as  the 
years  went  on.  As  above  pointed  out,  he 
never  outgrew  certain  boyish  characteris- 
tics, but  as  he  grew  older,  he  grew  fairer- 
minded.  He  was  more  ready  to  admit  he 
had  made  a  mistake,  or  had  committed  an 
injustice,  and  in  the  latter  case  his  frank 
word  of  admission  easily  brought  about  a 
full  restoration  of  personal  relations. 

Attitude  in  the  War 

Shortly  after  the  beginning  of  the  present 
war,  Theodore  asked  me  to  lunch  with  him 
at  the  Harvard  Club.  He  knew  that  with 
certain  of  his  political  measures  during  the 
preceding  years  I  had  not  found  myself  in 
accord.  He  knew  also,  however,  from  my 
own  platform  utterances  and  printed  word, 
that  in  matters  relating  to  the  war,  we  were 
in  full  agreement.  I  had  not  seen  him  for 
a  couple  of  years,  but  he  came  across  the 
club  room  with  both  hands  extended  and 
with  the  words,  ''Haven,  we  are  again  think- 
ing alike,  and  I  am  delighted,'' 

We  had  always  been  on  tutoyer  terms  with 
each  other,  and  my  response  was  naturally 
sympathetic  and  affectionate.  During  the 
years  of  this  war,  we  had,  therefore,  worked 
together  to  do  what  was  practicable,  after 
the  sinking  of  the  Lusitania,  to  get  the  coun- 
try into  the  war  and  to  make  clear  to  citizens 
throughout  the  land  what  was  the  duty  of 
America  in  this  great  fight  to  protect  civili- 
zation against  barbarism. 

Promoting  Anglo-American  Relations 

One  of  the  last  of  Theodore's  public  utter- 
ances represented  a  reversal  of  opinion. 

I  had  gone  to  see  him  in  the  hospital  a 
week  or  two  before  he  was  sent  home,  and 
he  told  me  then  that  there  was  something 
he  wanted  to  get  before  the  public. 

''When  1  was  in  the  White  House,"  he 
said,  "I  took  the  ground  that  while  we  ought 
always  to  maintain  good  relations  with  Great 


Britain,  it  was  really  not  possible  to  agree 
in  advance  that  every  issue  that  arose  was  to 
be  adjusted  by  conference  or  by  arbitration. 
I  had  thought  of  the  possibility  of  a  differ- 
ence affecting  the  honor  of  the  country, 
which  we  ought  not  to  permit  to  get  out  of 
our  own  control.  I  have  changed  my  mind, 
and  I  want  you.  Haven,  to  bring  before  the 
public  my  present  conclusion  in  the  matter. 
I  hold  that  there  are,  and  that  there  can  be, 
no  possible  issues  between  England  and 
America,  or  among  the  English-speaking  peo- 
ples of  the  world,  which  ought  not  to  be,  and 
which  cannot  be,  adjusted,  in  the  most  cases 
by  conference  and  in  any  extreme  difficulty 
by  arbitration." 

I  expressed  my  satisfaction  that  Roose- 
velt had  arrived  at  a  conclusion  that  I  had 
always  held.  I  said  that  his  opinion  ought 
to  be  made  known  to  his  fellow  citizens,  and 
to  our  friends  across  the  Atlantic.  I  added, 
"I  will  write  you  a  letter  which  will  give 
you  an  opportunity  of  presenting  this  con- 
clusion." He  dictated  from  his  hospital  bed 
a  letter,  in  which  he  took  the  ground  that 
we,  "the  English  peoples  of  the  United 
States  and  the  British  commonwealth,  pos- 
sess both  ideals  and  interests  in  common. 
We  can  best  do  our  duty,  as  members  of  the 
family  of  nations,  in  maintaining  peace  and 
justice  throughout  the  world,  by  first  ren- 
dering it  impossible  that  the  peace  between 
ourselves  can  ever  be  broken.  ...  I  be- 
lieve that  the  time  has  come  when  we  should 
say  that  under  no  circumstances  shall  there 
ever  be  a  resort  to  war  between  the  United 
States  and  the  British  Empire,  and  that  no 
question  can  ever  arise  between  them  that 
cannot  be  settled  in  judicial  fashion,  in  some 
such  manner  as  would  be  settled  questions 
between  States  of  our  own  Union." 

Theodore  Roosevelt's  last  public  word  was 
a  word  of  service  to  his  own  countr}%  to 
England,  and  to  international  relations. 

It  was  the  ambition  of  his  life  to  do  what 
might  be  practicable  to  render  service  to  his 
fellowmen.  His  thought  was  national  and 
international.  He  believed  in  ideas.  He 
held  that  every  man  owed  it  to  himself,  to 
his  country,  and  to  his  Maker  to  utilize  the 
powers  that  had  been  given  to  him  for  the 
good  of  his  fellow  men.  His  life  showed 
that  he  stood  for  the  highest  ideals,  and  that 
he  faithfully  did  his  best  towards  the  realiza- 
tion of  those  ideals.  His  country  and  the 
world  are  poorer  for  his  loss,  but  they  are 
the  richer  for  his  life. 

New  York,  Januarx  11.   I^IQ. 


THEODORE  ROOSEVELT 


BY   ALBERT    SHAW 


IN  our  entire  history  there  has  been  no 
other  public  man  about  whom  so  much 
has  been  written  during  his  h'fetime  as  Theo- 
dore Roosevelt.  Nor  has  there  been  any  other 
whose  own  utterances,  both  written  and  spo- 
ken, have  been  so  voluminous  and  of  such 
great  variety.  He  had  been  conspicuous  in 
public  life  for  more  than  thirty-seven  years 
when  he  died  on  January  6,  1919,  having 
attained  the  age  of  60  on  October  27,  1918. 
Major  George  Haven  Putnam  tells  our 
readers  how  the  young  Harvard  graduate 
came  back  home  to  New  York  from  college 
and  entered  politics,  making  the  fight  in  his 
own  ward  for  nomination  to  the  lower 
branch  of  the  legislature,  known  in  New 
York  as  the  Assembly.  Taking  all  of  our 
States  into  account,  there  were  at  that  time 
thousands  of  men  who  were  members  of  legis- 
latures, and  scores  of  thousands  who  had 
entered  upon  their  experiences  in  the  school 
of  public  life  by  running  for  county,  city, 
and  State  offices.  Nowhere  else  in  the  world 
have  such  opportunities  been  opened  to  young 
men  of  all  ranks  and  classes  for  beginning  a 
public  career  as  our  system  of  party  organi- 
zation and  of  local  elective  office  has  af- 
forded to  young  Americans  of  several  gener- 
ations. It  was  into  this  situation,  on  equal 
terms  and  on  his  own  merits  and  qualities, 
that  Theodore  Roosevelt  projected  himself  in 
the  fall  of  1881.  He  w^as  elected  and  took 
his  seat  in  the  legislature  in  January,   1882 

A  Leader  to  Whom  Young  Men  Turned 

The  notable  thing,  to  which  I  wish  to  call 
attention,  was  the  fact  that  Mr.  Roosevelt, 
in  that  earliest  period  of  public  life,  caught 
the  attention  of  young  men,  particularly 
those  of  school  and  college  training,  all  over 
the  country.  Our  cities  were  badly  gov- 
erned, and  the  spoils  system  held  strong 
sway  in  national,  state  and  local  government. 
In  New  York  the  Civil  Service  Reform 
movement  of  that  period  was  led  by  George 
William  Curtis  and  Carl  Schurz,  with 
younger  men  like  George  Haven  Putnam. 
Young  Roosevelt  promptly  identified  himself 
with  all  such  movements. 

In  the  legislature  he  took  a  leading  posi- 

156 


tion,  and  so  strenuously  advocated  certain 
reforms  that  his  name  was  carried  across  the 
country  as  matter  of  ordinary  public  news, 
while  it  became  at  once  a  favored  and  fa- 
miliar name  in  the  circles  of  progress  and 
reform  from  Boston  to  San  Francisco.  He 
wrote  the  Civil  Service  Law  for  New  York 
State,  and  he  secured  investigations  of  New 
York  City  aflFairs  which  resulted  in  marked 
improvements.  I  well  remember,  as  a  young 
Western  new^spaper  man  at  that  time,  wri- 
ting editorials  in  support  of  Roosevelt's  work 
and  predicting  for  him  a  career  that  would 
provide  the  country  with  a  leader  about 
whom,  at  some  future  time,  those  of  us  in 
other  States  would  be  glad  to  rally. 

Just  now,  at  the  time  of  his  death,  so 
many  extended  and  Intelligent  reviews  have 
been  published  in  the  newspapers,  dealing 
with  the  successive  stages  of  his  public  life, 
that  I  shall  not  In  these  pages  attempt  any 
connected  account  of  the  work  Mr.  Roosevelt 
performed  as  an  office  holder.  The  files  of 
this  magazine,  for  twenty-eight  years  past, 
contain  so  many  articles  about  him — and  so 
many  inspired  by  him — that  a  very  large 
volume  could  be  compiled  from  this  source 
alone,  dealing  with  all  phases  of  his  life  and 
j)ublic  work,  and  illustrated  with  several  hun- 
dreds of  portraits,  scenes,  and  illustrations. 
So  central  a  figure  In  our  American  life  had 
Mr.  Roosevelt  been  through  this  long  period, 
that  a  periodical  devoted  mainly  to  accounts 
and  Interpretations  bf  public  affairs  and  gen- 
eral progress  could  not  have  failed  to  give 
him  more  space  and  attention  than  was  re- 
quired by  the  activities  of  any  other  man. 

In   the  Blaine   Campaign   of  1884 

Many  of  us  who  belong  to  Mr.  Roosevelt's 
generation,  and  who,  like  him,  began  while 
very  young  to  take  a  keen  interest  in  public 
affairs,  whether  as  partisans  and  officehold- 
ers, or  as  editors  or  public-spirited  citizens, 
are  likely  at  times  to  forget  that  the  great 
majority  of  those  who  are  active  on  the  stage 
to-day  do  not  remember  the  great  Blaine- 
Cleveland  contest  of  1884.  These  younger 
men  remember  very  well  the  prominence  of 
Roosevelt  in  the  political  conventions  of  1912 


THEODORE    ROOSEVELT 


157 


and  1916;  and  the  impression  he  made  upon 
them  in  these  recent  periods  of  political  storm 
was  that  of  a  very  young  and  virile  man, 
and  not  at  all  that  of  one  of  the  elder  states- 
men. He  was  still  regarded  as  having  some- 
thing of  the  fine  rashness  of  untamed  youth. 
He  had  in  these  later  days  all  the  appear- 
ance and  manner  of  a  man  whose  physical 
power  was  at  its  height,  and  whose  mentality 
had  lost  nothing  of  its  untiring  vigor  and  its* 
assertive  boldness.  Yet  this  same  Theodore 
Roosevelt  was  the  Chairman  of  the  great 
New  York  delegation  in  the  National  Re- 
publican Convention  of  1884,  when  he  was 
only  twenty-five  years  old ! 

Mr.  Roosevelt  was  a  supporter  of  the  can- 
didacy of  Senator  Edmunds  and  was  opposed 
to  that  of  James  G.  Blaine.  Many  of  his 
friends,  including  most  of  the  civil-service- 
reform  leaders,  declined  to  support  Blaine, 
and  later  in  the  campaign  became  supporters 
of  Grover  Cleveland,  who  was  the  Demo- 
cratic candidate. 

Mr.  Roosevelt's  Theory  of  Partisanship 

It  was  believed  that  Mr.  Roosevelt  would 
follow  the  course  taken  by  Curtis,  Schurz, 
and  others.  He  had  already  formed  the  habit 
of  going  out  into  the  far  Northwest  for  his 
summer  vacations,  among  the  cowboys  and 
hunters,  and  had  acquired  an  interest  in  the 
cattle  business  on  the  Little  Missouri  River 
near  the  line  between  Montana  and  North 
Dakota.  He  hastened  there  after  the  Con- 
vention of  1884,  studied  the  situation  care- 
fully, and  decided  that  his  proper  place  lay 
within  the  Republican  party.  He  expressed 
this  view  in  a  notable  statement  which  is 
worth  quoting  now  because  it  throws  some 
light  upon  his  course  of  action  in  several  sub- 
sequent periods  of  his  political  life.  He  said 
in  that  statement  of  1884: 

I  intend  to  vote  the  Republican  Presidential 
ticket.  A  man  cannot  act  both  without  and  with- 
in the  party;  he  can  do  either,  but  he  cannot  pos- 
sibly do  both.  Each  course  has  its  advantages, 
and  each  has  its  disadvantages,  and  one  cannot 
take  the  advantages  or  the  disadvantages  sepa- 
rately. I  went  in  with  my  eyes  open  to  do 
what  I  could  within  the  party;  I  did  my  best  and 
got  beaten,  and  I  propose  to  stand  by  the  result. 
It  is  impossible  to  combine  the  functions  of  a 
guerilla  chief  with  those  of  a  colonel  in  the 
regular  army;  one  has  greater  independence  of 
action,  the  other  is  able  to  make  ^vhat  action  he 
does  take  vastly  more  effective.  In  certain  con- 
tingencies, the  one  can  do  the  most  good;  in  cer- 
tain contingencies,  the  other;  but  there  is  no  use  in 
accepting  a  commission  and  then  trying  to  play 
the  game  out  on  a  lone  hand.  During  the  en- 
tire  canvass   for   the   nomination    Mr.   Blaine   re- 


ceived but  two  checks.  I  had  a  hand  in  both, 
and  I  could  have  had  a  hand  in  neither  had  not 
those  Republicans  who  elected  me  the  head  of 
the  New  York  State  delegation  supposed  that  I 
would  in  good  faith  support  the  man  who  was 
fairly  made  the  Republican  nominee.  I  am,  by 
inheritance  and  by  education,  a  Republican; 
whatever  good  I  have  been  able  to  accomplish 
in  public  life  has  been  accomplished  through  the 
Republican  party;  I  have  acted  with  it  in  the 
past,  and  wish  to  act  with  it  in  the  future. 

While  Grover  Cleveland  was  the  Demo- 
cratic Governor  of  New  York  and  Theodore 
Roosevelt  a  member  of  the  Republican  Leg- 
islature, the  two  men  had  worked  together 
for  state  and  municipal  reforms  and  were 
good  friends;  but  as  a  Republican  Mr. 
Roosevelt  voted  against  Cleveland  and  voted 
for  Blaine.  Meanwhile,  for  a  brief  period 
of  years,  he  gave  himself  very  largely  to  his 
far  western  life  and  to  historical  study  and 
writing.  As  Mr.  Putnam  tells  us,  his  first 
book,  on  the  naval  war  of  1812,  has  always 
been  a  standard  contribution.  Meanwhile 
he  was  making  research  for  his  ''Winning 
of  the  West,"  a  very  fascinating  and  valu- 
able study  of  movements  and  developments 
during  and  following  the  American  Revo- 
lution. In  1886  he  was  the  Republican  can- 
didate for  Mayor  of  New  York  in  a  three- 
cornered  fight,  the  other  candidates  being 
Henry  George  and  Abram  Hewitt. 

As  Civil  Service   Commissioner 

Mr.  Roosevelt  cordially  supported  in  1888 
the  winning  Republican  candidate,  Benja- 
min Harrison,  against  Grover  Cleveland, 
and  would  have  liked  the  position  of  Assist- 
ant Secretary  of  State;  but  Mr.  Blaine  was 
made  Secretary  of  State  and  remembered  Mr. 
Roosevelt's  attitude  in  1884.  President 
Harrison  had  other  and  less  agreeable  work 
for  Roosevelt,  and  made  him  Chairman  of 
the  Civil  Service  Commission  at  Washing- 
ton. A  new  Republican  administration,  fol- 
lowing a  Democratic  regime,  naturally  en- 
countered a  terrible  demand  for  the  rewards 
of  office.  It  was  Roosevelt's  business  to  up- 
hold the  standards  of  fitness  and  to  enforce 
the  unpopular  law  which  required  competi- 
tive examinations  for  the  classified  clerkships 
and  other  jobs.  He  held  this  hard  position 
through  Harrison's  four  years  and  continued 
through  half  of  Mr.  Cleveland's  second  ad- 
ministration. 

It  was  this  six-year  period  at  Washington 
as  Civil  Service  Commissioner  that  gave  Mr. 
Roosevelt  (who  maintained  his  habit  of  study 
and   investigation)    such   a   practical   knowl- 


158 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


edge  of  the  methods  and  work  of  the  various 
departments  of  the  Government,  while  also 
obtaining  a  theoretical  and  general  knowl- 
edge of  public  affairs.  It  was  not  a  pleasant 
office  that  he  filled,  but  it  was  a  remarkable 
training  that  he  acquired  for  his  subsequent 
life  in  Washington  as  head  of  the  Govern- 
ment. In  the  Civil  Service  job  he  developed 
a  knowledge  of  men  and  human  nature,  and 
came  to  understand  the  sources  of  political 
action,  and  the  machinery  of  parties. 

Police  Commissioner  of  New  York  City 

It  was  from  this  Washington  position  that 
he  was  called  to  be  Chairman  of  the  Board 
of  Police  Commissioners  of  New  York  City 
when  Mayor  Strong  came  in  with  his  reform 
administration  as  a  result  of  the  election  of 
1894.  His  work  in  that  office  again  brought 
out  his  personal  qualities  of  courage  and 
quick  decision.  He  was  told  repeatedly  that 
he  was  ruining  his  political  future  by  enforc- 
ing the  Sunday-closing  law  and  by  fighting 
for  tenement-house  reform,  but  he  held  his 
ground  through  storms  of  controversy,  and 
New  York  has  always  been  better  for  what 
he  accomplished  in  that  position. 

In  the  election  of  1896  he  took  a  very  ac- 
tive part  against  Mr.  Bryan  and  in  favor  of 
Mr.  McKinley,  and  made  his  first  stumping 
tour.  He  was  not  naturally  a  good  public 
speaker,  but  in  the  course  of  this  tour, 
through  sheer  earnestness,  sincerity,  and  en- 
ergy, he  won  his  audiences  and  acquired  his 
reputation — always  afterward  sustained — of 
being  a  very  effective  campaign  speaker.  Here 
again  it  is  worth  while  for  young  men  to 
remember  that  Roosevelt's  success  was  due 
to  his  having  the  courage  of  his  convictions 
and  to  a  vigor  of  personalitv  that  was  the 
reward  of  his  athletic  training,  out-of-door 
exercise,  and  unsparing  use  of  all  his  energies 
and  opportunities. 

Assistant  Secretary   of  the  Navy 

As  Mr.  McKinley  entered  upon  the  Presi- 
dency in  March,  1897,  the  Cuban  Revolu- 
tion had  been  going  on  for  two  years  and 
we  were  becoming  increasingly  involved  in 
the  situation.  Mr.  Roosevelt  believed  that 
we  should  be  getting  ready  to  intervene.  He 
saw  that  intervention  would  in  the  first  in- 
stance be  principally  naval.  He  was  ready 
to  become  Assistant  Secretar>^  of  the  Navy, 
with  a  view  to  taking  the  active  part  in  stim- 
ulating naval  preparedness.  New  York 
State's  political  leadership  was  unfavorable 
to   Roosevelt,   but   at   length   the   opposition 


was  withdrawn  and  within  a  few  weeks  he 
became  Assistant  Secretary. 

The   "Rough   Riders"   and   the   New    York 
Governorship 

It  is  an  old  story  how  he  encouraged  the 
Navy  to  improve  its  marksmanship,  how  he 
selected  Dewey  for  the  command  in  the  Pa- 
cific, and  how  valuably  he  assisted  President 
•  McKinley  and  Secretary  Long  by  his  execu- 
tive work.  Nor  will  I  attempt  to  recount  the 
story  of  his  stepping  out  of  his  safe  office  in 
Washington  to  organize  the  regiment  of 
Rough  Riders  with  his  friend  Leonard 
Wood.  He  was  not  acting  under  the  im- 
pulse of  ambition,  but  from  the  standpoint 
of  duty.  His  western  life,  as  well  as  his  east- 
ern, had  given  him  the  kind  of  acquaintance 
which  made  it  easy  to  form  the  famous  regi- 
ment. 

His  return  from  Cuba,  at  a  moment  of 
political  exigency,  made  him  the  one  avail- 
able candidate  for  the  Republican  nomina- 
tion as  Governor.  He  was  elected,  and  en- 
tered upon  his  work  with  that  same  enthu- 
siasm for  the  useful  possibilities  of  the  job 
that  he  had  always  shown  in  every  other 
sphere  of  public  or  private  life. 

Attainment  of  the  Presidency 

And  thus  he  had  reached  a  position  in 
American  politics  which  had  definitely 
placed  him  in  the  limited  group  of  men  who 
were  considered  as  "Presidential  Timber." 
If  Vice-President  Hobart,  who  was  elected 
with  Mr.  McKinley  in  1896,  had  lived,  he 
would,  of  course,  have  been  renominated 
with  McKinley  in  1900.  But  Hobart's 
death  left  a  vacancy,  and  the  demand  for 
Roosevelt  as  a  popular  figure  who  would 
contribute  to  Republican  success  in  the  elec- 
tion proved  to  be  irresistible.  There  had 
come  some  political  reaction  after  the  Span- 
ish War  and  the  troubles  following  the  ac- 
quisition of  the  Philippines;  and  the  Repub- 
licans insisted  upon  having  McKinley  sup- 
ported in  the  strongest  possible  way. 

The  death  of  McKinley  soon  after  his 
second  inauguration  brought  the  Vice-Presi- 
dent into  the  White  House.  We  are  pub- 
lishing (see  page  162)  selections  from  an 
article  written  for  this  Review  in  1904, 
which  set  forth  the  qualities  and  achieve- 
ments of  Roosevelt  as  a  President  in  his  first 
term,  and  justified  his  nomination  for  the 
second  period  that  ended  with  the  fourth 
of  March,  1909.  The  article  was  written 
by  a  man  eminently  qualified  to  discuss  the 


THEODORE    ROOSEVELT 


159 


situation,  and  it  would  be  hard  to  secure  at 
this  day  any  characterization  of  Roosevelt's 
work  in  the  middle  of  his  presidential  career 
that  would  be  so  illuminating. 

An   O pen-Minded  Executive 

These  remarks  are  meant  to  relate  to 
Mr.  Roosevelt  himself,  rather  than  to  the 
course  of  recent  American  history.  It  hap- 
pened to  be  my  good  fortune  to  have  become 
acquainted  with  him  while  he  was  Civil 
Service  Commissioner,  and'  to  have  known 
him  well  through  most  of  his  subsequent  ca- 
reer. Perhaps  the  thing  that  will  be  best 
remembered  by  those  who  knew  him  was  his 
open-mindedness,  his  desire  to  do  the  wise 
and  the  right  thing  in  a  practical  way  for 
the  sake  of  results,  and  his  capacity  for  swift 
decision  in  the  performance  of  public  work. 

Contrary  to  the  impression  in  some  quar- 
ters, although  he  was  a  very  strong  execu- 
tive, upholding  every  prerogative  of  the 
presidential  office  at  all  times,  he  got  on 
with  both  houses  of  Congress  exceedingly 
well,  consulting  constantly  with  Senators 
and  Representatives,  and  giving  the  mem- 
bers of  a  coordinate  branch  of  the  Govern- 
ment prompt  preference  always  at  the  White 
House  as  against  any  other  class  of  callers. 
With  the  members  of  his  Cabinet  he  was 
on  terms  of  close  and  frank  friendship,  and 
he  relied  constantly  upon  the  advice  of  his 
official  family,  always  appreciating  their  wis- 
dom and  help. 

As  illustrating  this  point,  I  think  I  am 
justified  in  remarking  that  on  many  occa- 
sions President  Roosevelt  said  to  me  in  pri- 
vate conversation  that  he  regarded  Mr.  Root 
and  Mr.  Taft  as  statesmen  having  the  wis- 
dom and  scope  of  the  distinguished  men  of 
our  earlier  period,  like  Hamilton,  Jay,  Mar- 
shall, Madison,  and  Jefferson;  and  that  he 
considered  that  much  of  the  success  of  his 
Admim'stration  was  due  to  these  men  whom 
he  was  fond  of  describing  as  abler  and  wiser 
in  many  ways  than  he  was  himself.  His 
trust  policy  in  practical  forms  was  shaped  by 
Mr.  Knox,  his  Attorney  General.  He  had 
an  intensely  loyal  belief  in  the  younger  mem- 
bers of  his  Administration  like  Mr.  James 
R.  Garfield ;  and  his  regard  for  men  who 
had  been  close  to  him  for  long  periods,  like 
Mr.  Cortelyou  and  Mr.  Loeb,  was  that  of 
unwavering  trust  and  affection. 

With  his  great  sense  of  humor,  and  his 
knowledge  of  human  frailties,  he  could  never 
hold  a  grudge  against  any  man,  nor  wish 
anyone  ill  fortune.     He  was  a  hard  fighter 


in  politics,  but  his  hand  was  always  ready 
for  the  clasp  of  men  with  whom  at  some 
time  he  had  differed.  His  influence  through- 
out the  nation  came  more  and  more  to  be 
that  of  the  leader  looking  towards  better 
times  and  new  eras  in  which  the  large  faults 
of  his  own  generation  would  find  remedy. 
Thus  he  realized  the  magnificence  of  our 
railroad  and  industrial  development;  but  he 
saw  that  the  public  interest  must  prevail 
over  the  tendency  towards  private  enrich- 
ment. He  lived  to  recognize  a  wholly  new 
spirit  in  corporation  management,  and  to 
welcome  many  steps  of  progress  towards  bet- 
ter social  conditions. 

A   Born  Naturalist 

One  of  the  reasons  why  he  accomplished 
so  much  as  a  public  man  was  because  he 
maintained  the  fearlessness  that  belonged  to 
his  early  youth.  This  fearlessness,  as  his  ca- 
reer matured,  was  in  some  part  due  to  the 
fact  of  his  great  versatility.  He  liked  always 
to  remark  that  private  life  had  no  terrors  for 
him.  He  could  afford  to  commit  political 
suicide  as  often  as  he  pleased,  because  be- 
ing out  of  office  gave  him  a  chance  to  do 
so  many  other  things.  The  extent  and  qual- 
ity of  his  scholarship  is  a  topic  that  would  re- 
quire too  much  space  for  discussion  here. 
Undoubtedly  he  was  a  great  naturalist.  His 
knowledge  of  birds  and  animals  had  begun 
with  early  boyhood  and  had  increased 
throughout  life.  He  was  very  happy  in  as- 
sociation with  naturalists.  It  was  as  a  man 
fond  of  "out-of-doors,"  and  as  a  student  of 
animal  life,  rather  than  as  one  who  loved  the 
excitement  of  shooting  game,  that  he  pursued 
his  early  life  in  the  West  and  wrote  his 
books  on  hunting;  and  it  was  in  the  same 
spirit  that  after  he  left  the  Presidency  he 
went  to  Africa  on  his  famous  hunting  trip. 

His  fondness  for  all  men  who  had  these 
common  interests  with  him  was  generally 
recognized.  Thus,  as  he  was  starting  for 
Africa  in  1909,  it  was  upon  his  designation 
that  Mr.  Edward  Clark,  a  Washington  cor- 
respondent, wrote  for  this  magazine  an  ac- 
count of  the  plans  of  the  expedition.  Mr. 
Clark  was  also  a  naturalist,  especially  de- 
voted to  the  study  of  birds,  and  this  had 
brought  him  close  to  the  President.  Only 
a  few  weeks  ago  I  was  with  Mr.  Clark — 
who  is  now  Major  Clark,  attached  to  Amer- 
ican Military  Headquarters  in  France — and 
he  was  constantly  talking  about  Roosevelt's 
interest  in  natural  history,  and  was  identi- 
fying one  bird  after  another  as  our  automo- 


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THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


bile  moved  across  military  areas,  until  he 
was  suddenly  halted  by  an  air  fight  just 
over  our  heads.  This  bond  that  unites  na- 
ture lovers  is  to  be  remembered  as  having 
borne  a  very  great  part  in  Colonel  Roose- 
velt's life  from  his  youth  to  the  very  end. 
When  in  England,  after  the  year  he  spent 
in  Africa,  he  and  the  British  Foreign  Min- 
ister (Sir  Edward  Grey,  now  Viscount 
Grey)  slipped  away  from  officialdom  to 
spend  the  day  in  the  New  Forest  among  the 
birds;  for  Lord  Grey  is  himself  a  great  nat- 
uralist. Mr.  Stefai^sson,  on  another  page  of 
this  issue,  writes  admirably  of  IVIr.  Roose- 
velt's interest  in  exploration  and  science. 

J'^ersatUity   in  Many  Lines 

Mr.  Roosevelt  had  always  been  a  reader 
of  history  as  well  as  of  general  literature, 
and  his  memory  was  one  of  the  most  re- 
markable of  his  entire  generation.  He  told 
me  after  coming  back  from  the  visit  among 
royalties  that  he  found  his  memory  of  the 
facts  of  Prussian  and  HohenzoUern  history 
more  complete  and  accurate  than  that  of  the 
Kaiser,  with  whom  he  had  spent  some  long 
hours  in  the  palaces  and  among  the  memo- 
rials of  Frederick  the  Great.  The  Hun- 
garian nobles  were  amazed  at  his  accurate 
knowledge  of  Mongolian  migrations  and 
early  Hungarian  history. 

Professor  Rhys,  of  Oxford  (afterwards 
knighted  as  Rt.  Hon.  Sir  John  Rhys),  un- 
questionably the  greatest  authority  on  Celtic 
literature,  visited  this  country  while  Mr. 
Roosevelt  was  President  and  had  a  long 
talk  at  the  White  House.  He  told  me  after- 
wards that  while  he  might  be  a  poor  judge 
of  a  man's  erudition  in  other  fields,  he  could 
not  be  mistaken  in  his  own  field ;  and  he  de- 
clared that  President  Roosevelt  had  the  most 
remarkable  knowledge  of  Celtic  literary  and 
historical  backgrounds  of  any  man  with 
whom  he  had  ever  conversed.  About  this 
matter  I   have  no  knowledge  or  opinion  of 


my  owm,  and  I  am  merely  quoting  the  one 
man  who  knew  best. 

Mr.  Roosevelt  was  fond  of  saying  to  his 
friends  that  he  was  only  an  average  man 
who  had  made  the  best  use  he  could  of  such 
faculties  as  were  given  to  him.  He  had  built 
up  physical  vigor  from  frail  and  delicate*  be- 
ginnings. He  had  made  himself  a  place 
among  scientists  and  scholars,  and  among  his- 
torical students  and  writers,  through  adding 
industry  to  natural  interest.  He  had  been 
willing  to  select'the  things  to  which  to  give 
his  time  and  strength ;  and,  having  inherited 
a  modest  fortune,  he  did  not  choose  money- 
making  as  one  of  his  life  occupations.  Thus 
he  was  able  to  devote  himself  to  the  pur- 
suits of  a  lover  of  nature,  and  to  the  occu- 
pations of  a  man  of  letters,  while  above  all 
things  offering  his  time  and  strength  in  the 
sphere  of  public  service. 

He  felt  that  citizens'  duty  is  a  thing  to  be 
faced  by  each  American ;  and  that  being  an 
active  and  useful  citizen  was  a  very  large 
part  of  the  obligation  that  should  rest  upon 
every  man  who  has  the  good  fortune  to  owe 
allegiance  to  this  country.  What  we  had  re- 
ceived as  a  heritage  from  our  fathers,  he  de- 
clared, should  be  protected  and  should  be 
transmitted  with  as  much  improvement  as 
possible  to  those  coming  after  us.  He  always 
recognized  the  fact  that  he  did  not  stand 
alone  in  this  sense  of  civic  duty ;  and  no  one 
was  more  eager  than  he  to  recognize  the  value 
of  the  work  of  others  all  about  him  who,  at 
one  task  or  another,  were  striving  for  jus- 
tice and  human  betterment.  Thus  he  felt 
himself  to  be  typical  rather  than  exceptional. 
But  his  individual  qualities  were  so  extraor- 
dinary, his  personality  was  so  fascinating, 
that  he  will  stand  out  on  the  pages  of  his- 
tory as  a  great  figure,  just  as  in  his  own  day 
he  had  achieved  a  reputation,  not  only 
throughout  this  land  but  in  every  other  coun- 
try, that  justly  elevated  him  to  heights  of 
fame. 


ROOSEVELT'S  TRIBUTE 
TO  LINCOLN 

[In  1909  the  centenary  of  the  birth  of  Abraham  Lincoln  was  observed.  On  the  first  day  of  that 
year  President  Roosevelt  addressed  from  the  White  House  to  the  editor  of  this  magazine  a  char- 
acteristic letter  in  which  he  commented  on  the  famous  Bixby  letter  of  the  Martyr  President.  "It 
was  published  in  our  February  number,  a  few  days  before  the  celebration  of  Lincoln  Day.  Presi- 
dent Roosevelt  was  then  greatly  interested  in  spelling  reform,  and  in  this  brief  communication  there 
were  at  least  two  instances  of  the  modernized  orthography — "thru"  and  "possest."  We  reprint  the 
letter   just   as   it  appeared  ten  years   ago. — The   Editor] 


The  White  House, 
Washington,  January  1,   1909. 
To  the  Editor  of  the  Review  of  Reviews: 

THE  deeds  and  words  of  the  great  men 
of  the  nation,  and  above  all  the  char- 
acter of  each  of  the  foremost  men  of  the 
nation,  are  one  and  all  assets  of  inestimable 
value  to  the  Republic.  Lincoln's  work  and 
Lincoln's  words  should  be,  and  I  think  more 
and  more  are,  part  of  those  formative  in- 
fluences which  tend  to  become  living  forces 
for  good  citizenship  among  our  people. 
There  is  one  of  his  letters  which  has  always 
appealed  to  me  particularly.  It  is  the  one 
running  as  follows: 

Executive  Mansion, 

Washington,   Nov.   21,   1864. 
To  Mrs.  Bixby,  Boston,  Mass. 
Dear   Madam: 

I  have  been  shown  in  the  files  of  the  War  De- 
partment a  statement  of  the  Adjutant-General 
of  Massachusetts  that  you  are  the  mother  of  five 
sons  who  have  died  gloriously  on  the  field  of 
battle.  I  feel  how  weak  and  fruitless  must  be 
any  word  of  mine  which  should  attempt  to  be- 
guile you  from  the  grief  of  a  loss  so  overwhelm- 
ing. But  I  cannot  refrain  from  tendering  you 
the  consolation  that  may  be  found  in  the  thanks 
of  the  republic  they  died  to  save.  I  pray  that 
our  Heavenly  Father  may  assuage  the  anguish 
of  your  bereavement,  and  leave  you  only  the 
cherished  memory  of  the  loved  and  lost,  and  the 
solemn  pride  that  must  be  yours  to  have  laid 
so  costly  a   sacrifice  on  the  altar  of  freedom. 

Yours   very    sincerely   and    respectfully, 

A.  Lincoln. 

Any  man  who  has  occupied  the  office  of 
President  realizes  the  incredible  amount  of 
administrative  work  with  which  the  Presi- 
dent has  to  deal  even  in  time  of  peace.  He  is 
of  necessity  a  very  busy  man,  a  much  driven 
man,  from  whose  mind  there  can  never  be 
absent  for  many  minutes  at  a  time  the  con- 
sideration of  some  problem  of  importance, 
or  of  some  matter  of  less  importance  which 

Feb.— 4 


yet  causes  worry  and  strain.  Under  such  cir- 
cumstances, it  is  not  easy  for  a  President 
even  in  times  of  peace  to  turn  from  the  af- 
fairs that  are  of  moment  to  all  the  people 
and  consider  affairs  that  are  of  moment  to 
but  one  person. 

While  this  is  true  of  times  of  peace,  it  is, 
of  course,  infinitely  more  true  of  times  of 
war.  No  President  who  has  ever  sat  in  the 
White  House  has  borne  the  burden  that 
Lincoln  bore,  or  been  under  the  ceaseless 
strain  which  he  endured.  It  did  not  let  up 
by  day  or  by  night.  Ever  he  had  to  consider 
problems  of  the  widest  importance,  ever  to 
run  risks  of  greatest  magnitude;  and  ever 
thru  and  across  his  plans  to  meet  these 
great  dangers  and  responsibilities  was  shot 
the  woof  of  an  infinite  number  of  srhall  wor- 
ries and  small  annoyances.  He  worked  out 
his  great  task  while  unceasingly  beset  by  the 
need  of  attending  as  best  he  could  to  a  mul- 
titude of  small  tasks. 

It  is  a  touching  thing  that  the  great 
leader,  while  thus  driven  and  absorbed,  could 
yet  so  often  turn  aside  for  the  moment  to 
do  some  deed  of  personal  kindness ;  and  it  is 
a  fortunate  thing  for  the  nation  that  in  addi- 
tion to  doing  so  well  each  deed,  great  or 
small,  he  possest  that  marvelous  gift  of  ex- 
pression which  enabled  him  quite  uncon- 
sciously to  choose  the  very  words  best  fit  to 
commemorate  each  deed.  His  Gettysburg 
speech  and  his  second  inaugural  are  two  of 
the  half-dozen  greatest  speeches  ever  made 
— I  am  tempted  to  call  them  the  two  great- 
est ever  made.  They  are  great  in  their  wis- 
dom, and  dignity,  and  earnestness,  and  in  a 
loftiness  of  thought  and  expression  which 
makes  them  akin  to  the  utterances  of  the 
prophets  of  the  Old  Testament. 

In  a  totally  different  way,  but  in  strongest 
and  most  human  fashion,  such  utterances  as 

161 


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THE   AMERICAN  REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


his  answer  to  the  serenaders  immediately 
after  his  second  election,  and  his  letter  which 
I  have  quoted  above,  appeal  to  us  and  make 
our  hearts  thrill.  The  mother  of  whom  he 
wrote  stood  in  one  sense  on  a  loftier  plane 
of  patriotism  than  the  mighty  President  him- 
self. Her  memory,  and  the  memory  of  her 
sons  whom  she  bore  for  the  Union,  should 


be  kept  green  in  our  minds ;  for  she  and  they, 
in  life  and  death,  typified  all  that  is  best  and 
highest  in  our  national  existence.  The  deed 
itself,  and  the  words  of  the  great  man  which 
commemorate  that  deed,  should  form  one  of 
those  heritages  for  all  Americans  which  it  is 
of  inestimable  consequence  that  America 
should  possess.       Theodore  Roosevelt. 


ROOSEVELT  AS  CANDIDATE 
FOR  PRESIDENT 


IN  the  summer  of  1904,  after  he  had  occu- 
pied the  White  House  for  nearly  three 
years,  filling  the  unexpired  term  of  Presi- 
dent McKinley,  Theodore  Roosevelt  was 
nominated  for  the  Presidency  by  the  National 
Republican  Convention.  In  the  Review  of 
Reviews  for  July  of  that  year  a  delegate  to 
that  convention  set  forth  with  remarkable 
distinctness  and  political  acumen  the  facts 
in  Roosevelt's  record  up  to  that  time  which 
had  made  his  nomination  and  election  seem 
equally  inevitable.  In  the  opening  para- 
graph of  his  article  this  writer  said : 

There  has  been  no  time,  for  nearly  two  years 
past,  when  it  was  not  certain  that  Theodore 
Roosevelt  would  be  nominated  for  the  Presi- 
dency by  the  Republican  Party  with  actual  or 
substantial  unanimity.  The  party  at  large  made 
up  its  mind  to  bring  that  result  about  before 
Mr.  Roosevelt  had  been  a  full  year  in  the  White 
House.  From  that  time  to  the  present,  the  party 
organizers  and  machine  leaders  have  been  as 
chips  borne  by  a  swiftly  flowing  current.  What- 
ever other  plans  they  may  have  had  were  quick- 
ly abandoned,  and  with  more  or  less  heartiness 
they    have    accepted    the    inevitable. 

A  Candidacy  Almost  Unopposed 

The  writer  proceeds  to  show  that  the 
futile  efforts  to  thwart  this  course  of  events 
that  had  originated  and  come  to  a  head  with- 
in a  few  months  preceding  the  Chicago  Con- 
vention had  been  mainly  sponsored  by  certain 
interests  not  primarily  political.  Before  the 
convention  assembled  this  opposition  had  be- 
come negligible.     The  article  continues: 

So  it  happens  that  Theodore  Roosevelt  faces 
the  next  Presidential  election  with  his  own  party 
enthusiastically  behind  him  and  the  opposition 
hopeless  of  his  defeat,  and,  on  the  whole,  not 
very  anxious  for  it.  It  is  a  rather  remarkable 
situation.  The  explanation,  however,  is  simple. 
It  is  the  conquest  of  American  public  opinion  by 
a  strong,  perhaps  a  great,  personality,  honest, 
fearless,  sympathetic  and  just.  Readers  of 
American   history  will   find   an    instructive  paral- 


lel if  they  will  study  carefully  the  events  lead- 
ing up  to  the  reelection  of  Andrew  Jackson  and 
to    that    of    Abraham    Lincoln. 

No  Issue  but  Roosevelt 

After  reviewing  the  feeble  attempts  of 
the  Democrats  in  New  York  State  and  else- 
where to  frame  an.  "issue"  for  the  cam- 
paign of  1904,  this  writer  finds  them  all 
hollow  and  meaningless,  and  declares  that 
genuine  political  issues  were  at  that  time 
altogether  lacking.  This  being  the  situation, 
what,  he  asks,  is  the  Presidential  election  of 
1904  to  be  about  ?  He  answers  his  own  ques- 
tion in  these  words : 

It  is  to  be  about  Theodore  Roosevelt  and  noth- 
ing else.  The  voting  population  has  but  one 
question  to  answer  this  year,  and  that  question 
is,  Do  you  want  Theodore  Roosevelt  as  Presi- 
dent for  four  years  more?  The  Democratic 
candidate  may  be  Cleveland,  or  McCIellan,  or 
Francis,  or  Harmon,  or  Parker,  but  this  one 
question   states   the   issue.     . 

The  result,  as  the  returns  from  Oregon  already 
foretell,  will  be  what  a  friend  has  recently  de- 
scribed as  "a  prairie  fire  for  Roosevelt."     Why? 

Because,  of  all  the  public  men  in  the  United 
States,  Theodore  Roosevelt  is  absolutely  the  best 
fitted  to  meet  the  problems  and  fulfill  the  duties 
of  the  Chief  Executive  for  four  years  from  March 
4,  1905.  He  has  proved  this  abundantly,  and  the 
American  people  know  it. 

The  Presidency  is,  without  exception,  the  most 
diflFicult  office  in  the  world.  It  knows  neither 
privacy  nor  rest.  It  demands  physical  and  mental 
health,  wide  information,  quick  and  accurate 
judgment,  alertness  and  versatility  of  mind,  buoy- 
ancy of  spirit  and  good  temper.  Mr.  Roosevelt 
has  all  of  these  qualities  in  high  degree,  and  in 
addition  he  has  a  reasonable,  if  not  an  excessive, 
amount  of  patience.  The  elemental  virtues  no 
one   denies    to    him. 

Echoes  of  the  Coal  Strike 

It  seemed  probable  that  during  the  next 
Presidential  term  the  pressing  problems 
would  be  administrative,  economic  and  social. 
No  man  in  public  life  at  that  time  was  bet- 


THEODORE  ROOSEVELT  AS  A  PRESIDENTIAL  CANDIDATE       163 


Underwood  &  Underwood 
PRESIDENT  ROOSEVELT  AT  OYSTER  BAY  DURING  THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  1904 


ter  equipped  to  deal  with  such  problems  than 
Mr.  Roosevelt.  A  capital  illustration  of  his 
willingness  and  ability  to  make  the  cause  of 
the  people  his  own  had  been  afforded  only 
two  years  before  by  his  action  in  the  anthra- 
cite coal  strike.  This  is  clearly  brought  out 
in  the  article  from  which  we  are  quoting: 

There  is  a  conviction  throughout  the  country 
that  the  interests  of  the  plain  people,  who  ask 
nothing  of  the  Government  but  ample  protection 
in  their  right  to  earn  an  honest  living  in  their 
own  way,  are  looked  after  by  Mr.  Roosevelt,  and 
that  he  does  not  forget  them  when  under  pressure 
from  the  political  and  personal  representatives 
of  privilege-hunters  of  all  kinds.  Different  as 
Mr.  Roosevelt  is  in  so  many  ways  from  Lincoln 
and  from  McKinley,  he  is  like  those  two  great 
men  in  his  intuitive  insight  into  the  mind  of  the 
plain  people.  Mr.  Roosevelt's  scholarship  has 
not  blunted  his  human  sympathy,  and  he  has  no 


subtlety  of  mind  behind  which 
to  hide  his  natural  simplicity 
and  directness. 

Mr.  Roosevelt's  record  of 
positive  achievement  is  aston- 
ishing, and  the  people  recog- 
nize it.  They  held  their  breath 
when  he  summoned  to  his  pres- 
ence the  warring  coal  magnates 
and  labor  magnates,  whose  self- 
ish fighting  had  brought  great 
communities  to  the  verge  of 
want  and  had  prepared  a  se- 
ries of  social  and  political  ex- 
plosions that  a  chance  spark 
would  set  off.  He  told  these 
public  enemies  that,  under  the 
Constitution  and  the  laws,  he 
could  not  act  officially  toward 
them,  but  that  armed  with  his 
moral  responsibility  as  trustee 
for  the  public  at  large,  he  had 
a  right  to  insist  that  they  must 
not  goad  innocent  people  to 
madness  by  depriving  them  of 
a  necessity  of  life,  but  must  go 
ahead  and  mine  coal  and  sub- 
mit their  differences  to  an  im- 
partial, if  unofficial,  tribunal. 
They  both  grumbled,  but  they 
both  yielded.  That  event  marked 
a  turning  point  in  our  history, 
and  we  owe  it  to  Mr.  Roose- 
velt's courage  and  unselfishness. 
It  was  a  great,  and  in  one  sense 
an  unnecessary,  risk  for  him  to 
take.  But  he  took  it,  accom- 
plished his  end,  and  demon- 
strated the  fact  that  the  moral 
rights  of  the  whole  people  are 
not  forever  to  be  heljd  in  abey- 
ance while  organized  capital 
and  organized  labor  go  through 
one  of  their  periodical  rows, 
causing  widespread  loss,  dam- 
age, and  suffering,  of  which 
fact  both  parties  to  the  quarrel 
appear  to  be  utterly  oblivious. 
Those  persons  who  are  fond  of 
contrasting  President  Cleve- 
land's action  in  reference  to  the  Chicago  strike 
and  riots  of  1894  with  President  Roosevelt's  ac- 
tion in  reference  to  the  coal  strikes  and  riots  of 
1902,  might  like  to  know  what  Mr.  Cleveland 
thought  of  Mr.  Roosevelt's  action  and  what  he 
said  to  him  about  it. 

Achievement  of  Panama 

President  Roosevelt's  initiative  in  connec- 
tion with  the  Panama  Canal  is  strongly  com- 
mended by  this  writer,  who  has  only  words 
of  praise  for  his  management : 

Mr.  Roosevelt  cut  the  Gordian  knot  that  made 
the  early  building  of  an  Isthmian  canal  seem  im- 
possible. He  acted,  as  fair-minded  people  gen- 
erally assumed,  and  as  the  long  debate  in  the 
Senate  conclusively  proved,  after  long  delibera- 
tion, in  strict  accordance  with  the  precepts  of  in- 
ternational law  and  our  treaty  obligations  to  Co- 
lombia,   and    in    such    a    way    as    to   command    the 


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THE   AMERICAN  REVIEW   OF  REVIEWS 


prompt  approval  and  hearty  acquiescence  of  the 
nations  of  the  world.  In  a  way,  this  is  Mr.  Roose- 
velt's greatest  achievement.  His  promptness  in 
executing  his  plan,  and  his  decision,  avoided  for- 
eign complications,  and  prevented  a  long  guerilla 
war,  costly  in  life  and  in  money.  'He  named  an 
ideal  commission  to  build  the  Panama  Canal,  and 
the  United  States  has  now  a  chance  to  prove  that 
a  democracy  can  undertake  a  great  public  work, 
hundreds  of  miles  away  from  home,  with  celerity 
and  skill  and  without  scandal.  We  owe  all  this 
to  Mr.  Roosevelt. 

Answer  to  Critics 

The  writer  repels  the  charge  that,  as  Presi- 
dent, Mr.  Roosevelt  was  a  reckless  violator 
of  his  Constitutional  limitations  and  invaded 
the  rights  and  privileges  of  Congress.  He 
turns  on  the  President's  critics  with  these 
robust  paragraphs: 

The  people  are  undisguisedly  delighted  that  the 
President  asserts  himself  and  his  office,  and  that 
he  is  not  supinely  yielding  to  that  legislative  in- 
vasion of  Presidential  prerogative  which  has 
gone  on,  with  but  little  interruption,  since  Andrew 
Jackson's  time.  The  people  want  a  real  President, 
not  a  dummy,  and  they  know  that  in  Theodore 
Roosevelt  they  have  a  real  President.  That  Mr. 
Roosevelt  has  not  interfered  with  the  legitimate 
prerogatives  of  Congress  is  not  only  made  evident 
by  the  records,  but  is  supported  by  the  expert 
opinion  of  Senator  Aldrich,  of  Rhode  Island,  who 
has  openly  said  that  during  his  long  career  in 
the  Senate  he  has  never  known  a  President  who 
has  attempted  so  little  as  Mr.  Roosevelt  to  in- 
fluence Congressional  action  by  other  means  than 
his   public  messages. 

Another  favorite  theme  of  Mr.  Roosevelt's 
critics  is  iTis  bellicose  nature.  They  fear  that  he 
will  wilfully  or  unwillingly  plunge  the  nation 
Into  a  foreign  war.  These  persons  mistake 
virility  for  braggadocio  and  vitality  for  bluster. 
The  people  at  large  make  no  such  mistake.  They 
see  in  NIr.  Roosevelt  the  President  who  has  done 
more  than  any  of  his  predecessors  for  the  prin- 
ciple of  international  arbitration  and  the  preser- 
vation of  the  world's  peace.  He  put  aside  the 
proffered  honor  of  arbitrating  the  Venezuela  dis- 
pute in  order  to  send  it  to  the  Hague  tribunal, 
and  he  sent  the  so-called  Pious  Fund  case  with 
Mexico  to  the  same  court.  He  caused  the  long- 
standing dispute  with  Great  Britain  over  the 
Alaska  boundary  to  be  submitted  to  an  inter- 
national commission,  who  settled  it  promptly  and 
for  all  time.  All  the  world  recognizes  the  benefi- 
cence of  Mr.  Roosevelt's  policy  toward  China,  so 


skilfully  executed  by  Mr.  Hay  and  Mr.  Root,  and 
applauds  it  as  just,  humane  and  peace-loving. 

It  is  about  time,  then,  that  these  critics  left  off 
generalizing  and  furnished  the  "country  with  a 
bill  of  particulars.  When  have  we  had  so  much 
of  the  country's  best  brains  and  conscience  ac- 
tively participating  in  its  government?  Where  do 
the  opposition  propose  to  find  substitutes  for  Hay 
and  Root,  Taft  and  Knox,  Moody  and  Wilson? 
When  have  the  Civil  Service  laws  been  so  rap- 
idly extended  and  so  justly  executed?  When  have 
the  major  offices,  especially  in  the  Southern  States, 
been  filled  by  men  of  such  capacity  and  standing? 
The  people  must  have  satisfactory  answers  to 
these  questions  before  they  refuse  to  return  to 
power  such  an  administration  as  the  present  one. 

But,  we  are  told,  Mr.  Roosevelt  has  done  fairly 
well  only  because  of  his  pledge  given  at  Buffalo 
to  carry  out  the  policies  of  McKinley.  Once  elect 
him  President,  and  he  will  break  loose  from  all 
trammels  and  do  the  most  terrifying  things. 

If  Theodore  Roosevelt  is  really  unsafe,  vain, 
domineering,  and  reckless,  should  he  not  have 
come  to  grief  by  this  time?  He  has  held  re- 
sponsible executive  office  for  a  good  many  years. 
These  alleged  traits  cannot  be  new.  They  must 
have  been  forming  ever  since  he  left  the  New 
York  Legislature  in  1884.  Where  in  Mr.  Roose- 
velt's career  are  the  evidences  of  their  existence? 
How  are  'his  many  and  astonishingly  important 
successes,  all  in  the  public's  highest  interest,  to 
be  accounted  for?  The  man's  life  for  twenty 
years  past  is  an  absolutely  open  book,  and  it  tells 
a  story  that  stirs  every  patriotic  American  heart. 
It  is  marked  by  a  consuming  passion  to  be  useful 
and  to  be  just.  In  office  and  out  of  office,  in  public 
life  and  in  private  station,  in  war  arid  in  peace, 
it  is  all  the  same  story.  Mr,  Roosevelt's  char- 
acter is  fully  formed.  It  has  been  formed  for  the 
most  part  in  the  public  eye.  He  has  reached  mid- 
dle life,  and  cannot  now  reverse  himself,  even  if 
he  would.  The' ideal,  happily,  still  moves  Ameri- 
cans, both  young  and  old,  and  Mr.  Roosevelt 
voices  the  best  American  ideals  and  acts  in  ac- 
cordance with  them.  To  the  pessimist  and  carper, 
he  opposes  his  faith  and  his  courage;  to  the  fault- 
finder, his  power  of  accomplishment;  to  the  self- 
seeker  and  the  grafter,  his  honesty;  to  the 
mourner  over  our  country's  ruin,  his  belief  in 
American  manhood  and  in,American  principles. 

It  is  said  that  the  leaders  of  the  opposition 
are  to  make  their  campaign  on  M-.  Roosevelt's 
personality.  His  friends  can  ask  no  better  fortune. 
Since  Lincoln,  no  such  powerful  personality  has 
come  into  our  politics,  and  to  attack  it  i?  only 
to  emphasize  its  attractiveness.  As  a  Presidential 
candidate,  Theodore  Roosevelt  can  well  afford  to 
dispense  with  ordinary  methods,  and  leave  his 
case  with  the  American  people. 


COLONEL  ROOSEVELT 
AS   EXPLORER 

BY  VILHJALMUR  STEFANSSON 

(President  of  the  Explorers'  Club  of  New  York) 

SEVERAL    years    ago    I    was    impressed  Chapman,  curator  of  birds  at  the  American 

with  the  accurate  and  unusual  knowl-  Museum,   is  the  greatest  authority  on  birds 

edge  of  the  problems  of  Arctic  exploration  in  America,  yet  when  I  asked  him  what  he 

shown  by  an  editorial  in  the  New  York  Out-  thought  of  Colonel  Roosevelt  as  an  ornith- 

look.    I  called  the  Outlook  on  the  telephone,  ologist,    Chapman    replied :     "The    Colonel 

thinking  to  compliment  the  writer  on  his  ex-  knows  more  about  birds  than  I  do."      And 

ceptional  grasp  of  a  little-known  subject,  but  similar  things  I  have  frequently  heard  said 

decided  not  to  intrude  my  praise  on  a  too-  about  him  by  specialists  in  other  departments, 

busy  man,  when  another  editor  told  me  the  ^1-7           -n         •      r  • 

article  had  been  written  by  Colonel  Roose-  ^^^   Explorer^    Even   in  Literature 

velt,  then  a  member  of  their  staff.     It  was  As  an  explorer  in  literature  Colonel  Roose- 

some  years  before  I  found  I  had  been  wrong  velt  did  not  confine  himself  to  the  finding  of 

in  imagining  Colonel  Roosevelt  too  busy  for  new  authors  of  to-day;  he  examined  also  the 

seeing  or  talking  with  me  and   that  he  de-  literatures    of     distant    times    and    obscure 

lighted  in  meeting  any  man,  no  matter  how  peoples.     He  was  not  content,  as  most  of  us 

obscure,  who  had  special  knowledge  of  any  are,  with  a  knowledge  of  the  authors  and 

field  of   investigation.  literatures  commended  to  us  by  the  profes- 

As  I  saw  him  both  personally  and  in  his  sional    formulators    of    our    literary    tastes, 

writings.  Colonel  Roosevelt  was  the  most  ex-  An  example  of  this  is  what  some  may  think 

plorer-minded  man  I  have  known.     He  was  his  extravagant  admiration  of  the  sagas  and 

in  continual  quest  of  the  unknown  and  the  other    Old    Norse    literature.       Most    other 

little-known    in    literature,    in    art,    and    in  statesmen  and  politicians  of  his  time  would 

science.     Many  know  more  instances  to  cor-  have  supposed  vaguely  that  a  saga  was  some 

roborate  this  than  I  do,  but  I  happened  to  sort  of  myth  that  had  to  do  with  fighting; 

be  living  in   the   same   boarding-house  with  but  Colonel  Roosevelt  had  volume  after  vol- 

Edwin  Arlington  Robinson  when  he  needed  ume  of  sagas  on  his  shelves  and  told  me  that 

encouragement   in   the  writing  of   beautiful  they  were  the  only  classic  literature  that  he 

poems    and    got    that    encouragement    from  enjoyed  reading  as  he  might  enjoy  a  novel 

President   Roosevelt ;   and   at   the  American  of  to-day.     He  placed  the  Old  Norse  litera- 

Museum  of  Natural  History  I  was  associated  ture   next   after   the   Greek   and    Roman   in 

with  Carl  Akeley,  who  was  merely  a  taxi-  excellence,   though   he   admitted   enjoying   it 

dermist,  although  the  world's  greatest  taxi-  more  than  either  of  the  others.     Some,  even 

dermist,  until  the  encouragement  of  the  ex-  of  those  entitled  to  an  opinion  through  study 

President    made    him    try    his    hand    at    the  of  the  literatures  in  question,  may  differ  with 

bronzes  which  have   made  him  the  first  of  his  judgment  violently.     But  Colonel  Roose- 

American  animal  sculptors.     Of  his  encour-  velt  seldom  stood  long  alone,  though  he  was 

agement  of  inconspicuous  explorers  I  know  often  a  leader,  and  many  whose  names  have 

much  from  personal  knowledge,  though  it  is  weight  in  literature  and  criticism  hold  a  simi- 

less  proper  to  discuss  that  here.  lar  opinion.     Lord   Bryce,  for  instance,  has 

It  is  to  be  supposed,  seeing  Colonel  Roose-  said   in   a   recently   pubh'shed   essay,   that  he 

velt  was  human,  that  there  must  have  been  considers  the  Old  Norse  literature  superior 

some  fields  in  which  he  was  ill-informed,  but  to  the  Roman,  though  inferior  to  the  Greek, 

none  of  these  came  to  my  attention  nor,  so  There  is  abroad  in  our  time  a  feeling  that 

far  as  I  know,  to  the  attention  of  any  of  my  if  a  man  is  distinguished  in  one  thing  he  has 

friends  in  the  various  spheres  of  scientific  ex-  no  right  to  be  distinguished  in  anything  else, 

ploration.      Many    would    say    that    Frank  In  science,  especially  among  the  hack  workers 

165 


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THE   AMERICAN  REVIEW   OF   REVIEWS 


and  those  who  make  from  science  a  salaried 
livelihood,  this  feeling  takes  on  much  the 
aspect  of  trade-unionism.  It  was  trom  men 
of  this  class  that  one  frequently  heard  slurs 
to  the  effect  Colonel  Roosevelt  was  a  poli- 
tician and  not  a  scientist,  and  that  he  ought 
to  stick  to  his  last.  But  I  for  one  have  never 
heard  such  remarks  from  the  leaders  in  any 
department  of  science,  and  I  take  it  that  my 
experience   is  typical. 

A 71   Authority    in   Many   Fields 

The  truth,  acknowledged  by  all  who  knew 
him,  is  that  with  an  indelible  memory  and 
an  interest  in  every  field  of  knowledge  he 
combined  a  sanity  of  judgment  that  quickly 
made  him  master  of  any  development  that 
was  truthfully  reported  to  him.  And  seeing 
that  not  even  a  specialist  can  personally  test 
every  alleged  fact,  but  must  rely  in  most 
instances  on  the  good  faith  of  other  investi- 
gators, it  came  about  that  Colonel  Roosevelt, 
with  his  catholic  interests  and  unique  mem- 
ory, became  a  specialist  in  many  things  in 
the  same  way  that  men  of  ordinary  gifts  be- 
come specialists  in  one  thing,  and  with  a  lia- 
bility of  being  in  error  not  greater  than 
theirs.  Just  as  I  have  heard  ichthyologists  and 
ornithologists  and  mammalogists  comment  on 
the  range  of  his  exact  knowledge  and  the 
soundness  of  his  judgment,  so  can  I  say  that 
in  the  field  of  exploration  and  in  the  one  or 
two  other  departments  that  are  peculiarly 
mine  through  study  or  through. the  accidents 
of  birth  and  environment  I  have  known  no 
better  informed  authority  or  discerning  critic 
than  Colonel  Roosevelt. 

His  Work  in  South  America 

Apart  from  the  political  and  other  per- 
sonal motives  of  deliberate  detractors,  what 
disparagement  there  was  of  Colonel  Roose- 
velt's geographic  explorations  in  South 
America  came  from  the  labor-union-minded 
explorers  and  geographers  who  saw  him  as  an 
outsider  because  he  had  not  served  a  pro- 
tracted apprenticeship  to  their  craft.  But 
those  who  looked  merely  for  competence  and 
truthfulness  gave  his  notable  achievements 
du2  recognition  from  the  start. 

Colonel  Roosevelt's  detractors  came  the 
nearest  they  ever  did  to  achieving  a  partial 
victory  when  they  adopted  the  method  which 
Herbert  Spencer  has  defined  as  an  elaborate 
misquotation  of  what  has  been  said  and  a  de- 
tailed   disproval    of    the   statements    as   mis- 


quoted. The  way  in  which  this  method  was 
used  at  the  time  of  his  return  from  South 
America  was  asserting  that  he  had  claimed 
to  have  discovered  the  "River  of  Doubt," 
and  then  showing  that  the  existence  of  that 
river  had  been  known  before  he  went  south. 
But  never  in  speech  and  never  in  writing  did 
Colonel  Roosevelt  say  he  had  discovered  that 
river,  but  merely  that  he  had  explored  it, 
which  is  a  quite  different  matter.  Had  its 
existence  been  unknown  it  would  obviously 
have  had  no  name,  and  that  it  was  called 
the  River  of  Doubt  implied  that  it  was 
known  to  exist,  but  that  no  one  could  say 
beyond  a  guess  through  just  what  territories 
it  flowed  or  by  what  courses.  This  question 
the  expedition  of  Roosevelt  and  Rondon  set- 
tled with  finality  by  a  good  astronomically 
checked  instrumental  survey  that  has  been 
adopted  on  the  charts  of  the  Brazilian  Gov- 
ernment and  that  is  likely  to  be  subject  to  no 
more  future  corrections  than  are  generally 
those  first  surveys  of  great  rivers  that  are 
made  by  competent  explorers. 

Colonel  Roosevelt's  estimate  of  the  im- 
portance of  his  own  geographic  work  was 
whimsically  expressed  in  a  letter  I  received 
from  him  shortly  before  his  death — a  letter 
generously  devoted  to  the  praise  of  others 
and  especially  to  that  of  Colonel  Rondon. 
"I  do  not  make  any  claim,"  he  wrote,  "to 
the  front  rank  among  explorers,  which  in- 
cludes" .  .  .  [Here  he  named  several  of  the 
best-known  explorers,  among  them  Colonel 
Rondon],  "but  I  do  think  I  can  reasonably 
maintain  that,  compared  with  other  presi- 
dents, princes  and  prime  ministers,  I  have 
done  an  unusual  amount  of  useful  work." 

Colonel  Roosevelt's  geographic  work  in 
South  America  was  of  lasting  importance, 
and  his  name  printed  indelibly  on  the  map 
of  that  continent  is  not  the  least,  though  it 
is  not  the  greatest,  of  the  imperishable  me- 
morials he  has  left  to  us.  But  in  geographic 
exploration,  as  in  many  other  fields,  his  in- 
fluence was  far  beyond  his  achievements  and 
direct  word  of  encouragement.  No  matter 
what  your  field,  his  enthusiasm  for  good 
work  of  any  sort  was  contagious.  Those 
who  were  infected  with  it  by  him  became  in 
turn^centers  of  infection  for  others.  Many 
a  man  has  been  twice  the  man  he  would  have 
been  because  he  had  Roosevelt  to  admire  and 
had  Roosevelt's  indomitable  moral  courage 
to  teach  him  to  look  upon  each  defeat  but  as 
a  deferred  victory. 


THE  CATHEDRAL  AT  ALBERT-AFTER  THE  GERMAN  EVACUATION 


FRENCH  RECONSTRUCTION 

PROBLEMS 

BY    HENRI-MARTIN    BARZUN 

(Formerly  Secretary  to  the  French  Minister  of  Labor) 


THE  first  act  of  Prime  Minister  Clemen- 
ceau,  on  coming  into  office  on  Novem- 
ber 7,  1917,  was  to  create  a  new  ministry, 
that  of  the  Liberated  Regions. 

One  could  see  in  that  act  the  whole  spirit 
of  daring  which  was  known  to  be  characteris- 
tic of  the  President  of  the  Council.  There 
was  even  in  his  act  a  certain  defiance  cast  in 
the  face  of  destiny,  for  November,  1917, 
marked  the  beginning  of  the  final  crisis  of  the 
war,  which  was  to  attain  its  maximum 'a  few 
months  later  in  the  gigantic  German  offen- 
sives of  March  and  May,  1918. 

To  speak  of  liberated  regions  when  the 
enemy  was  sure  to  advance  still  farther  and 
come  to  put  Paris  under  the  fire  of  his  can- 
non, was,  at  that  time,  nothing  more  than 
a  revelation  of  the  feeling  of  absolute  con- 
fidence in  the  final  result  which  animated 
Georges  Clemenceau  at  the  very  moment 
when  the  opinion  of  the  world  might  per- 
haps very  well  remain  in  doubt. 

The  task  of  the  Ministry  of  the  Liberated 
Regions  began  the  very  day  of  its  creation, 
and  continued  despite  the  fluctuations  of  mili- 
tary effort.  The  new  administrative  depart- 
ment had  to  form  a  plan  of  general  action, 


and  did  so  by  separating  the  difficulties  of 
reconstruction  into  four  responsible  sections. 

I.  Administrative  Organization 

The  first  section  studied  the  conditions  of 
repatriation  of  the  population  evacuated  to 
the  rear  or  scattered  over  the  territory  as  a 
result  of  hostile  occupation.  This  section 
also  assumed,  in  addition,  the  distribution  of 
food  and  clothing,  the  resumption  of  munici- 
pal life,  the  reestablishment  of  the  work  of 
the  schools,  and,  at  the  same  time,  took  charge 
of  estimating  the  ravages  and  losses  of  the 
war  in  the  regions  thus  reoccupied. 

The  second  section  took  care  of  all  ques- 
tions concerning  the  housing  of  the  people 
who  returned  to  find  their  houses  destroyed. 
The  building  of  temporary  barracks  on  the 
very  site  of  the  destroyed  dwellings  was  in- 
tended to  permit  the  sufferers  to  await  the 
realization  of  the  definitive  program  of  re- 
construction of  buildings. 

For  the  repair  of  houses  and  properties 
which  were  merely  damaged,  building  mate- 
rials were  to  be  provided  for  the  inhabitants. 

Finally,  the  second  section  looked  after  the 

167 


168 


THE   AMERICAN  REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


reestablishment  of  the  material  conditions  of 
labor  in  the  communes,  this  task  being  pre- 
ceded by  the  leveling  of  the  terrain,  the  clean- 
ing of  highways,  and  the  suppression  of  all 
traces  of  military  defense  which  might  still 
exist. 

Essential  and  general  conditions  being  thus 
rendered  satisfactory,  a  return  to  economic 
life  became  possible. 

The  third  section  prepared  the  ways  and 
means  of  agricultural  reconstruction  by  fur- 
nishing all  the  things  that  contribute  to  it: 
raw  material,  farm  implements  and  machin- 
ery, poultry  and  stock,  manure  and  seed, 
shrubbery  and  plants,  means  of  transporta- 
tion, etc. 

The  coordinate  action  of  the  three  first 
sections  could  thus  assure,  in  proportion  as 
the  territory  was  evacuated  by  the  invader, 
methodical  reestablishment  of  the  life  of  the 
rural  population,  which  chiefly  inhabited  the 
devastated  regions. 

As  for  the  fourth  and  last  section,  it  was 
specially  charged  with  the  reorganization  of 
industrial  cities,  and  was  subdivided  into  nu- 
merous committees,  corresponding  to  all  the 
industries  involved,  such  as :  spinning  mills, 
steel  works,  breweries,  sugar  refineries,  coal 
mines,  electric  plants,  all  mines,  quarries, 
etc. 

There  was  added  to  this  fourth  section  a 
Central    Bureau    of    Supplies,    composed    of 


THE   DEVASTATED    SECTION    OF   FRANCE    (iN    BLACK ) 

(In  the  dash  for  Paris,  during  the  first  month  of  war, 
the  German  armies  covered  a  slightly  larger  area,  but  the 
black  portion  of  this  map  represents  the  section  fought 
over,  or  enemy-occupie(5,  for  four  years.  It  approximates 
one-sixteenth  of  the  entire  area  of  France) 


the  principal  proprietors  of  local  industries 
who  desired  to  reconstitute  their  enterprises 
under  the  very  same  conditions  of  exploitation 
that  had  prevailed  before  the  war.  Each 
one  of  these  competent  committees  had,  first 
of  all,  to  establish  its  program  of  action  and 
submit  it  to  the  Superior  Committee  of  In- 
dustrial Reconstruction  for  authorization  and 
execution. 

Such  was  the  work  of  organization  planned 
by  the  Ministry  of  the  Liberated  Regions  and 
put  into  action  just  as  soon  as  the  territories 
of  northern  France  were  freed  from  the  in- 
vader. 

II.  Losses  and  Devastation 

One  cannot  appreciate  the  gigantic  task 
which  at  this  moment  is  incumbent  on  the 
new  ministry,  unless  one  knows  the  extent 
of  the  ravages  caused  by  four  years  of  Ger- 
manic invasion  and  occupation.  To  prove 
this  statement,  facts  and  figures  are  more 
eloquent  than  all  commentaries. 

The  present  article  borrows  such  data 
from  the  oflficial  authorized  sources,  from 
parliamentary  reports,  from  special  missions 
of  investigation,  and  from  the  remarkable 
balance-sheet  draw^n  up  by  Mr.  Andre 
Tardieu,  High  Commissioner  of  the  P'rench 
Republic  to  the  United  States. 

Agriculture:  The  German  invasion,  at 
its  maximum,  covered  about  eleven  depart- 
ments of  the  North  and  Northeast  of  France, 
out  of  the  eighty-six  which  compose  its  terri" 
tory.  But  the  surface  of  this  portion  corre- 
sponds to  only  six  per  cent,  of  the  total 
superficial  area,  and  includes  several  thousand 
villages,  towns  and  cities,  where  350,000 
houses  were  destroyed. 

To  reconstruct  these  houses,  dwellings  and 
farm  buildings,  without  taking  into  account 
work  necessitated  to  complete  their  interiors, 
w^ould  require,  it  has  been  calculated,  a  half- 
billion  days'  work,  which,  if  w^e  mclude  the 
cost  of  materials  for  construction,  amounts  to 
a  total  expense  of  two  billions  of  dollars,  to 
be  increased  perhaps  by  a  third  billion  if  we 
w^ish  to  cover  personal  property  destroyed. 

As  for  agriculture,  no  source  of  revenue 
whatever  exists  in  this  region ;  the  soil  has 
been  ravaged  by  artillery,  the  crops  and  live 
stock  have  been  wiped  out  or  carried  away. 
The  lowest  estimate  fixes  the  losses  in  herds 
of  live  stock  at  a  million  an  a  half  heads, 
in  farm  machinery  and  wagons,  at  a  half- 
million   articles;   in  other  words,    a  market 


FRENCH   RECONSTRUCTION   PROBLEMS 


169 


'0mm,r—.,mm^ 


THE  RUINS  OF  A  TYPICAL  AGRICULTURAL  COMMUNITY 
(Throughout  the  entire  devastated  region,  not  only  farm  buildings  and  machinery,  but  roads,  bridges,  trees,  the  banks 
and  beds  of  streams,  even  the  soil  itself — all  have  been  ravaged  by  artillery  fire.     Livestock  has  entirely  disappeared) 


value  of  a  billion  and  two  hundred  million 
dollars'  worth  of  property  has  been  here 
annihilated. 

Manufactories:  But  this  region  of  the 
North  was  not  alone  rich  in  agriculture. 
Manufactories  here  were,  before  the  war,  the 
most  flourishing  of  all  industries,  and,  al- 
though comparatively  small  in  extent,  this 
region  contributed  not  less  than  one-fourth 
of  the  national  budget. 

The  figures  for  1913  attest  that  the  indus- 
trial production  of  the  North  represented  94 
per  cent,  of  the  total  production,  and  the  fol- 
lowing figures  permit  us  to  estimate:  steel 
works,  70  in  number;  metallurgy,  90;  spin- 
ning mills,  90  ;  weaving  mills,  60  ;  coal  mines, 
55 ;  electric  plants,  45 ;  refineries,  70,  etc. 

The  official  report  declared  with  regard 
to  the  destruction  of  this  industrial  wealth: 

Nothing  exists  of  all  that — work-shops,  ma- 
chine-factories, mines,  factories;  everything  has 
either  been  destroyed  or  carried  away  by  the 
enemy! 

The  destruction  is  so  complete,  that,  in  the 
particular  case  of  our  coal  mines,  two  years  of 
effort  will  be  necessary  before  a  single  ton  of 
coal  can  be  mined,  and  ten  years  must  elapse 
before  the  production  of  these  mines  can  even 
equal   that  of   1913. 

Finances:  Such  a  destruction  of  prop- 
erty does  away  with  all  possibility  of  financial 
reconstruction  on  the  basis  of  the  national 
budget  in   times  of  peace.     The  liquidation 


of  the  total  expenses  of  the  war,  which 
amount  to  twenty-four  billions  of  dollars, 
augmented  by  the  expenses  of  reconstruction, 
has  increased  the  ordinary  annual  budget, 
which  was  a  billion  of  dollars  in  1914,  to 
more  than  two  billions  in  1918.  To  meet 
such  an  outlay,  the  country  finds  itself  de- 
prived of  the  resources  of  the  ravaged  North, 
which,  as  we  have  seen,  amounted  to  25  per 
cent,  of  the  total  revenues.  Such  a  wide  dis- 
parity between  the  expenses  and  the  revenues 
cannot  fail  to  weigh  heavily  on  national 
prosperity  during  all  the  period  of  recon- 
struction. 

But  agriculture  and  manufactories  are  not 
the  only  things  needing  to  be  reestablished  in 
full  possession  of  their  means  of  existence. 
We  must  also  take  into  account  the  quantity 
of  rolling  stock  destroyed,  whose  speedy  re- 
placement is  essential. 

Now,  the  enemy  destroyed  the  lines  of 
communication,  rendered  useless  the  road- 
beds of  the  railways,  and  reduced  the  rolling 
stock  by  several  thousand  cars  and  locomo- 
tives. If  we  add  to  these  devastations  the 
destruction  or  theft  of  all  stocks  of  raw 
material  in  the  invaded  regions,  we  may  esti- 
mate that  the  sum  of  five  billions  of  dollars, 
indicated  as  necessary  for  industrial  recon- 
struction alone,  is  no  exaggeration  of  the 
reality  of  immediate  requirements. 

National  Fxonomy:  But,  by  the  side 
of  this  reconstruction,  locally  limited  or  de- 


170 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


fined  by  precise  losses,  there  remains  the 
vaster  work  of  national  reconstruction. 

The  concentration,  through  four  years,  of 
the  entire  energy  of  the  country  on  military 
needs  has  caused  a  profound  injury  to  the 
economic  life  of  France.  The  displacement 
and  the  transformation  of  general  production 
into  purely  military  effort,  the  ruin  of  the 
merchant  marine  (what  between  the  losses 
due  to  submarines  and  the  cessation  of  ship- 
building), the  disappearance  of  export  trade 
and  the  loss  of  all  foreign  markets,  consti- 
tute numerous  problems  which  require  effica- 
cious, practical,  and  rapid  solutions  by  the 
national  administration. 

Already  the  immense  program  of  needs 
created  by  this  reconstruction  has  been  estab- 
lished and  put  into  operation,  and  American 
production  has  lent  powerful  cooperation. 

It  is,  in  fact,  to  the  extent  of  tens  of  bil- 
lions of  dollars  that  America  will  have  to 
furnish  France  with  iron,  steel,  coal,  manu- 
facturing machinery,  rails,  locomotives,  cars, 
boats,  not  to  mention  raw  material  of  all 
sorts  necessary  to  the  revictualing  of  her  pop- 
ulation and  the  restoration  of  its  firesides. 

The  Irreparable:  But  what  cannot  be 
replaced,  what  constitutes  the  only  irrepara- 
ble loss,  which  no  indemnity  in  the  world 
can  ever  compensate,  is  the  sacrifice  of  two 
million  and  a  half  of  human  lives,  through 
death,  mutilation  and  disease.  Such  a  loss 
represents  about  one-fifteenth  of  the  total 
population — a  source  of  wealth  which  is  com- 
pletely annihilated  and  lost  for  the  restoration 


of  national  life,  and  which  will  never  answer 
the  call  of  peace. 

The  nation  owes  a  sacred  debt  to  the  dead 
— that  of  caring  for  the  needs  of  their  fam- 
ilies, of  their  widows  and  of  their  children. 

It  has  also  promised  to  care  for  and  sup- 
port those  whose  wounds  have  rendered  them 
incapable  of  work.  Looked  at  from  the 
material  standpoint,  this  is  a  new  and  heavy 
charge,  which  will  run  into  billions  in  the 
years  to  come. 

But,  here  again,  no  figures  could  give  an 
exact  estimate  of  such  a  national  social  and 
economic  weakening,  caused  by  the  disappear- 
ance of  such  a  mass  of  men,  who  constituted 
by  their  youth,  health  and  intelligence  the 
fortune  of  the  nation  and  the  hope  of  genera- 
tions to  be  born. 

The  reannexation  of  Alsace-Lorraine  may 
appear  to  certain  persons  as  it  were  a  senti- 
mental amelioration  of  the  sacrifice  of  these 
living  forces  and  an  evident  economic  com- 
pensation, since  these  two  provinces  have  a 
population  of  about  two  million  inhabitants. 

None  the  less,  the  irreparable  loss  remains 
not  only  for  all  the  firesides  which  deplore 
the  disappearance  of  a  loved  one,  but  also  for 
the  nation  as  a  whole,  stricken  in  its  very 
vitality.  This  applies  not  only  to  the  present 
but  to  the  future  as  well. 

III.    Readjustments  of  Labor 

Native  Labor  :  Among  so  many  difficul- 
ties involved  in  the  national  regeneration, 
that  of  labor  occupies  a  position  at  the  front 


,-  r*  "'*»"^****'  '^  •  _  ^^ 


A  BUTTON  FACTORY  IN  A  CITY  OF  NORTHERN  FRANCE 

(Ninety-four    per    cent,    of    France's    industrial    product    before  the  war  came  from  the  North.     Now,  to  quote  2JX 

official  report,  "Nothing  exists  of  all  of  that;  everything  has  either  been  destroyed  or  carried  away.") 


FRENCH   RECONSTRUCTION   PROBLEMS 


171 


THE  FAMOUS  CATHEDRAL  AT  RHEIMS.  UNDER   GERMAN   ARTILLERY  FIRE  FOR  FOUR  YEARS 

(The  destruction   is  much  greater  than  appears  from  the    picture   on   the   left.     The   other  view  indicates  that  the 

beautiful  structure  is  now  little  more  than  a  shell) 


of  the  stage.  In  the  very  first  year  of  the 
war,  the  government  wsis  obliged  to  call  to 
its  aid  inhabitants  of  the  colonies,  in  order 
to  fill  the  gaps  caused  by  the  mobilization  of 
several  millions  of  men,  snatched  away  from 
their  work.  Thus  it  happened  that,  both 
for  the  tilling  of  the  abandoned  soil  and  for 
the  manufacture  of  war  material  in  factories, 
laborers  from  Kabylia,  Annam,  Siam,  China, 
were  called  to  replace  workingmen  who  had 
gone  to  war. 

However  much  such  a  substitution  dur- 
ing the  years  of  national  defense  may  be  jus- 
tified in  the  name  of  interests  superior  to  in- 
terests of  class,  the  return  of  peace  evidently 
requires  other  solutions. 

When  the  workers  return  to  the  fields  and 
factories,  they  will  find  themselves  in  eco- 
nomic competition  with  "natives"  of  all  col- 
ors, who  had  come  to  replace  them  tempora- 
rily. Hence  the  questions  of  salary,  housing, 
customs,  moralit\%  which  have  already  been 
raised  and  studied  by  the  Minister  of  Labor. 
He,  animated  by  the  most  ardent  demo- 
cratic spirit,  has  not  failed,  in  proposing 
happy  solutions,  to  make  an  appeal  to  the 
various   interested   workingmen's   unions. 

It  would,  in  fact,  be  deplorable  if  con- 
flicts should  arise  among  workers  who  have 
diversely  contributed  during  four  years  to 
the  same  cause,  at  a  time  when  the  country, 
weakened  economically,  needs  for  its  regen- 


eration the  effort  of  all — of  both  the  settled 
workers,  whose  rights  in  the  nation  are  incon- 
testable, and  the  colonial  auxiliaries,  who  re- 
sponded to  the  call  of  the  government  in  or- 
der to  make  sure  the  common  safety. 

Foreign  Labor:  But  "men  of  color"  are 
not  the  only  ones  who  have  collaborated  in 
this  task:  Englishmen,  Belgians,  Italians, 
Americans  not  called  out  by  mobilization  or 
specially  assigned  to  work  back  of  the  lines, 
have  constituted  in  many  regions  of  France 
populous  colonies  employed  on  equal  terms 
with  the  local  workingmen. 

Many  of  them  will  desire  to  remain  in  the 
hope  of  a  better  situation  than  in  their  own 
country;  others,  to  found  here  a  family — 
and  these  cases  are  already  very  numerous. 
It  will  evidently  be  necessary,  after  the  adop- 
tion of  temporary  solutions  for  the  peace  re- 
adjustment among  all  these  workers,  to  for- 
mulate a  general  statute  regularizing  their 
citizenship,  duties  and  rights. 

If  to  govern  is  to  foresee,  we  feel  able  to 
affirm  that  these  important  questions  are  be- 
ing taken  under  serious  consideration  by  the 
Ministry  of  Reconstruction,  lately  consti- 
tuted, by  the  Superior  Council  of  Labor  and 
by  the  parliamentary  commissions. 

There  will  not  be  too  many  of  these  "re- 
constructing" workers,  whatever  be  their 
color  or  origin,  when  the  time  comes  to  un- 


172 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


dertake  the  programs  of  great  enterprises  of 
reparation  and  of  new  extension.  The  re- 
building of  lines  of  communication  devas- 
tated by  artillery,  the  construction  of  bridges 
and  other  works  of  economic  art,  the  increase 
in  the  system  of  canals  and  waterways,  the 
multiplication  of  railways — all  of  these  things 
being  channels  equally  indispensable  for  the 
commercial  and  industrial  renaissance  of  the 
country — will  oblige  the  government  to  make 
a  deliberate  appeal  to  all  possible  sources  of 
labor. 

A  central  bureau  of  employment  is  already 
coordinating  "supply  and  demand,"  and  di- 
viding, according  to  regional  and  local  needs, 
the  workingmen  whom  manufactories  now 
idle  or  war  industries  have  released. 

Accession  to  Property  Rights:  The 
question  of  salaries  is  not  the  whole  thing,  in 
France.  There  exists  a  strong  tradition, 
which,  ever  since  the  claims  of  labor  in 
1848,  has  oriented  reformers  toward  the 
search  for  a  method  of  opening  to  employes 
the  door  to  collective  property  rights.  The 
law  of  March  25,  1884,  which  gives  a  legal 
status  to  labor  unions,  does  not,  however, 
accord  them  the  rights  of  civil  personality, 
and  many  democrats,  defenders  of  the  work- 
ing class,  would  like  to  complete  this  law. 

Previous  to  1914,  the  majority  of  union 
workingmen  were  themselves  hostile  to  any 


A    WRECKKD   BUILDING    IX    PEROXNE 

(Also   a    specimen    of    German    humor,   the    sign    saying, 
"Do   not  be  angered,   only   surprised") 


conception  which  was  not  revolutionary. 
Perhaps  after  four  years  of  sacrifices  the 
reformist  elements  will  convince  the  extreme 
elements  that  it  is  worth  while  to  give  politi- 
cal rights  their  economic  interpretation  by 
conferring  on  them  collective  property  rights 
and  labor  contracts. 

As  early  as  1906,  Mr.  Aristide  Briand, 
who  became  later  President  of  the  Council, 
had  devoted  himself  to  this  problem  of  the 
rights  of  organized  unions  to  hold  collective 
property :  rights  to  own  the  places  where  their 
meetings  were  held,  to  own  factories  and 
commercial  enterprises,  and  to  own,  by  means 
of  shares,  a  part  of  the  capital  of  a  corpora- 
tion. Many  groups  interested  in  economic 
studies  have  enunciated  projects  giving  form 
to  these  principles,  and  several  members  of 
Parliament  have  introduced  propositions 
looking  to  the  same  object. 

The  war,  having  ripened  our  intellects 
and  given  more  solidarity  to  rival  national 
interests,  has  certainly  prepared  the  way  for 
this  decisive  experiment,  which  may  have  a 
salutary  effect  at  a  time  when  the  extremist 
efiforts  of  Russia  and  Germany  show  con- 
servative interests  the  danger  of  opposing  in- 
evitable transformations. 

The  Intellectual  Class:  The  common 
sacrifice  of  all  classes  of  the  nation  has  con- 
ferred on  them  rights  which  no  one  would 
dream  of  contesting.  If  the  best  among  the 
working  class  paid  with  their  lives  for  the 
liberties  whose  defense  they  made  sure;  if  it 
be  true  that  in  democracy  and  in  humanity 
one  man  is  the  equal  of  another  and  has  an 
equal  right  to  respect,  one  cannot  forget, 
nevertheless,  that  the  intellectual  class  was, 
to  a  large  extent,  the  depositary  of  all  the 
acquisitions  of  the  civilizing  thought  which, 
precisely,  aids  the  world  to  escape  from  war- 
like barbarity. 

In  France,  the  intellectual  class  paid  amply 
also  for  its  right  to  maintain  its  rank  and 
to  play  its  role  in  the  work  of  national  re- 
construction. 

In  fact,  it  was  by  thousands  that  savants, 
sociologists,  authors,  poets,  painters,  and  the 
representatives  of  all  branches  of  art,  laid 
down  their  lives. 

There  perished  equally  by  thousands  the 
students  of  the  great  schools  which  are 
the  nurseries  of  physicians,  chemists,  learned 
doctors,  philosophers,  mathematicians,  engi- 
neers, lawyers. 

And  these  losses  are  likewise  Irreparable, 
for  they  constitute  a  painful  weakening  of 


1 


FRENCH   RECONSTRUCTION   PROBLEMS 


173 


THE  RUINS  OF  BAPAUME.  WITH  THE  ROADWAY  CLEARED 


the  intellectual  and  moral  radiance  of  the 
nation  in  the  world. 

Those  who  fought  and  who  survived  them 
— their  elders  and  their  juniors — are  now 
the  ones  who  must  give  forth  that  radiation, 
the  quality  always  mentioned  by  foreign  na- 
tions when  they  wish  to  glorify  France. 

The  intellectual  class  may  well  play  the 
role  which  is  now  incumbent  upon  it,  after 
the  sacrifices  which  it  gladly  made,  and  that 
role  is  to  be  the  moral  arbiter  among  the 
internal  rivalries,  the  social  pacifier  in  the 
task  of  reconstruction.  The  generous  zeal 
and  the  disinterestedness  with  which  the 
elite  of  France  collaborate  in  this  reconstruc- 
tion are  the  best  guaranty  of  its  success. 

IV.   Social  Evolution 

New  Cities:  When  the  engineers  set  to 
work  to  reconstruct  the  devastated  regions, 
numerous  conflicts  of  ideas  and  tendencies 
arose.  The  most  eager  partisans  of  the  pic- 
turesque wanted  an  exact  reconstruction  of 
the  villages  and  towns  destroyed,  a  recon- 
struction preserving  their  former  topography 
and  aspect.  The  houses  were  to  have  the 
same  size,  the  same  shape,  and,  to  attain 
this  resurrection,  one  would  make  use  of 
photographs  and  even  of  the  memories  of 
survivors. 


This  was  evidently  a  thrilling  conception 
which,  in  the  thought  of  its  defenders,  was  to 
abolish  the  i!nage  of  the  war  and  offer  the 
soldier  returning  from  the  front  the  very 
illusion  of  his  former  home. 

An  exposition  of  drawings  and  models  at 
Paris  recently  permitted  one  to  appreciate  the 
ingenuousness  of  such  a  conception.  None 
the  less,  the  plan  early  prevailed  over  wis- 
dom, so  deeply  did  it  touch  sentiment. 

But,  after  reflection,  it  was  quickly  decided 
that  this  sentimental  reconstruction  no 
longer  suited  the  conditions  of  modern  life. 

For,  outside  the  large  cities,  which,  df 
course,  are  not  numerous,  the  devastated 
regions  contained  only  archaic  villages,  built 
without  any  plan,  along  the  edge  of  the  roads, 
and  generally  built  of  primitive  materials. 
These  villages  were  innocent  of  nearly  all 
the  elementary  requirements  of  hygiene. 

If  we  except  the  churches  and  a  few  his- 
toric edifices,  for  which  a  special  plan  of  re- 
construction is  contemplated  by  the  Ministry 
of  Fine  Arts,  all  the  houses  and  farm  build- 
ings destroyed  do  not  materially  merit  the 
least  regret. 

Reason  being  In  accord  with  hygiene,  as 
also  with  the  necessities  of  the  new  economic 
life  which  is  to  animate  the  reconstructed 
regions,  an  agreement  was  reached  on  the 
basis  of  modern  villages,   reconstructed  with 


174 


THE   AMERICAN  REVIEW   OF   REVIEWS 


IX    BETHUNE — THE    RUE    DE    SADI    CARNOT 

healthful  and  comfortable  houses,  utilizing 
solid  and  practical  materials,  such  as  rein- 
forced concrete,  and  profiting  by  the  prin- 
cipal improvements  in  household  economy 
in  the  matter  of  heating,  supply  and  use  of 
water,  air,  etc. 

Naturally,  new  means  of  communication 
were  arranged  for,  whether  by  automobile 
trucks,  trolleys  or  trains,  for  the  villages 
which,  as  the  case  might  be,  were  lacking 
any  of  these  conveniences.  And  architects, 
following  the  suggestions  of  the  sociologists, 
have  logically  provided  the  new  cities  with 
municipal  and  educational  buildings,  with 
halls  for  public  meetings  and  for  theatrical 
representations,  for  open-air  games  and  pub- 
iTc  gardens,  all  worthy  of  a  new  era  of  pros- 
perity and  peace.  The  very  completeness  of 
the  ruin  makes  it  the  more  easy  to  adopt  radi- 
cal changes. 

It  will  be  seen  that  such  a  reconstruction 
is  both  industrial  and  social ;  it  is  inspired  as 
much  by  the  democratic  spirit  as  by  general 
morality. 

In  fact,  it  is  much  less  a  question  of  piling 
brick  on  brick  than  of  creating  in  each  vil- 
lage a  new  social  milieu  where  everything 
contributes  to  the  collective  well-being,  to 
the  communal  spirit,  to  the  education  of  all 
through  comfort  and  individual  liberty. 

By  improved  means  of  transportation,  as 
well  as  by  this  regeneration  of  the  home,  one 
may  say  that  the  devastated  regions  are  des- 
tined   to    a   very   considerable   material    and 


moral  progress,  and  that  the  social  level  will 
rise  there  more  quickly  in  the  general  evo- 
lution of  the  country. 

V.   Necessary  Transformations 

Taken  as  a  whole,  the  work  of  reconstruc- 
tion is  destined  to  transform  all  the  con- 
ditions of  national  life,  and  there  would  be 
no  use  in  rebuilding  the  country  economically 
if  its  law^s  took  no  account  of  new  necessi- 
ties and  legitimate  aspirations  determined 
by  the  war. 

Already  the  reform  of  taxation  in  the  form 
under  which  Parliament  has  voted  it  will 
have  a  salutary  effect  in  the  villages  and 
cities.  The  old  system,  by  taxing  doors  and 
windows,  really  taxed  the  air  and  the  sun- 
light. 

How  many  ,  times,  as  I  have  traveled 
through  the  country  in  the  course  of  demo- 
cratic campaigns,  I  have  been  struck  with 
the  physical  degradation  of  the  race  as  seen 
in  the  children,  a  degradation  caused  by  too 
many  people  inhabiting  houses  where  small 
orifices  allowed  insufficient  quantities  of  oxy- 
gen to  penetrate! 

Henceforth  the  law  taxes  income — and 
this  only  since  the  war — and  France  follows 
in  the  footsteps  of  England  and  America, 
after  a  delay  which  we  may  well  regret. 

The  question  of  alcohol  is  still  pending. 
It  will  soon  claim  its  solution,  if  we  wish  to 
avoid — in  the  formidable  agglomerations  of 
working  people,  brought  together  by  new  in- 
dustries— dangerous  fermentations  and  a  de- 


A    HOUSE    REBUILT    BY    THE    AMERICAN    RED    CROSS 

(The  building,  in  Bethencourt,  has  evidently  retained 

its  original  design — for  the  lack  of  windows,  due  to  the 

old  taxation  system  described  by  the  author,  is  noticeable) 


FRENCH    RECONSTRUCTION    PROBLEMS 


175 


cllne  in  morality  among 
workingmen  of  many  differ- 
ent origins. 

The  abolition  of  the  popu- 
lar consumption  of  alcohol, 
which  is  a  veritable  poison, 
will  soon  be  imposed,  for,  if 
it  is  prohibited  to  the  soldier, 
why  should  it  be  permitted  to 
the  soldier  who  has  again  be- 
come a  citizen?  Here  again 
France  may  follow  in  the 
footsteps  of  America. 

Finally,  the  suppression  of 
child  labor  in  factories  and 
the  franchise  accorded  to  all 
women  will  constitute  two 
reforms  which  are  not  only 
important  but  vital  for  the 
regeneration  of  the  home. 


VI.  Conclusion 


Although  social  reconstruction  depends 
only  on  the  nation,  material  reconstruction 
cannot  be  undertaken  in  France  without  the 
aid  of  the  Allies. 

The  economic  interdependence  of  countries 
is  such  that  if  one  suffers  all  the  others  are 
also  injured.  The  nations  united  in  the  war 
ought,  then,  as  much  through  self-interest  as 
through  sympathy,  to  remain  united  in  peace. 

By  the  means  of  cooperation  and  contracts, 
France  can  be  assured  of  the  efficacious  aid 
which  she  will  receive  from  without,  and 
particularly  from  America. 

A  close  financial  and  industrial  cooperation 
exists  already  between  the  two  republics,  and 
this  will  give  them  more  solidarity  in  the 
future.  For  it  would  be  quite  useless  to  pro- 
claim noble  ideals  of  friendship  and  fraterni- 
ty, if  economic  relations  engendered  among 
nations  regrettable  antagonisms,  with  whose 
fatal  outcome  we  are  familiar. 

In  this  economic  entente  of  the  nations 
allied  in  the  great  common  construction, 
everything,  then,  will  depend  on  the  spirit  of 
democracy  which  animates  them.  And  to 
assure  the  success  of  this  work,  let  us  dare 
to  say  that  those  directing  our  governments 
should  not  be  afraid  of  new  and  bold  solu- 


THE  CITY  HALL  AT  MONTDIDIER 

tions  in  all  the  domains  where  they  shall 
have  to  come  to  a  decision. 

Financial,  economic,  industrial,  political 
solutions  demand  everywhere  daring,  notn- 
ing  else,  if  one  wishes  to  avoid  the  danger 
of  remaining  stationary  and  of  clinging  stub- 
bornly to  ancient  social  dogmas,  with  the  in- 
evitable consequences  that  we  know  about. 

As  for  France,  the  chosen  country  for 
democratic  experiments,  the  favorite  soil  for 
revolutions  in  ideas,  one  need  not  worry 
about  the  results  of  bold  solutions,  for  the 
country  is  morally  and  intellectually  strong, 
and  is  capable  of  absorbing  anything,  with 
the  essential  condition  that  liberty  prevail. 

*'In  the  twentieth  century,"  wrote  Mich- 
elet,  one  of  the  greatest  historians  and  poets, 
"France  will  declare  peace  to  the  world." 

This  prophecy  is  doubtless  being  realized 
at  the  conference  now  going  on  at  Paris. 
Let  us  hope  so,  and  may  the  land  drenched 
in  so  much  blood  conceive  that  there  is  a 
"democratic  order"  capable  of  increasing  and 
preserving  humanity  from  itself ! 

For,  to  preserve  the  national  reconstruc- 
tion of  each  people  against  the  risks  of  a 
new  war,  it  is  evidently  necessary  that  all  the 
peoples  put  into  practice  a  broad  international 
policy,  based  on  ideals  which  the  Entente 
leaders  have  proclaimed.  The  economic  peace 
of  the  world  may  be  had  for  this  price. 


WISCONSIN'S  NEW  PRESIDENT 

BY  FREDERIC  AUSTIN  OGG 

(Professor  of  Political  Science  at  the  University  of  Wisconsin) 


I 


PRESIDENT    EDWARD    A.    BIRGE,   OF   THE 
UNIVERSITY  OF    WISCONSIN 

AMERICA'S  institutions  of  higher 
learning,  no  less  than  her  industries, 
her  railroads,  and  her  commercial  establish- 
ments, are  about  to  be  rehabilitated  on  a 
peace  basis.  Throughout  the  war  period  they 
have  lived  up  to  their  rich  traditions  by  giv- 
ing generously,  and  of  their  best,  in  the  serv- 
ice of  the  nation.  Their  student  bodies  have 
been  depleted,  their  faculties  decimated,  their 
curricula  disarranged,  their  notions  of  educa- 
tional values  rudely  challenged.  Eventually 
they  will  be  the  better  for  the  experience.  If 
any  were  in  a  rut  it  is  safe  to  assume  that 
they  have  been  jolted  out.  All  will  be  com- 
pelled to  take  stock  of  their  assets,  reconsider 
their  functions,  scrutinize  their  methods,  re- 
adjust their  machinery,  freshen  their  spirit, 
tone  up  their  morale,  in  a  helpful   fashion. 

176 


It  need  hardly  be  remarked  that  this  colos- 
sal task  of  reorganization  calls  for  wise  coun- 
sel and  for  sure  leadership.  The  situation  is 
rich  in  opportunity;  it  abounds  also  in  pit- 
falls. That  the  high  demands  of  the  day 
will  be  met  by  most  institutions  no  one  may 
doubt.  It  is  to  be  expected  that  they  will  be 
met  by  the  University  of  Wisconsin ;  and 
here  their  surest  guarantee  is  the  election  of 
Dean  Edward  Asahel  Birge,  in  succession  to 
the  late  President  Charles  R.  Van  Hise. 

The  University  of  Wisconsin  opened  its 
doors  seventy  years  ago.  It  has  had  eight 
presidents,  most  of  them — and  especially 
John  Bascom  the  philosopher,  T.  C.  Cham- 
berlin  the  geologist,  Charles  Kendall  Ad- 
ams the  historian,  and  Charles  R.  Van  Hise 
the  geologist  and  economist — men  whose  per- 
sonal contribution  to  learning,  ^nd  to  the 
public  well-being  has  become  a  part  of  the 
nation's  treasured  record. 

President  Birge  is  eminently  worthy  of  the 
succession ;  and  he  could  not  have  come  into 
his  present  position  at  a  time  when  his  spe- 
cial qualifications  were  in  stronger  demand. 
It  is  safe  to  say  that  no  man  knows  the  Uni- 
versity through  and  through  as  does  he.  He 
is  not,  indeed,  as  was  Van  Hise,  a  native  of 
the  State  and  a  graduate  of  the  institution. 
His  birthplace  is  Troy,  New  York,  and  his 
alma  mater  Williams  College.  But  he  mi- 
grated to  Wisconsin,  as  instructor  in  natural 
history,  in  1875,  and  his  connection  with  the 
institution  has  been  continuous  from  that 
date.  One  of  the  happiest  events  in  the  Uni- 
versity's history  was  the  celebration,  in  1915, 
of  his  fortieth  anniversary  in  the  institution's 
service.  From  1879  to  1911  he  was  pro- 
fessor and  head  of  the  department  of  zoology. 
From  1891  until  his  election  to  the  presi- 
dency he  was  dean  of  the  College  of  Letters 
and  Science;  and  it  is  doubtless  as  **Dean 
Birge"  that  he  will  longest  be  remembered 
by  Wisconsin  men.  From  1900  to  1903, 
and  during  two  or  three  brief  intervals  later, 
he  was  acting  president. 

Like  two  of  his  nearer  predecessors.  Presi- 
dent Birge  is  a  scientist.     His  chief  interest 


CANADA'S     CARE     OF    HER    SOLDIERS 


177 


Is  fresh-water  biology,  and  he  Is  everywhere 
recognized  as  a  leading  authority  on  the  bio- 
logical and  physical  aspects  of  Inland  lakes. 
His  Investigations  and  publications  have  made 
one  of  Madison's  "four  lakes,"  Lake  Men- 
dota,  scientifically  one  of  the  best-known  bod- 
ies of  fresh  water  In  the  world.  Fitting  rec- 
ognition has  come  from  many  scientific  socle- 
ties,  which  have  conferred  upon  the  Investi- 
gator their  highest  honors. 

The  new  president  is  not  only  an  adminis- 
trator of  well-tested  quality,  a  scholar  of  In- 
ternational reputation,  and  a  teacher  of  un- 
common skill ;  he  Is  above  all,  a  man  of  cul- 
ture and  personality.  His  familiarity  with 
literature  would  do  credit  to  a  university 
professor  of  that  subject;  his  solicitude  for 


the  Interests  of  learning  in  all  Its  branches 
finds  fitting  expression  In  his  prominence  in 
the  scholarship  fraternity.  Phi  Beta  Kappa, 
of  which  he  has  been  a  senator  since  1904 
and  vice-president  since  1913. 

Sharp-eyed,  keen-minded,  terse  of  speech, 
adept  as  a  wielder  of  the  rapier  in  debate,  he 
is  recognized  by  his  colleagues  as  easily  the 
most  striking  figure  among  them.  He  has, 
too,  the  homelier  human  qualities  that  com- 
pel regard:  kindliness  of  manner,  modesty  of 
demeanor,  simplicity  of  tastes,  genuineness 
of  friendly  interest,  and,  withal,  a  sense  of 
humor.  One  may  be  pardoned  the  suspi- 
cion that  in  these  unsettled  days  the  last- 
mentioned  quality  is  a  university  president's 
most  valuable  asset. 


CANADA'S  CARE  OF  HER 

SOLDIERS 

How  THE  Dominion  Department  of  Soldiers'  Civil  Reestablish- 

MENT  Carries  Out  Its  Work 

BY  OWEN   E.   McGILLICUDDY 


THE  Dominion  of  Canada  was  not  only 
one  of  the  first  Allied  nations  to  deal 
with  the  problem  of  the  invalided  soldier,  but 
she  has,  during  the  last  few  months,  evolved 
one  of  the  most  successful  systems  for  help- 
ing all  her  fighting  sons  find  their  way  back 
to  the  constructive  activities  of  civilian  life. 
It  took  much  time,  money  and  effort  on  the 
part  of  the  government  before  the  responsi- 
bility for  this  Important  and  urgent  work 
was  properly  adjusted  and  distributed.  But 
it  was  worth  it.  For  it  resulted  In  the  for- 
mation of  a  separate  federal  department  and 
thus  provided  an  efficient,  all-embracing  or- 
ganization for  enabling  the  returned  soldier 
to  get  out  of  khaki  into  tweeds  in  a  more 
profitable  way  to  himself,  his  family,  and 
the  community  at  large. 

It  was  early  in  1915  when  the  problem  of 
the  returned  soldier  received  the  first  at- 
tention of  the  cabinet.  After  a  survey  had 
been  taken  of  the  situation  the  government 
came  to  the  decision  that  a  special  Royal 
Commission  would  be  the  best  solution  and 
the  Military  Hospitals  Commission  was 
thereupon  organized.    At  that  time  the  prob- 

Feb.— 5 


lem  of  according  the  best  possible  medical 
treatment  for  the  Invalided  men  was  the  one 
which  was  uppermost  In  the  minds  of  the 
authorities.  As  a  consequence  the  work  of 
the  Commission  In  its  Initial  stages  was 
planned  primarily  to  provide  adequate  hos- 
pital accommodation  and  supervise  the  gen- 
eral care  of  the  returning  sick  and  wounded. 
Up  to  March  of  1918  the  medical  service 
was  itiade  up  partly  of  civilian  and  partly  of 
military  doctors,  the  latter  being  members 
of  the  Canadian  Army  Medical  Corps.  But 
owing  to  the  difficulties  which  were  being  ex- 
perienced in  dual  administration  between  the 
C.  A.  M.  C.  and  the  Commission,  and  be- 
cause of  the  apparent  necessity  for  creating 
another  administrative  body  which  could  deal 
with  the  constantly  developing  civilian  prob- 
lem of  the  returning  veterans,  a  readjustment 
In  the  work  was  made  necessary.  This  re- 
sulted in  the  turning  over  of  all  military  hos- 
pitals, active  and  convalescent,  other  than 
those  at  Guelph,  Whitby  and  Saskatoon,  to 
the  Department  of  IMilitia  and  Defense  to  be 
operated  under  the  direction  of  the  Army 
Medical  Corps.     To  these  hospitals  men  re- 


178 


THE   AMERICAN  REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


turning  from  overseas  are  admitted  for  treat- 
ment and  held  there  until  such  time  as  their 
cases  are  diagnosed  or  medical  finality  in  the 
sense  of  a  man  being  found  unfit  for  service 
has  been  reached.  But  all  incurable,  such  as 
paralytics,  mental  deficients,  epileptics,  tuber- 
cular and  insane  patients  are  transferred  to 
the  care  of  what  is  now  known  as  the  In- 
valided Soldiers'  Commission,  formerly  the 
Military  Hospitals  Commission. 

A  New  Government  Department 

.After  the  hospital  readjustment  had  been 
finally  disposed  of  the  government  came  to 
the  conclusion  that  a  new  federal  department, 
separate  and  distinct  from  all  military  con- 
trol, was  absolutely  essential  for  the  fitting 
back  of  the  veterans  into  civilian  life.  This 
resulted  in  the  creation  of  the  Department  of 
Soldiers'  Civil  Reestablishment,  with  a  repre- 
sentative in  the  cabinet  in  the  person  of  Sir 
James  Lougheed. 

To  this  department  are  now  attached  the 
Invalided  Soldiers'  Commission  and  the  Pen- 
sion Board.  The  Order-in-Council  bringing 
about  this  readjustment  provided  also  that 
all  occupational  therapy  or  vocational  train- 
ing which  was  considered  necessary  in  the 
various  military  hospitals  should  remain  un- 
der the  control  of  the  Invalided  Soldiers' 
Commission,  but  subject  to  the  direction  of 
the  medical  officer  in  charge.  This  arrange- 
ment has  been  found  of  much  advantage  to 
the  Army  Medical  Corps,  as  it  places  at  their 
disposal  the  teaching  facilities  of  the  voca- 
tional branch,  while  it  has  been  found  equally 
advantageous  to  the  Department  of  Soldiers' 
Civil  Reestablishment  because  it  enables  its 
officials  to  make  a  closer  study  of  the  men 
prior  to  discharge,  and  in  some  cases  to  com- 
mence the  preliminary  work  of  his  industrial 
reeducation. 

The  arrangement  has  also  a  marked  advan- 
tage over  the  American  organization  inas' 
much  as  the  American  plan  has  resulted  in 
some  duplication  of  teaching  organization 
brought  about  by  the  fact  that  all  occupa- 
tional therapy  treatment  is  controlled  by  the 
Surgeon  General.  Canada's  system,  on  the 
other  hand,  provides  for  a  civilian  organiza- 
tion which  picks  the  man  up  after  a  dis- 
charge from  the  army,  looks  after  his  disa- 
bilities, gives  him  his  industrial  reeducation, 
and  then  endeavors  to  locate  him  in  a  posi- 
tion where  his  capabilities  will  be  best  suited 
to  the  trade  or  profession  he  v/ishes  to  enter. 

The  organization  for  administering  and 
controlling  the  work  of  the  Department  of 


Soldiers'  Civil  Reestablishment,  including 
that  of  the  Board  of  Pensions,  is  carried  on 
by  five  branches,  the  heads  of  which  are 
directly  responsible  to  the  Minister  of  the 
Department,  Sir  James  Lougheed.  While 
the  general  policy  for  carrying  on  the  rees- 
tablishment of  veterans  is  initiated  and  di- 
rected from  Ottawa,  each  province — or  unit, 
as  it  is  referred  to  in  routine  orders — has  its 
own  branch  headquarters  to  which  all  schools, 
hospitals,  and  sanatoria  in  the  territory  re- 
port at  regular  intervals. 

The  work  of  the  department,  apart  from 
that  of  the  Pensions  Commissions,  which  is 
a  self-contained  branch  of  the  department,  is 
divided  into  five  branches  and  known  in 
order  of  routine  as  follows :  ( 1 )  Medical 
Services;  (2)  Commandant's  Branch;  (3) 
Demobilization  Branch;  (4)  Vocational 
Branch;  and  (5)  Directors'  Branch. 

Medical  and  Surgical  Attention 

In  considering  the  duties  of  the  first 
branch — that  of  the  Medical  Services — it 
must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  men  given 
treatment  are  in  all  cases  veterans  who  have 
been  discharged  from  the  army  as  unfit  for 
further  service.  The  branch  as  organized 
under  the  administration  of  Col.  McKelvey 
Bell,  has  considerably  enlarged  its  usefulness 
by  extending  the  scope  of  its  work.  It  now 
provides*  medical  and  surgical  treatment,  to- 
gether with  medical  supplies  and  orthopedic 
requirements,  to  all  discharged  members  of 
the  Canadian  Expeditionary  Force  free  of 
charge,  whether  in  hospital  or  at  home.  Not 
only  does  the  branch  look  after  all  incurables 
and  incapacitated  patients  scattered  among 
the  various  sanatoria  and  hospitals  which 
have  been  established  throughout  the  Do- 
minion, but  all  discharged  soldiers,  whether 
they  reside  in  city,  town,  village,  or  remote 
rural  districts,  may  now  have  their  medical 
needs  supplied  in  the  quickest  possible  time 
upon  a  recurrence  of  any  physical  ailment. 
Up  to  date  nearly  60,000  men  have  received 
treatment,  and  it  is  estimated  that  when 
the  sick  and  wounded  now  convalescing  in 
Great  Britain  are  returned  to  Canada  these 
figures  will  be  augmented  by  40,000  patients 
who  will  have  to,  in  a  more  or  less  degree, 
receive  treatment  at  various  times  after  their 
discharge  from  the  army. 

Order  and  Discipline 

The  second  branch  of  the  department  is 
that  known  as  the  Commandant's  Branch, 
or,  as  it  is  familiarly  called  by  the  veterans, 


CANADA'S    CARE     OF    HER    SOLDIERS 


179 


the  **Law  and  Order  Brigade."  It  is  the 
duty  of  the  Commandant's  Branch  to  see 
that  order  and  discipline  are  maintained  in 
all  hospitals,  sanatoria  and  schools  which  are 
operated  under  the  control  of  the  Invalided 
Soldiers'  Commission.  The  procedure  of  the 
work  of  the  Commandant's  representative 
in  each  unit  is  to  keep  in  touch  with  returned 
men  who  are  about  to  be  dis(!!harged  from 
the  Department  of  Militia  and  Defense.  As 
soon  as  a  returned  soldier  is  discharged  the 
Commandant's  representative  must  see  that 
copies  of  all  medical  and  military  papers  are 
handed  over  to  the  Deputy  Commandant  of 
the  unit,  who  thereupon  assumes  responsi- 
bility for  their  safekeeping.  The  only  time 
that  a  veteran  is  not  responsible  to  the  repre- 
sentative is  the  time  which  is  actually  taken 
up  in  vocational  and  industrial  re-training. 
The  work  of  the  Commandant's  Branch  as 
organized  is  not  discipline  by  force,  but  dis- 
cipline by  persuasion,  the  men  in  each  unit 
having  their  time  taken  up  either  in  legiti- 
mate amusement  or  personal  development. 

Securing  Employment 

The  third  branch,  which  was  created  dur- 
ing last  November,  is  known  as  the  Demobil- 
ization Branch,  and  is  directed  by  Major  L. 
L.  Anthes,  a  prominent  .Toronto  manufac- 
turer. The  duties  of  this  branch  will,  for 
the  most  part,  consist  of  classifying  and  find- 
ing employment  for  all  soldiers  who  have  no 
work  in  prospect  when  they  secure  their  dis- 
charge. This  will  be  done  by  coordinating 
the  plans  of  the  department  with  those  of 
the  departments  of  Labor,  Militia  and  De- 
fense and  the  Soldiers'  Land  Settlement 
Board.  The  department  will,  through  this 
branch,  establish  direct  contact,  not  only  with 
the  twenty-one  dispersal  centers  of  the  Militia 
and  Defense,  but  also  with  each  of  the  de- 
mobilization employment  offices  now  being 
organized  throughout  all  of  the  provinces  of 
the  Dominion. 

At  each  unit  headquarters  of  the  depart- 
ment there  will  be  a  unit  council  composed 
of  two  staff  members  of  the  Department  of 
Soldiers'  Civil  Reestablishment,  a  represen- 
tative of  the  labor  unions,  a  representative 
manufacturer,  a  representative  returned  sol- 
dier, a  representative  of  the  demobilization 
employment  office,  and  two  members  of  the 
Provincial  Returned  Soldiers'  Commission. 
This  council,  keeping  in  close  touch  with  the 
needs  of  the  returning  soldiers,  will,  it  is  be- 
lieved, be  in  a  position  to  anticipate  and  re- 
move many  of  the  industrial  obstacles  which 


have  hitherto  handicapped  the  soldier  on  his 
return  from  overseas. 

Vocational  Selection  and  Re-Training 

The  fourth  branch  of  organization  is  that 
of  the  Vocational  Branch,  which,  under  the 
control  of  Mr.  W.  E.  Segsworth,  has  made 
remarkable  strides  in  efficiency  and  has  been 
investigated  by  officials  of  all  of  the  Allied 
countries.  The  work  of  the  Vocational 
Branch  is  divided  into  two  classes;  viz.,  (1) 
Occupational  Therapy,  and  (2)  Industrial 
Re-Training. 

The  Occupational  Therapy  treatment  is 
provided  for  the  patients  of  the  hospitals  or 
sanatoria  who  are  partly  recovered  from  their 
disabilities  but  are  unable  to  get  from  their 
beds.  This  is  sometimes  known  as  bedside 
occupational  work  or  ward  occupations,  and 
consists  for  the  most  part  of  knitting,  em-  ' 
broidery,  sewing,  plastic  clay  modeling,  etc., 
the  idea  being  to  take  the  patient's  mind 
away  from  his  bodily  ills  by  employing  his 
hands  in  work  he  may  be  interested  in.  After 
the  patient  is  sufficiently  recovered  to  be  able 
to  move  about,  his  spare  time,  during  school 
hours,  is  spent  in  the  curative  work  shops 
which  are  usually  annexed  to  the  hospital. 
In  these  shops  the  work  taken  up  is  simi- 
lar to  that  which  is  given  in  an  ordinary 
manual  training  shop,  and  embraces  such 
forms  as  carpentry,  light  metal-work,  leather 
and  metal  embossing,  typewriting,  light  ma- 
chine-shop work,  and  so  forth.  While  the 
men  are  pursuing  the  work  in  the  curative 
workshops  they  are  closely  supervised  by  a 
medical  representative  and  an  expert  instruc- 
tor who  has  made  a  study,  not  only  of  man- 
ual work,  but  its  effect  on  disabilities.  Peri- 
ods of  fatigue  and  strain  are  watched  very 
closely  and  the  manipulation  of  tools  is  pre- 
scribed in  such  a  way  that  the  weakened 
members  of  the  body  will  only  receive  the 
required   amount  of   strengthening   exercise. 

The  second  division  of  the  Vocational 
Branch  is  that  familiarly  known  as  Indus- 
trial Re-Training.  In  the  early  days  of  the 
war  it  was  found  that  of  the  number  of  men 
returning  to  Canada  physically  unfit  for 
further  combative  service  a  percentage  were 
so  disabled  by  injury  or  disease  that  they 
were  not,  or  would  not,  through  treatment  or 
training,  be  in  condition  to  carry  on  in  their 
former  wage-earning  capacity.  As  a  result 
the  Department  of  Soldiers'  Civil  Reestab- 
lishment, through  the  Invalided  Soldiers' 
Commission,  provides  industrial  re-training 
for  these  men  in  its  various  schools  and  insti- 


180 


THE   AMERICAN  REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


tutions  under  the  control  of  the  Director  of 
Vocational  Training. 

The  range  of  opportunities  for  the  train- 
ing and  employment  of  returned  soldiers  has 
been  considerably  clarified  as  the  result  of  a 
careful  and  extensive  industrial  survey  con- 
ducted during  the  last  six  months  of  1918 
by  the  Vocational  Branch  of  the  Department. 
As  a  result  of  this  investigation  it  was  ascer- 
tained that  in  the  classes  under  the  control 
of  the  branch,  or  in  industrial  plants  which 
were  cooperating  with  the  Department,  there 
are  now  two  hundred  distinct  fields  of  en- 
deavor in  which  disabled  men  can  be  trained 
for  future  usefulness.  On  November  5, 
1918,  7594  applications  for  re-training  had 
been  received  at  Ottawa,  and  of  this  num- 
ber 5477  had  been  granted  courses  and  given 
pay  and  allowances.  The  last  registry  showed 
'that  158  courses  of  training  were  being  given 
in  various  parts  of  the  Dominion  and  that 
the   total    number    of    graduates   was    2063. 

Business  Organization 

The  fifth  and  last  division  is  known  as 
the  Directors'  Branch.  This  branch  is 
charged  with  seeing  that  the  business  organi- 
zation of  each  unit  throughout  Canada  per- 
forms Its  functions  with  system  and  despatch. 
It  is  really  the  clearing-house  or  "trouble 
zone"  of  the  Department.  The  work  en- 
trusted to  this  branch  has  principally  to  do 
with  the  purchasing  of  supplies   and   equip- 


ment of  all  kinds,  and  the  control  and  up- 
keep of  all  buildings.  It  looks  after  the  pay- 
ment of  men  and  their  dependents  while 
taking  treatment  or  training,  and  the  provid- 
ing of  clothing,  foodstuffs,  medical  supplies, 
and  orthopedic  supplies. 

Summing  up  the  work  of  the  new  Depart- 
ment, It  may  be  stated  that  the  records  avail- 
able at  the  vcfrious  unit  headquarters  and  at 
Ottawa  set  forth  one  of  the  most  interest- 
ing successes  in  national  administration  since 
the  outbreak  of  war.  The  Canadian  veter- 
ans who  have  been  salvaged  and  brought 
back  to  useful  endeavors  after  being  broken 
on  the  wheel  of  battle,  are  a  living  evidence 
of  what  Canadian  Initiative  and  enterprise 
have  succeeded  in  accomplishing.  Previous 
to  the  war  there  Is  no  record  that  Canada 
boasted  of  a  single  trade  school.  To  be  sure 
there  were  some  colleges  which  had  a  repu- 
tation for  thoroughness  and  quality  of  their 
work,  as  well  as  some  technical  schools  In  the 
larger  cities  which  ministered  to  the  needs 
of  the  community  so  far  as  the  training  of 
minors  was  concerned.  But  there  was  no 
machinery  in  existence  for  dealing  with  the 
problem  of  adult  retraining  and  the  wide 
variety  of  subjects  or  occupations  which  the 
demands  of  to-day  now  call  for.  When 
these  facts  are  considered  Canada's  success 
In  restoring  her  warrior  sons  to  health  and 
industrial  usefulness  is  one  of  the  crowning 
achievements  of  her  tremendous  war  efforts. 


I 


(T;  NVesieni  .Newspaper  Union 

RED  CROSS   INSTITUTE.   NEW  YORK  CITY.   WHERE   CRIPPLED  SOLDIERS   WILL  BE   TAUGHT  TRADES 
(The  picture  at  the   left  shows  a  one-armed   man   learning  the  art  of  mechanical   drafting.      Men  graduated  from 
this  school  have  all  become  self-supporting  and  productive  workers.     The  group  of  crippled  men  at  the  right  is  learn- 
ing how  to  do  welding) 


BERLIN 


^.^  A  U  S  T  R  I  A 
?  /    v)E.^NA      HUN  GARY"-' 


A 


BUDAPEST 


y'^-^vn. 


/BE^RADE  /I. r 


A  PROPOSED  THROUGH  RAILROAD  ROUTE,  ON  TERRITORY  OF  THE  ALLIES.  FROM  THE  ATLANTIC  OCEAN 

TO  THE   BLACK  SEA 

(Transcontinental  railroad  traffic  in  Europe  has  always  been  via  Germany  and  Austria.  The  route  outlined 
on  this  map  is  already  in  existence,  over  practically  all  of  its  length,  but  is  not  equipped  for  heavy  and  fast  trains. 
It  would  be  of  prime  importance  to  France  and  Italy,  and  to  the  new  nations  of  Central  Europe.  It  would  also 
open  up  unlimited  possibilities  for  American  business,  especially  since  its  western  terminus  is  at  Bordeaux,  the 
French  port  developed  so  importantly  by  the  American  army.  The  project  is  one  evidence  only  of  the  great 
changes  in  transportation  that   will   come   during  the  readjustment  and  reconstruction   period) 

ODESSA  TO  THE  ATLANTIC 

A  New  Railroad  Route  Planned  Across  Southern  Europe 

BY  WYATT  RUSHTON 


Rome,  October  25. — The  plans  for  the  future 
direct  railway  line  between  Bordeaux  and 
Odessa  are  receiving  special  attention  from  the 
Italian   Ministry  of  Transportation. 

It  will  be  necessary  only  to  link  up  the  exist- 
ing lines  between  Bordeaux,  Marseilles,  Venti- 
mille,  Turin,  Milan,  Trieste,  Belgrade,  Bucharest 
and  the  Odessa  terminus. 

Direct  communication  between  the  Atlantic 
and  the  Black  Sea  by  rail  will  be  one  of  the 
most  important  "after-war"  problems. — News 
Item. 

PRESIDENT  WILSON'S  declaration  In 
his  Red  Cross  speech  last  May  that 
America  will  not  abandon  the  struggling 
Russian  democracy,  pledged  us  to  a  policy  of 
helpful  interest  for  at  least  some  years  after 
Russian  territory  is  evacuated.  Previous 
promises  to  protect  the  interests  of  Rumania 
at  the  peace  conference,  and  the  Senate  speech 
of  January,  1917 — when  the  President  de- 
clared that  one  of  the  essential  bases  of  peace 
was  an  outlet  for  Serbia  to  the  sea — also  bind 
us  to  a  guardianship  over  the  interests  of 
these  smaller  peoples. 

That  this  guardianship  will  be  exercised 
in  conjunction  and  in  full  accord  with  Great 
Britain,  France,  and  Italy  is  made  plain  by 


our  attitude,  before  the  war,  In  regard  to 
purely  European  affairs,  and  by  the  circum- 
stances through  which  we  have  become  in- 
terested. For  the  next  generation  at  least, 
the  United  States  and  the  major  Allies  will 
be  equally  concerned  for  the  future  of  their 
smaller  brothers  in  arms ;  and  it  is  on  the 
political  and  economic  independence  of  these 
latter  that  they  purpose  to  found  and  main- 
tain the  peace  of  the  world. 

SOUTHEASTERN  EUROPE  AS  A  MARKET 

The  crying  need  In  these  countries  during 
the  period  of  their  economic  reconstruction 
and  development  will  be  machine  tools  and 
the  means  of  transportation.  Without  these, 
furnished  by  a  disinterested  third  party, 
Russia,  Serbia,  and  Rumania  will  not  have 
been  liberated.  If  America  fails  to  find  some 
means  of  supplying  cheaply  and  quickly  mo- 
tor-trucks, reapers,  binders,  and  even  locomo- 
tives and  rolling  stock  to  Eastern  and  South- 
ern Europe,  Germany  will  have  the  market 
entirely  to  herself  as  she  did  before  the  war. 

Another  era  of  dependence  upon  (Ger- 
many similar  to  that  which  lasted  for  some 

181 


182 


THE   AMERICAN  REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


thirty  years  before  the  war  Is  certainly  In 
the  present  state  of  Western  Europe  opinion 
unthinkable  for  any  of  the  nations  which 
have  been  at  war  with  her.  Yet  English 
and  French  steel-working  concerns  cannot 
begin  to  supply  the  demand  which  will  arise 
from  the  more  backward  countries  of  their 
own  continent  when  the  war  is  over. 

GEOGRAPHY,    TOPOGRAPHY BOTH    COMMER- 
CIAL  AIDES  OF  THE  CEXTRAL   POWERS 

Nor  will  public  opinion  allow  the  central 
position  occupied  by  Germany  and  Austria 
to  make  those  countries,  under  whatever 
form  of  government,  the  arbiters  of  European 
commerce  between  North  and  South  or  East 
and  West.  It  needs  only  a  glance  at  the 
map  of  Europe  to  show  the  geographical  ad- 
vantages possessed  by  the  Central  Powers 
and  exploited  by  them  in  the  past. 

Europe  is  a  continent  of  many  long  and 
comparatively  narrow  peninsulas  (Great 
Britain  but  for  the  accident  of  the  Channel 
being  one),  all  of  them  lying  in  a  prevail- 
ingly north-and-south  direction  almost  at 
right  angles  to  the  main  body.  This  main 
body  itself  may  then  be  considered  as  an- 
other narrow  peninsula  running  east  and 
west  and  at  right  angles  to  the  continental 
mass  of  Russia.  On  this  larger  peninsula 
the  Germanic  states  occupy  the  territory  to 
the  west  of  Russia,  to  the  south  of  the  Scan- 
dinavian countries  and  to  the  north  and  west 
of  the  independent  states  of  the  Balkan  pen- 
insula. Italy  is  to  the  south  and  most  of 
France  is  to  the  west. 

Their  geographical  position,  together  with 
the  mountain  features  which  give  direction 
to  the  watersheds  of  Europe,  sufficed  before 
the  war  to  give  these  Central  Powers  con- 
trol of  most  of  the  land  transportation  in 
Europe.  For  instance,  there  was  through 
land  transportation  between  Paris  and  St. 
Petersburg  before  the  war;  but  considerably 
more  than  half  of  it  was  through  German 
territory.  Prussia  controlled  practically  all 
of  the  plain  falling  away  from  the  Alps  to- 
wards the  North  and  Baltic  seas.  Routes 
farther  to  the  south  invariably  encountered 
mountain  barriers,  where  the  passes  running 
north  and  south  were  also  practically  in  Teu- 
tonic hands. 

EARLIER  ATTEMPTS  TO  CHECK  GERMAN  COM- 
MERCIAL   DOMINATION 

This  control  had  been  broken  to  some  ex- 
tent by  the  piercing  of  the  Simplon  tunnel 
in  1906  which  connected  Paris  by  rail  with 


Southern  Italy  by  way  of  the  Swiss  Alps. 
Another  tunnel  through  the  French  Alps 
had  been  completed  considerably  earlier. 

Again,  Serbian  resistance  to  Austrian  and 
German  schemes  for  a  right-of-way  through 
Serb  territory  to  Salonica  and  Constanti- 
nople checked  plans  for  expansion  to  the 
south,  now  definitely  set  at  naught. 

MOUNTAIN   BARRIERS  IN   FRANCE  AND  ITALY 

Nothing,  however,  will  give  Europe  an 
east-and-west  railway  route,  as  an  alternative 
for  that  running  through  Berlin,  until  a  sys- 
tem Is  developed  to  the  south  of  the  Alps. 
Such  a  system  can  be  evolved  only  after 
natural  difficulties  of  some  seriousness  have 
been  overcome.  The  spurs  of  the  Alps  pro- 
jecting southward — and  forming  the  spiny 
backbone  of  Southeastern  France,  of  Italy, 
the  Balkan  peninsula,  and  a  portion  of  Bessa- 
rabia —  prevent  this  route  from  being  a 
smooth  and  level  road  such  as  that  which 
stretches  along  the  northern  plain. 

Railroads  have  with  difficulty  penetrated 
the  massif  of  the  Cevennes  Mountains,  lying 
north-and-south  across  Southern  France; 
and  no  direct  line  east  from  Bordeaux  has 
yet  been  constructed.  The  passes  of  the  Alps 
near  Modane  and  Ventimille,  at  the  Franco- 
Italian  frontier,  have  been  utilized  to  admi- 
rable advantage,  but  doubtless  the  grades 
and  curves  on  these  lines  could  be  greatly 
Improved.  Beyond  Trieste  the  railway  con- 
struction Is  rather  a  matter  of  conjecture — 
in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  valley  of  the 
Save  carries  one  line  almost  straight  to  Bel- 
grade— but  much  rebuilding  of  roadbed  is 
necessary  before  the  road  could  carry  heavy 
transcontinental  traffic.  New  construction 
to  the  east  of  Belgrade,  also,  would  seeming- 
ly be  necessary  to  secure  a  short  route  into 
Rumania ;  while  the  state  of  the  Rumanian 
railways  is  such  as  to  demand  undoubtedly 
a  vast  amount  of  repair  work. 

HOW  THE  DANUBE  IS  CONTROLLED" 

These  difficulties,  however,  seem  small  In 
view  of  the  political  and  economic  impor- 
tance of  a  real  trunk  line  across  Southern  Eu- 
rope. The  delays  and  annoyances  to  which 
both  passengers  and  shippers  would  undoubt- 
edly have  been  subject  before  the  war, 
through  lack  of  coordination  on  the  various 
national  systems  and  at  the  several  national 
frontiers,  lead  one  naturally  to  suppose  that 
this  route  was  rarely  if  ever  taken. 

The  situation  was  really  not  very  differ- 
ent from  that  of  river  navigation  on  the  Dan- 


ODESSA    TO    THE    ATLANTIC 


183 


ube  previous  to  the  interest  taken  in  it  by  the 
European  powers  after  the  Crimean  war. 
A  great  east-and-west  route  for  steamboats 
existed,  but  its  use  was  subject  to  both  natu- 
ral and  political  obstacles.  Austria  and 
Russia  had  rival  claims  to  control  on  the 
banks,  while  the  trade  of  other  nations  was 
hampered  through  restrictions  imposed  by 
both.  Neither  Austria  nor  Russia,  moreover, 
had  sufficient  control  of  the  whole  length  of 
the  river  to  keep  it  always  in  navigable 
condition. 

These  obstacles  were  cleared  away  by  the 
Treaty  of  Paris  in  1854,  through  the  forma- 
tion of  an  international  commission  consist- 
ing of  representatives  of  all  the  countries 
which  had  participated  in  the  war.  This 
commission  was  entrusted  with  sovereign 
powers  over  the  whole  of  the  lower  river 
and  over  the  port  at  its  mouth.  At  the  same 
time  the  Rumanian  principalities  were  de- 
clared independent  of  Russian  influence,  and 
were  given  control  of  the  banks  from  the 
Iron  Gate  to  the  sea. 

INTERNATIONAL  CONTROL  OF  A  RAILWAY 
SYSTEM 

A  similar  procedure  would  suffice  to  link 
together  in  a  real  international  highway  the 
railway  lines  from  Odessa  to  Bordeaux. 
Croatia,  Istria,  and  Dalmatia  will  undoubt- 
edly be  made  free  of  Austrian  domination, 
while  Trieste  will  go  to  Italy.  Serbia  and 
Rumania  will  be  so  enlarged  territorially  as 
to  assure  that  the  railway  will  be  all  theirs. 
Control  over  the  right-of-way  ought,  how- 
ever, to  be  given  to  an  international  com- 
mission with  powers  to  coordinate  and  stand- 
ardize the  track  and  rolling-stock  all  along 
the  line,  together  with  the  authority  to  issue 
bonds  for  necessary  improvements  and  to  ac- 
quire dockage  facilities  at  several  of  the 
principal  ports. 

The  system  under  control  of  such  an  in- 
ternational railway  commission  would  cover 
at  least  twenty-five  hundred  miles  of  main 
line,  with  stations  at  three  large  ports  and 
four  important  inland  cities.  It  would  not 
only  offer  unlimited  advantages  over  the  Si- 
berian route  for  tools,  machinery,  and  auto- 
mobiles coming  from  America,  but  would 
save  several  days  for  American  business  men, 
especially  those  with  interests  in  Southern 
Russia.     Goods  cabled  for  could  reach  Rus- 


sia within   two  or  three  weeks  after  being 
ordered   from  the  factory  in  America. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  line  would  bring 
Russian  and  Rumanian  agricultural  prod- 
ucts so  essential  for  feeding  the  industrial 
workers  of  France,  Italy,  and  England,  to 
Western  Europe  in  record  time  and  without 
the  necessity  of  passing  under  the  eyes  of  the 
Turk  at  the  Dardanelles.  A  rich  trade  be- 
tween Russia  and  America  would  undoubt- 
edly spring  up. 

America's  interest 

The  project  of  a  railroad  across  Southern 
Europe  is  now  being  studied  by  the  Italian 
Ministry  of  Transportation,  to  whom  it  nat- 
urally first  appeals.  It  can  probably  be  com- 
pletely realized  only  with  British  and  Ameri- 
can aid.  The  governments  of  France,  Italy, 
Serbia,  Rumania,  and  Russia  (the  Ukraine) 
will  naturally  fix  the  terms  whereby  an  in- 
ternational right-of-way  is  created.  British 
interests  will  nevertheless  probably  be  al- 
lowed to  take  up  a  good  deal  of  the  capitali- 
zation or  bond  issues,  while  purchases  of 
heavy  rails  and  transcontinental  rolling- 
stock  will  have  to  be  made  in  America  with- 
out prejudice  also  to  American  financial  sup- 
port. 

The  western  European  allies  have  had  an 
opportunity  already  to  judge  of  the  greatly 
increased  carrying  capacity  and  tractive 
power  of  American  freight  cars  and  locomo- 
tives used  by  our  army  in  Europe.  Undoubt- 
edly, with  the  war  over,  many  of  these  cars 
and  locomotives  will  find  their  way  into  use 
on  European  railways,  especially  where  long 
hauls  are  necessary,  and  on  this  account  will 
become  almost  indispensable  in  Italy,  Russia, 
and  the  Balkans.  With  a  commodious  type 
of  freight  car  and  with  locomotives  of  the 
heavy  Mogul  type,  capable  of  pulling  steep 
mountain  grades,  natural  obstacles  to  trans- 
portation by  the  southern  route  will  be  re- 
duced to  a  minimum. 

The  giant  merchant  marine  built  up  dur- 
ing the  war  can  serve  us  and  the  rest  of  the 
world  no  better  than  in  connection  with 
speedy  communication  across  Europe  by 
land;  and  President  Wilson's  third  condi- 
tion of  peace,  which  involves  "the  suppres- 
sion as  far  as  possible  of  all  economic  bar- 
riers between  nations,"  could  not  be  given  a 
more  practical  application. 


AN  OUTLET  TO  THE  SEA  FOR 
EUROPE'S  NEW  NATIONS 


BY  ALFRED  C.  BOSSOM 


[Mr.  Bossom  is  well  known  both  in  London  and  New  York  as  an  architect,  having  come  to  this 
country  from  England  some  years  ago.  His  suggestion  for  a  neutral  zone  or  highway  was  pre- 
sented at  a  dinner  in  New  York  for  President  Masaryk  of  Czechoslovakia,  just  before  Dr.  Masaryk 
sailed  to  take  up  his  official  duties.  Mr.  Bossom's  project  is  ingenious,  and  suggests  how  many  im- 
portant changes  there  may  be  in  the  future,  in  what  may  be  called  the  transportation  and  engineering 
map   of   Europe,   having   to   do   with    waterways,    through  railways,  and  highways. — The  Editor] 


IN  the  center  of  Eastern  Europe,  recog- 
nition has  been  accorded  by  America  and 
the  Allies  to  three  Slavic  peoples:  the  Poles, 
Czechoslovaks,  and  Jugo-Slavs,  who  for  a 
century  at  least  have  been  subject  to  Teu- 
tonic or  other  oppression. 

These  lately  freed  peoples  occupy  the  ma- 
jor part  of  the  land  between  the  Baltic  and 
the  Adriatic  and  with  the  others  approxi- 
mate sixty  million  people  in  this  section,  none 
of  whom  has  practical  access  to  the  sea. 
River  or  rail  transportation  through  enemy 
or  unfriendly  territory  provides  their  only 
outlet  to  the  world.  The  temptation  of  the 
sea-coast  nations  to  take  advantage  of  this 
abnormal  situation  is  bound  sooner  or  later 
to  develop,  irrespective  of  any  agreement  or 
regulations ;  for  the  land-locked  position  of 
these  interior  peoples  causes  every  ton  of  im- 
ports or  exports  to  be  at  the  mercy  of  freight 
rates,  speed,  and  volume  of  transportation, 
and  of  tarif?  charges  at  the  discretion  of  un- 
sympathetic powers. 

Any  just  peace  settlement  certainly  should 
give  to  these  freed  nations  the  right  to  trade 
with  any  other  free  nation  without  being  un- 
der the  constant  risk  of  being  subject  to  re- 
strictions imposed  by  intermediaries. 

One  of  the  strongest  of  President  Wilson's 
"points"  of  peace  was  the  elimination  of  com- 
mercial restrictions ;  and  that  is  definitely  de- 
nied to  these  people  on  account  of  their  loca- 
tion, unless  they  are  given  suitable  access  to 
the  sea — the  world's  commercial  highway. 

WHY    NOT    AX    INTERXATIONAL     HIGHWAY? 

Sea  access  is  vital  to  national  economic 
existence,  and  to  provide  for  the  land-locked 
countries  a  new  principle  will  have  to  be 
introduced  into  international  arrangements. 
My  suggestion  is  that  these  interior  nations 

184 


be  given  a  practical  right  of  way  over  the 
land  to  the  sea,  with  duty-free  ports  at  the 
terminations.  But  the  proposed  highway 
must  be  under  international  jurisdiction ;  the 
Freedom  of  the  Seas  must  be  carried  over 
the  land. 

Once  this  principle  of  right-of-way  is  dem- 
onstrated to  have  the  same  importance  inter- 
nationally as  it  has  nationally,  branches 
could  be  run  wherever  so  required,  thus  in 
practical  manner  definitely  avoiding  commer- 
cial restrictions  and  giving  to  each  people  the 
power  of  self-determination  in  connection 
with   their  commercial  development. 

AVOIDING    BOUNDARY   DISPUTES 

Among  the  secret  agreements  given  out  by 
Trotzky  when  the  Bolsheviki  took  possession 
of  the  Russian  archives  was  the  Treaty  of 
London  entered  into  between  April  26  and 
May  19,  1915.  In  that  treaty  England, 
France,  and  Russia  agreed,  as'  part  of  the  re- 
ward for  joining  them  against  the  Teutonic 
alliance,  that  Italian  possessions  in  the  north- 
ern Adriatic  should  be  materially  enlarged. 

At  that  time  these  new  nations  (except 
Serbia  and  Montenegro)  were  held  by  the 
enemy  combination,  and  although  known  to 
be.  in  opposition  to  the  governments  under 
which  they  existed  they  had  an  entirely  dif- 
ferent status  from  that  which  they  are  now 
entitled  to  enjoy  as  independent  peoples  rec- 
ognized as  free  by  the  Allies  and  America. 

At  worst  the  Treaty  of  London  contem- 
plated leaving  certain  portions  of  the  coast 
to  the  peoples  of  the  hinterland ;  but  under 
the  armistice  agreement  with  Austria,  Italy 
has  taken  physical  possession  of  the  entire 
upper  end  of  the  Adriatic.  Both  Trieste 
and  Fiume,  the  only  good  ports  thereabouts, 
have  been   taken,   although   Fiume  was   not 


AN  OUTLET  TO  THE  SEA  FOR  EUROPE'S  NEW  NATIONS 


185 


covered  by  the  Treaty  of 
London.  This  situation  has 
caused  great  dissatisfaction 
among  the  Jugo-Slavs  and 
other  kindred  people,  as  pos- 
session of  ports  and  the 
mountain  passes  through 
which  the  railroads  have  to 
travel  seems  to  them  vital. 

A   NEUTRAL   ZONE 

My  specific  proposition  to 
remedy  such  rivalries  is  to 
set  apart — from  Danzig  on 
the  Baltic,  to  either  Trieste 
or  Fiume  on  the  Adriatic — 
a  neutral  zone,  or  interna- 
tional right-of-way,  or  high- 
way, wide  enough  to  provide 
fully  for  indefinite  future  re- 
quirements and  available 
with  equal  rights  for  all  peo- 
ples as  they  shall  be  admitted 
to  the  concert  of  nations. 

The  highway  for  its  entire 
length  would  lie  on  territory 
that  formerly  belonged  to 
Germany  or  Austria-Hun- 
gar}^,  land  that  will  be  redis- 
tributed on  account  of  the 
recognition  of  new  nations. 

The  western  boundary  for 
these  freed  people  most  prob- 
ably will  be  determined,  first, 
by  approximate  ethnographic 
boundaries,  and  secondly,  by 
geographic  features  which  most  nearly  coin- 

cide  with  these  ethnographical  lines.      The  Regarding  such  obstructions:     From  Dan- 

highway,  would  comcide  with  this  boundary..    ^-^   ^^^^  ^^j^  practical  port  on  the  Baltic) 

Ten  miles,  the  suggested  width  of  the  zone      ^^^^^  ^^  Bohemia,  no  great  physical  difficul- 
to  be  set  apart,  would  comprise  a  very  large      ^j^^    ^^^^    ^^    encountered.     Encircling    the 


ROUTE  OF  MR.  BOSSOM'S  PROPOSED  INTERNATIONAL  HIGHWAY,  AND 
ITS  RELATION  TO  THE  NEW  NATIONS  OF  EUROPE 


NO  SERIOUS  PHYSICAL  OBSTACLES 


area,  as  the  path  of  the  highway  is  approxi- 
mately 1500  miles  long.  But  any  of  the  land 
not  required  for  railways  or  roadways  would 
be  available  for  agriculture  or  grazing  pur- 
poses. When  it  is  realized  that  ultimately 
the  zone  might  have  to  provide  accommoda- 
tion for  all  exports,  imports,  and  transpor- 
tation for  this  vast  section  of  Europe,  it  can 
easily  be  understood  that  it  is  advantageous 
to  be  liberal  now. 

To  acquire  territory  later  to  widen  such 
a  highway  would  undoubtedly  entail  unpleas- 
ant international  complications.  The  width 
proposed  would  make  geographical  obstacles 
less  difficult  or  expensive  to  circumvent,  as  a 
railroad  might  go  around  an  obstruction  and 
still  be  within  the  international  zone. 


western  end  of  Bohemia,  there  are  ranges  of 
mountains  on  both  the  north  and  the  south ; 
but  by  keeping  free  of  these,  as  suggested,  the 
vast  mineral  deposits  there  could  be  retained 
for  the  Czechoslovak  lands.  From  Bohemia 
to  the  Adriatic,  to  either  Trieste  or  Fiume, 
there  are  existing  railroad  lines  through  the 
mountain  passes.  These  lines  are  in  close 
relationship  with  the  ethnological  divisions, 
and  by  adhering  to  the  one  selected  at  the 
peace  conference  the  physical  difficulties  pre- 
sent no  great  problems. 

For  the  present  at  least,  the  existing  rail- 
roads could  be  used;  and  the  presence  of  the 
international  zone  would  compel  them  to 
give   satisfactory    freight    rates,    etc.,    for    it 


186  THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 

would  allow  a  competing  line  to  be  built  at  it  would  be  unnecessary  and  unjustifiable  for 

once  should  they  fail  to  give  proper  service.  each   to    build    separate    expensive    improve- 

The   Italian    Bureau  of   Public   Informa-  ments,  for  many  years  at  least, 

tion,  at  Washington,  has  expressed  its  opin-  Well-constructed  roadways  capable  of  sus- 

ion  that  the  proposed  highway  would  be  to  taining  the  utmost  automobile  traffic  would 

the  advantage  of  Germany  and  her  late  al-  also  be  necessary,  as  this  form  of  transpor- 

lies,  and  that  they  would  control  it,  as  Ger-  tation  is  yet  only  in  its  infancy.     Without 

manic  lands  would  form  one  side  of  it.     In  doubt   later  this  will  take  the  place  of  the 

my  own  opinion,  it  would  have  the  opposite  slow  freight  train  to  a  large  extent, 

efifect.     It  would  form  a  defining  fence  un-  It  has  been  suggested  that  a  few  canals 

der    international    regulations   which   would  might  so  aid  these  central  nations  as  to  make 

be  of  far  greater  force  than  any  boundary  any  other  means  of  sea  access  unnecessary,  but 

between  Germany  and  one  of  these  smaller  sufficient  canals  to  do  this  would  be  of  such 

new  nations.  colossal  expense  and  take  so  much  time  to 

An    examination   of   the   map   of    Europe  build  that  the  proposition  is  quite  impracti- 

demonstrates  that  the  old  western  boundary  cal ;  and  at  the  best  the  outlets  would  have 

of   Germany   was   a   comparatively   straight  to  be  along  rivers  which  pass  for  the  major 

line;  for  France,  Belgium,  and  Holland  were  portion  of  their  length  through  territory  oc- 

intellectually    organized    on    practically    an  cupied  by  unsympathetic  peoples, 

equal  basis  with  Germany.     But  on  the  east-  The  Danube  running  to  the  Black  Sea, 

ern  boundary  long  tentacles  stretched  out  into  or  the  shallow  Elbe,  with  its  numerous  locks 

the  Slavic  lands,  due  to  Germany's  greater  running  to  the  North  Sea,  would  both  entail 

organizing    force,    striving    to    acquire    the  great  time  and  considerable  rehandling  for 

wealth  of  these  lesser  developed  peoples.  freight  ultimately  intended  for  countries  such 

Thus  by  the  very  simple  process  of  infiltra-  as  the  United  States  or  England.  This 
tion — if  this  highway  or  defining  zone  be  not  would  require  that  workers  in  the  land- 
set  apart — the  Germans  would  cross  into  locked  nations  must  receive  a  lesser  wage  for 
Poland  or  Czechoslovakia  and  soon  be  con-  their  efforts,  and  the  manufacturers  less  for 
trolling  economic  affairs  to  the  detriment  of  their  goods,  than  their  German  neighbors 
the  rightful  owners  of  the  lands  that  they  who  have  the  most  efficient  freight  distribu- 
had  invaded ;  and  in  any  dispute  the  smaller,  tion  system  in  Europe. 

newly  organized  nation  would  be  at  a  dis-  It  is  of  the  utmost  importance  that  these 

advantage.     The  existence  of  this  highway,  peoples    be    given    an    opportunity    to    earn 

on  the  other  hand,  would  be  a  constant  re-  wages   that   will    enable   them    to   maintain 

minder  to  Germany  that  should  any  passage  their  state  on  a  dignified  basis,   and  justify 

be  made  across  it  in  opposition  to  regulations  them  staying  at  home  to  develop  their  na- 

the  displeasure  of  the  remainder  of  the  civil-  tional  resources. 

ized  world  would  have  to  be  faced.  The  birth  pangs  of  these  newly  recognized 

people  are  likely  to  be  exceedingly  ^harrow- 
ing even   under  most  favorable   conditions; 

For    transportation    along    this    highway,  and  if  their  workers  are  compelled  to  take 

either  of  two  methods  could  be  adopted  with  less  wages,  due  to  avoidable  transportation 

satisfaction.     First,   each  of  the  nations  af-  or  tariff  obstacles,  they  will  believe  that  they 

fected  could   have  its  own   railroad,   paying  have  not  been  treated  justly, 

for  the  same  and  maintaining  it.     Secondly,  In   conclusion,    these   land-locked    peoples 

there  might  be  one  common  railroad  for  the  are  entitled  to  the  opportunity  to  live  on  a 

use  of  all  of  the  peoples.  just  economic  basis,  which  can  only  be  en- 

Either  method  would  of  necessity  require  joyed  if  the  principle  of  the  Freedom  of  the 

that  all  details  be  mutually  agreed  upon  and  Sea  is  carried  over  the  land  to  them.     Ac- 

that  the  general  supervision  be  under  an  in-  cess  to  highways  for  transportation  is  recog- 

ternational  committee;  for  in  certain  places  nized  as  indispensable  to  individuals.     Why, 

(as  at  bridges,  mountain  passes,  tunnels,  etc.)  therefore,  is  it  not  essential  to  nations? 


TRANSPORTATION  SYSTEMS 


SERVICE -THE  KEYNOTE  OF  A 
NEW  CABINET  DEPARTMENT 


BY  HARLEAN  JAMES 


THE  establishment  of  strong  federal  con- 
trol in  numerous  war  bureaus  has  been — 
like  the  declaration  of  martial  law  in  an  area 
devastated  by  flood,  earthquake,  or  fire — in- 
evitable and  efficient,  but  for  peace  times  not 
in  character  with  the  genius  of  our  republic. 
It  is  quite  clear,  however,  that  we  should 
not  allow  ourselves  to  drop  back  into  the  de- 
plorable hodge-podge  methods  which  have 
too  frequently  characterized  our  State  and 
municipal  administrations  in  the  past. 

The  Service  of  the  Federal  Government 

It  is  not,  as  many  persons  seem  to  suppose, 
a  question  of  federal  control  against  local 
initiative.  Increasingly  our  federal  govern- 
ment stands  for  service  and  not  for  arbitrary 
control. 

Of  the  six  departments  whose  heads  sat 
in  the  cabinet  of  the  first  administration,  only 
one— the  Post  Office — came  in  close  contact 
with  the  individual  citizens.  The  War  and 
Navy  Departments  were  for  the  national  de- 
fense, the  State  Department  for  international 
diplomacy,  the  Treasury  for  the  collection  of 
revenue  and  disbursement  of  funds,  and  the 
Attorney  General  for  legal  advice  and  action. 

For  something  like  a  hundred  and  thirty- 
five  years  the  Post  Office  has  been  rendering 
a  constant  service  to  the  people.  For  many 
of  these  years  postmasters  were  the  only 
visible  representatives  of  the  United  States 
Government  with  whom  law-abiding  citizens 
came  in  frequent  contact.  Before  the  rural 
mail-carrier  penetrated  mountain  fastness 
and  served  lonely  farms,  however,  the  federal 
government  had  established  new  contacts 
with  the  people  through  its  homesteads,  its 
vast  reclamation  projects,  its  forest  reserves, 
and  its  public  pleasure  parks. 

The  States  Relations  Service 

The  States  Relations  Service  of  the  De- 
partment of  Agriculture  has  more  recently 
established  new  machinery  of  cooperation  be- 
tween federal  and  local  governments.  There 
have  been  technical  divisions  in  the  depart- 


ment for  years.  There  have  been  State 
experiment  stations.  But  the  State  and 
county  agents  created  by  the  Smith-Lever 
bill  have  carried  the  message  of  service  to 
the  forsaken  districts.  To-day  there  is 
scarcely  a  farmer  in  the  country  who  does 
not  know  about  the  help  he  can  secure  from 
the  Department  of  Agriculture.  And  that 
service  has  not  been  given  at  the  expense  of 
the  States.  It  has  been  dispensed  through 
State  machinery  and  has  helped  to  popularize 
and  make  effective  work  already  begun  by 
the  State  agricultural  colleges. 

It  is  an  educational  service.  It  has  no 
power  to  command.  In  order  to  profit  by 
the  federal  agents  the  States  must  raise  their 
share  of  the  necessary  funds.  The  head- 
quarters are  the  land-grant  colleges,  or  other 
colleges  directed  by  State  legislatures.  In 
order  to  secure  county  agents  the  counties 
must  pay  their  share.  And  when  all  the 
money  is  secured,  it  will  only  buy — service. 
The  service  must  make  good  if  it  would  con- 
tinue in  existence.  This  particular  service 
has  already  been  worth  millions  of  dollars 
to  the  farmers.of  America.  The  States  Re- 
lations Service  of  the  Department  of  Agri- 
culture has  proved  that  results  may  be  se- 
cured by  service  that  would  be  difficult,  if 
not  impossible,  to  attain  by  control. 

The  modern  business  executive  is  inclined 
to  believe  that  he  can  transfer  corporation 
methods  to  affairs  of  state.  As  applied  to 
federal  governmental  functions  in  a  republic, 
arbitrary  centralized  power  may  defeat  the 
very  end  for  which  it  is  aimed.  If  control 
is  wise  the  initiative  and  aspiration  of  the 
rank  and  file  become  atrophied.  If  control 
is  unjust,  or  even  misunderstood,  the  oppres- 
sion breeds  resentment  and  is  apt  to  break 
forth  in  rebellion.  But  service  stimulates  the 
giver  and  educates  the  receiver. 

A   Department   of   Civic  Economy 

We  need  a  cabinet  department  of  service 
under  which  may  be  grouped  bureaus — ohl 
and    new — that    make    available    the    results 

187 


18 


^THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


of  their  research  through  local  government 
units.  The  Bureau  of  Education,  for  in- 
stance, does  not  in  general  furnish  instruction 
to  the  individual.  It  offers  advice  to  State, 
county,  and  city  school  officials. 

A  Department  of  Civic  Economyj  rightly 
conceived  and  vigorously  carried  out,  would 
give  our  people  the  benefits  of  central  coordi- 
nation without  the  sacrifice  of  local  initiative. 
The  States  would  contribute  to,  as  well  as 
profit  by,  the  service.  It  could  be  made  to 
meet  the  test  of  the  republic  in  the  preserva- 
tion of  democratic  participation  in  govern- 
ment with  the  fullest  use  of  technical  ability. 

Such  a  department  should  conduct  re- 
search studies  and  make  experiments  on  a 
scale  possible  only  for  the  federal  govern- 
ment. It  should  make  information  avail- 
able through  a  net-work  of  cooperative  ma- 
chinery similar  to  that  established  by  the 
Council  of  National  Defence,  which  might 
well  be  called  a  Bureau  of  States.  This  bu- 
reau would  serve  the  sleepy  cross-roads  cor- 
ner in  the  remote  county.  It  would  serve  the 
noisy  traffic-ridden  city.  Through  a  local  re- 
lations service  it  would  place  State,  county 
and  city  advisers  in  every  local  unit  where 
federal  money  would  be  matched  with  local 
money,  and  where  certain  local  services  would 
be  established.  By  all  the  modern  methods 
of  reaching  the  public  these  advisers  would 
advertise  the  wares  of  the  new  federal  depart- 
ment. The  public  school  system  would  furnish 
the  headquarters  in  each  of  the  local  units. 
State  universities,  or  universities  designated  by 
State  legislatures,  would  form  the  nucleus  of 
State  activities.  Those  interested  in  the 
community  use  of  the  schools  would  find 
here  a  powerful  stimulus  to  their  movement. 

IIoiv  States,  Counties,  and  Cities  Could  Be 
Helped  with  Advice 

The  Bureau  of  States  should  have  three 
informational  divisions: 

(a)  The  division  of  State  government 
would  deal  with  interstate  and  intrastate 
laws  and  institutions. 

(b)  The  division  of  county  government 
would  take  up  the  problems  of  the  county. 
There  are  some  three  thousand  counties  in 
the  United  States.  There  are  nearly  as  many 
different  combinations  of  restrictions  placed 
on  property  and  utilities,  and  quite  as  many 
ways  of  neglecting  public  service. 

County  citizenry,  made  up  of  scattered 
rural  inhabitants  and  suburban  groups  whose 
business    interests    center    in    municipalities, 


have  made  small  progress  in  developing  re- 
sponsible county  administration.  The  county 
tax  assessor,  the  county  constable,  the  county 
poorhouse  commissioner — what  standard  of 
efficiency  do  these  officers  call  to  most  of  our 
minds?  And  yet  they  are  generally  Honest 
citizens  and  good  neighbors,  who  follow  un- 
thinkingly the  traditions  of  their  localities. 
County  communities  would  demand  better 
service  if  they  knew  how,  and  county  officials, 
on  their  part,  would  be  proud  to  render  that 
service  if  it  seemed  to  be  appreciated  by  their 
constituents. 

(c)  The  division  of  municipal  government 
would  deal  with  town  and  city  administra- 
tion. Cities  need  trained  public  servants, 
but  they  also  need  a  trained  public.  There 
is  no  reason  why  each  hamlet  and  city  should 
find  it  necessary  to  make  its  own  mistakes, 
regardless  of  the  experience  of  other  towns 
similarly  situated.  There  are  an  indefinite 
number  of  municipal  problems  which  could 
be  met  intelligently,  with  the  best  solutions 
this  generation  has  to  offer,  if  the  public 
could  secure  reliable  information  concerning 
the  advantages  and  disadvantages  likely  to  re- 
sult from  the  adoption  of  proposed  policies. 

Consider  the  ultimate  result  of  such  a 
Bureau  of  States.  Half  a  hundred  State  ad- 
visers, three  thousand  county  advisers,  sev- 
eral hundred  city  advisers,  supported  jointly 
by  federal  and  local  funds,  studying  local 
problems  and  making  available  from  Wash- 
ington and  State  institutions  technical  advice 
in  matters  vital  to  the  well-being  of  every 
man,  woman  and  child  in  the  United  States. 
Consider  the  larger  opportunities  to  secure 
training  for  public  service  if  the  official  uni- 
versities were  required  to  offer  courses  in  the 
subjects  included  in  the  new  federal  depart- 
ment. Higher  standards  of  citizenship  in 
general  and  for  public  office  holders  in  par- 
ticular would  be  inevitable. 

The   Technical  Service 

It  is  eminently  desirable  that  flexibility 
of  organization  be  assured  to  the  proposed 
bureaus  and  divisions  in  order  that  new 
needs  may  be  met  as  they  are  recognized.  A 
logical  analysis  of  the  subject  is  not  at- 
tempted. The  aim  is  rather  to  suggest  an 
administrative  machine  capable  of  practical 
operation. 

Three  of  the  suggested  bureaus  are  planned 
to  render  human  service:  public  health,  edu- 
cation, and  social  service.  The  fourth  is  de- 
signed to  deal  with  physical  environment. 


SERVICE^THE  KEYNOTE   OF  A  NEW  CABINET  DEPARTMENT      189 


A  More  Effective  Health  Service 

The  Public  Health  Service  at  present  is 
admirably  administered;  but  as  an  integral 
part  of  the  Department  of  Civic  Economy-^ 
■profiting  by  the  local  relations  service  and  co- 
operating with  the  other  divisions  of  the  de- 
partment, it  could  be  made  measurably  more 
effective  than  in  its  isolated  position  in  the 
Treasury.  With  the  exception  of  those  living 
in  the  larger  cities,  our  people  are  generally 
dependent  upon  State  boards  of  health.  Yet, 
who  does  not  know  the  futility  of  expecting 
protection  from  a  State  board  of  health,  with 
a  paltry  few  thousand  dollars  at  its  command 
and  thousands  of  square  miles  to  cover?  The 
heads  of  the  best  State  health  departments  in 
the  United  States  would  be  the  first  to  ac- 
knowledge their  handicaps.  A  federal  health 
service  would  as  now  place  the  results  of  its 
research  departments  at  the  command  of  local 
officials,  it  would  organize  demonstration 
agencies,  and  it  would  educate  the  public  to 
support  adequate  local  health  administra- 
tions. 

Municipal  health  authorities  have  as  a  rule 
been  better  supported  by  public  funds  than 
State  health  boards,  but  inspections  of  per- 
sons, products,  and  animals  are  usually 
limited  to  the  jurisdictions  involved ;  and  a 
tuberculous  cow  or  infected  milk  may  be  ex- 
cluded from  one  government  unit  into  an- 
other ! 

Based  on  the  present  activities  of  the  Pub- 
iic  Health  Service,  the  following  divisions 
might  be  operated:  (a)  scientific  research, 
(b)  foreign  and  insular  quarantine,  (c)  sani- 
tary reports  and  statistics,  (d)  marine  hos- 
pital and  relief,  (e)  domestic  quarantine,  (f) 
public  health  nursing,  (g)  public  health  ad- 
ministration, (h)  food  inspection,  and  (i) 
recreation. 

Public  Education  Service 

A  Bureau  of  Education  we  have  had  since 
1869,  but  it  has  been  impossible  to  maintain 
extensive  research  divisions  or  to  carry  on 
wide  public  education  with  the  meager  funds 
which  have  been  voted  for  this  purpose.  This 
bureau,  as  the  head  of  our  public  school  sys- 
tem, should  become  one  of  the  most  impor- 
tant federal  agencies  for  the  inculcation  of 
democratic  ideals  and  training  for  American 
citizenship.  The  pitifully  small  groups  of 
devoted  workers  for  school  attendance  and 
child  labor  laws  in  our  States  did  not  need 
the  draft  in  the  great  war  to  demonstrate 
that  our  national  manpower  was  exerted  at 


low  pressure  because  of  insufficient  and  in- 
adequate schools.  A  Public  Education  Serv- 
ice might  develop  divisions  of  (a)  surveys  and 
statistics,  (b)  higher  education,  (c)  primary 
and  secondary  education,  (d)  school  man- 
agement, (e)  community  cooperation,  (f) 
citizenship,- (g)  physical  education,  (h)  vo- 
cational education,  and  (i)  adult  training. 

Care  of  Dependents,  Delinquents,  and 
Defectives 

A  federal  Bureau  of  Social  Service  is  much 
needed.  None  exists.  The  care  of  the  de- 
pendents, delinquents,  and  defectives  varies 
widely  in  the  different  States.  There  is  no 
service  that  needs  more  the  wisdom  that 
comes  from  research,  the  sympathy  that 
comes  from  explanation,  and  the  business 
methods  which  come  from  training.  With- 
out a  dollar's  expenditure  in  anything  but 
service,  a  federal  department  could  put 
States,  counties  and  cities  in  the  way  of 
securing  wise,  humane,  and  efficient  treat- 
ment of  those  not  able  to  meet  the  normal 
responsibilities  of  civil  life.  In  some  of  our 
States  excellent  examples  have  been  set.  In 
others  we  are  still  in  the  dark  ages. 

Community   Planning  and  Housing 

Turning  to  the  physical  environment,  we 
very  much  need  a  federal  Community  Plan- 
ning and  Housing  Service,  which  might  have 
divisions  of  city  planning,  public  utilities, 
and   housing. 

Long  ago  we  established  our  capital  city 
on  the  basis  of  a  city  plan.  Though  the 
plan  was  forgotten  and  neglected  for  many 
years,  it  is  the  plan  of  Major  L'Enfant  that 
saves  Washington  from  being  a  com- 
monplace city  of  the  second  class.  Many  of 
its  houses  are  hideous  in  all  reason,  but  they 
will  pass.  Its  streets,  its  parks,  its  trees,  its 
public  buildings,  the  features  due  to  the  city 
plan,  will  make  it  possible  for  Washington 
to  become  the  city  of  distinction  which  its 
importance  in  world  affairs  renders  desirable. 

In  America  we  have  before  us  the  re- 
making of  several  hundred  cities,  we  have  the 
laying-out  of  new  subdivisions,  we  have  the 
small-town  problem,  and  we  might  well 
organize  a  service  for  county  seats,  since  we 
have  three  thousand  of  them.  We  have 
the  planning  of  rural  communities.  Some 
cities  and  counties  have  tliought  it  wise  to 
organize  shade  tree  commissions.  Certainly 
a  public  park,  tree,  and  garden  service  might 
be  helpful  to  thousands  of  communities. 


190 


THE   AMERICAN  REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


A  Division  of  Public  Utilities  could  render 
valuable  service.  It  would  be  eminently  un- 
desirable to  try  to  standardize  systems  of 
light,  power,  water,  or  drainage.  It  would 
be  equally  unwise  to  centralize  their  con- 
trol. But  certain  minimum  standards  could 
be  formulated  from  time  to  time  below  which 
communities  would  be  ashamed  to  be  found. 
Backward  communities  would  be  shown  how 
to  secure  proper  utilities.  Progressive  com- 
munities would  be  saved  costly  mistakes. 
There  are  the  problems  of  light  and  power, 
water  supply,  drainage  and  sewage,  refuse 
disposal,  iire  protection,  treatment  of  public 
highways,  telephones,  local  transportation, 
and,  subject  fruitful  of  controversies,  con- 
tractual relations  with  local  government  units. 

A  permanent  Division  of  Housing  is  much 
to  be  desired.  There  is  at  present  a  war 
emergency  bureau  of  industrial  housing.  The 
housing  problem,  however,  is  not  limited  to 
war  emergency  nor  bounded  by  industrial 
needs.     It  is  a  constant  community  problem. 

Unsanitary  housing  is  not  confined  to  city 
slums.  It  is  often  a  rural  ailment.  Housing 
is  essentially  a  public  concern  and  ought  to 
be  treated  as  such.  This  does  not  mean  that 
individual  rights  and  preferences  should  be 
suppressed.  It  does  mean  that  the  public 
good  should  be  paramount.  And  one  of  the 
best  ways  to  discover  the  public  good  is 
by  means  of  a  service  which  shall  make  con- 
secutive studies  and  experiments  in  housing. 

There  is  the  whole  field  of  planning  eco- 
nomical and  attractive  homes,  there  is  the 
field  of  planning  public  buildings,  including 
schools,  hospitals,  libraries,  police  and  fire 
stations,  city  and  county  administration 
buildings. 

A  division  of  building  materials  would 
prove  most  helpful.  The  testing  and  rating 
of  different  products  for  definite  uses  would 
save  the  public  many  disappointments.  War 
construction   has  profited   by  such   a  service. 

The  management  of  subdivisions,  groups 
of  houses  for  sale  or  rent,  and  the  organiza- 
tion of  cooperative  ownerships  are  subjects 
on  which  most  of  us  need  education.  On  the 
financial  side,  it  has  been  fairly  well  estab- 
lished that  a  rental  or  instalment  on  sale 
should  not  exceed  a  certain  proportion  of 
the  family  income.  On  the  other  hand, 
rental  should  not  exceed  a  certain  propor- 
tion of  the  cost  of  the  house.  A  nice  adjust- 
ment of  these  two  factors  is  necessary  if  the 
occupant  is  to  make  a  safe  investment. 

Coupled  with  living  standards  is  the  home- 
keeping  problem.     The  Department  of  Agri- 


culture has  done  much  for  the  rural  house- 
keeper. Entirely  apart  from  the  question  of 
food,  a  Bureau  of  Housing  might  do  much 
for  the  town  and  city  housekeeper.  As  a 
matter  of  fact,  it  might  render  some  service 
to  rural  home-makers  in  an  entirely  new 
field. 

Over  all  the  United  States,  in  the  larger 
communities,  there  is  much  divergence  in 
building  codes.  In  the  small  towns,  build- 
ing codes  are  usually  conspicuous  by  their 
absence.  A  service  on  housing  laws  and 
building  codes  would  save  many  unnecessary 
mistakes  in  local  communities. 

The  Cost  of  Such  a  Department 

The  Department  of  Agriculture  has  an 
annual  budget  of  some  $25,000,000.  It  labors 
to  preserve  the  health  of  live-stock,  to  fight 
pests  which  prey  on  plants  and  animals,  and 
in  general  to  increase  the  prosperity  of  our 
rural  population. 

Shall  we  not  be  willing  to  spend  as  much 
on  a  department  which  would  establish  work- 
ing relations  between  federal  and  local  gov- 
ernments, which  would  contribute  to  the 
physical  upbuilding  of  our  cities  and  towns, 
and  which  would  minister  to  human  health, 
stimulate  education  to  increase  the  efficiency 
of  our  citizens,  and  care  for  those  unable 
to  help  themselves? 

In  the  beginning  so  much  would  not  be 
necessary.  The  technical  divisions  proposed 
could  make  a  valuable  contribution  on  an 
annual  appropriation  of  some  $10,000,000, 
about  a  third  of  which  is  now  expended  in 
the  Public  Health  Service  and  the  Bureau 
of  Education. 

The  local  relations  service  could  not  be 
organized  on  a  better  plan  than  that  estab- 
lished by  the  Smith-Lever  bill  which  pro- 
vided an  initial  expenditure  of  $480,000, 
with  annual  additions  of  $500,000  for  a 
period  of  seven  years,  reaching  a  maximum 
of  $4,580,000 — contingent  on  the  payment 
of  an  equal  sum  by  the  State  legislatures,  or 
other  State,  county,  college,  local  authorities 
or  individual  contributions  within  the  State. 

An  initial  appropriation  of  $15,000,000  or 
thereabouts,  with  progressive  increases  for 
a  period  of  years,  would  establish  the  service 
proposed  for  the  Department  of  Civic  Econ- 
omy. On  any  conceivable  basis  the  cost 
would  be  small  in  proportion  to  the  returns 
bound  to  accrue  in  increased  man  and  woman 
power  during  the  trying  years  of  readjust- 
ment to  new  international  and  industrial 
tasks  set  for  us  by  world  conditions. 


LEADING  ARTICLES  OF  THE 

MONTH 


THE  LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS 


READERS  of  this  Review  have  been  ac- 
quainted from  month  to  month  with 
the  discussion  of  the  League  of  Nations  idea 
that  has  been  steadily  gaining  intensity  on 
both  sides  of  the  Atlantic.  They  are  also 
familiar,  through  following  the  daily  news- 
papers, with  the  ideals  thus  far  enunciated  by 
President  Wilson  and  by  the  leaders  of  pub- 
lic opinion  in  Great  Britain,  France,  and 
other  European  countries.  The  articles  from 
which  we  shall  make  brief  quotations  on  this 
and  the  following  pages  have  to  do  less  with 
the  broad  principles  of  international  relation- 
ship than  with  the  practical  applications  that 
are  coming  more  and  more  under  discussion, 
as  the  Peace  Conference  is  assembling. 

The  views  held  by  a  large  and  growing 
section  of  American  public  opinion  were 
clearly  stated  in  an  interview  with  President 
Nicholas  Murray  Butler,  of  Columbia  Uni- 
versity, which  first  appeared  in  the  London 
Observer  of  December  8th,  last,  and  was  re- 
printed in  the  December  number  of  the 
World  Court  (New  York). 

Dr.  Butler  rejects  at  the  outset  that  con- 
ception of  the  League  of  Nations  which  looks 
to  the  destruction  of  all  the  essential  ele- 
ments and  characteristics  of  nationality,  in 
order  to  bring  about  what  he  calls  a  **jelly- 
like  internationalism  without  real  nations." 
This,  of  course,  is  the  Bolshevist  conception. 
Over  against  this  idea  Dr.  Butler  sets  the 
"crystal  league,"  or  true  internationalism, 
in  which  each  nation  remains  "self-conscious, 
self-determined,  and  ambitious  in  its  own 
right  and  takes  its  place  in  a  new  interna- 
tional structure  as  an  independent  element — 
like  a  single  crystal  in  an  ordered  group  of 
crystals." 

If  this  notion  of  a  League  of  Nations  were 
to  be  put  into  effect  the  League  would  be- 
come stronger,  according  as  the  nations  com- 
posing it  became  severally  stronger  and  more 
powerful.  True  internationalism,  then,  ac- 
cording to  Dr.  Butler,  must  be  built  on  the 
union  of  strong  and  self-respecting  nations, 


while  false  internationalism  would  weaken 
or  wholly  destroy  those  nations  that  accept  it. 

Dr.  Butler  is  not  prepared,  however,  to 
go  so  far  as  those  who  urge  that  the  example 
of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
should  be  followed  in  organizing  this  league, 
that  precise  and  definitive  articles  of  gov- 
ernment should  be  adopted,  that  an  interna- 
tional legislature,  executive,  and  judiciary, 
should  be  elected,  and  that  the  part  of  the  na- 
tions in  the  new  organization  should  be  simi- 
lar to  that  of  the  States  in  the  United  States. 

He  does  not  believe,  in  the  first  place, 
that  the  world's  public  opinion  is  ready  to 
support  so  ambitious  a  program.  And  fur- 
thermore, if  such  a  League  of  Nations  should 
take  the  United  States  as  its  model,  it  would 
be  lacking  in  unity  of  language,  of  tradition, 
and  of  legal  system — three  great  advantages 
possessed  by  the  United  States,  in  spite  of 
which  our  national  history  has  not  been  free 
from  serious  difficulties.  He  decides  that  the 
true  analogy  between  the  United  States  and 
the  League  of  Nations  is  found  in  the  prin- 
ciple of  federation,  with  legal  and  economic 
cooperation.  American  opinion,  he  says,  is 
ready  for  this  combination  if  it  be  guided  by 
a  policy  of  lofty  patriotism,  broad  interna- 
tional service,  and  sincere  democratic  feeling. 

What  the  American  people  are  asking  to-day 
is  this:  Given  conditions  as  they  now  exist  in 
the  world,  how  shall  we  proceed  to  form  an  ef- 
fective League  of  Nations?  This  question  the 
head  of  the  American  government  has  not  at- 
tempted to  answer.  The  most  practical  proce- 
dure appears  to  be  the  following:  the  Allied 
Powers  which  have  won  the  war  have  been  for 
the  purposes  of  war,  and  at  the  present  moment 
are,  a  League  of  Nations.  They  have  unified 
their  international  policies.  They  have  put  their 
armies  and  their  navies  under  single  comnriands; 
they  have  pooled  all  their  resources  in  shipping, 
food,  munitions,  and  credit.  Let  these  nations, 
assembled  by  their  representatives  at  Versailles, 
declare  themselves  to  be  a  League  of  Nations 
organized  for  the  precise  purposes  for  which  the 
war  was  fought,  and  with  which  their  several 
people  are  entirely  familiar,  namelv  the  defini- 
tion and  protection  of  standards  of  international 

191 


192 


THE   AMERICAN  REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


AGA>B*T  rufwRc        Its  avw 


^  c 


GETTING    BOTH    SIDES    OF   IT 
(From   the  Journal,    Sioux   City) 

obligations,  and  the  right  of  the  sntialler  and  less 
numerous  peoples  to  be  free  from  attack  or  domi- 
nation by  their  larger  and  more  powerful 
neighbors. 

As  a  beginning  nothing  more  is  needed.  There 
is  no  necessit>'  for  an  international  constitution, 
no  necessity  for  an  elaborate  international  gov- 
ernment machine,  in  order  that  the  great  enter- 
«prise  may  be  launched.  So  far  as  these  may  be 
needed,  they  very  well   may  come  later. 

The  second  step  should  be  to  invite  those  na- 
tions that  have  been  neutral  in  the  war  to  join 
the  League  on  condition  that  they  formally  give 
adhesion  to  the  three  ends  or  purposes  for  which 
the  League  is  organized. 

The  third  step  should  be  to  invite  the  recently 
submerged  and  oppressed  nationalities  to  present 
before  the  League  their  several  cases  for  hearing 
and  determination.  When  these  have  fully  shown 
the  basis  of  their  geographical  and  political 
claims,  and  when  the  League  of  Nations  has  been 
satisfied  as  to  the  justice  of  these  claims,  then 
the  petitioners  should  be  invited  to  form  their 
own  government;  and  when  they  have  done  so, 
they  should  be  admitted  to  the  League  of  Na- 
tions as  independent  units. 

British  Support 
Developing  the  idea  of  the  utilization  of 
what  is  already  in  existence  as  the  nucleus  of 
a  League  of  Nations,  the  London  Times  of 
January  5th  said  in  the  course  of  a  long  and 
earnest  editorial: 

The  foundations  of  a  practical  league  of  na- 
tions already  exist,  without  speaking  at  the  pres- 
ent writing  of  a  league  of  nations  in  its  political 
and  military  aspects.  It  is  enough  to  say  that 
relatively  specialist  bodies  like  the  former  Wheat 
Executive,  now  merged  into  inter-Allied  Food 
Council,  and  like  the  inter-Allied  Maritime 
Transport  Board,  should  be  preserved  and  ex- 
tended to  meet  each  pressing  need  as  it  arises 
or  can  clearly  be  foreseen. 

Their  functions  cannot  be  entrusted  to  any  sin- 
gle nation  or  individual.  The  mere  task  of  ra- 
tioning justly  the  food  and  raw  materials  of  the 


world  during  the  next  four  or  five  years  will  be 
stupendous. 

If  it  be  not  undertaken — nay,  if  it  be  not  suc- 
cessfully accomplished — each  allied  nation  will 
be  compelled  to  look  out  for  itself  and  scramble 
for  its  portion,  probably  an  insufficient  supply; 
but  if  matters  like  these  are  regulated  in  the 
same  spirit  of  good-will  and  give  and  take  as 
that  which  enabled  the  Allies  so  to  coordinate 
their  supplies  and  efforts  as  to  win  a  mighty 
victory,  then  the  habit  of  working  together  will 
grow  and  institution  after  institution  will  be 
evolved  until  the  whole  fabric  of  a  working 
league  of  nations  rises  gradually  into  sight. 

If  any  man  imagines  the  British  people  are  not 
deeply  in  earnest  about  this  matter  he  gravely 
errs. 

Colonel  Roosevelt's  Last  Utterance  on 
the  Subject 

Only  three  days  before  his  death,  ex- 
President  Theodore  Roosevelt  dictated  an 
article  for  the  Kansas  City  Star  in  which  he 
expressed  with  great  clearness  his  views  as 
to  the  practicability  and  limitations  of  a 
League  of  Nations.     He  said: 

Mr.  Taft  has  recently  defined  the  purposes  of 
the  league  and  the  limitations  under  which 
it  would  act,  in  a  way  that  enables  most*  of  us 
to  say  we  very  heartily  agree  in  principle  with 
his  theory,  and  can,  without  doubt,  come  to  an 
agreement  on   specific  details. 

Would  it  not  be  well  to  begin  with  the  league 
which  we  actually  have  in  existence — the  league 
of  the  Allies  who  have  fought  through  this  great 
war?  Let  us  at  the  peace  table  see  that  real 
justice  is  done  as  among  these  Allies,  and  that 
while  the  sternest  reparation  is  demanded  from 
our  foe  for  such  horrors  as  those  committed  in 
Belgium,  Northern  France,  Armenia,  and  the 
sinking  of  the  Lusitania,  nothing  should  be  done 
in  the  spirit  of  mere  vengeance. 

Then  let  us  agree  to  extend  the  privileges  of 
the  league  as  rapidly  as  their  conduct  warrants 
it  to  other  nations,  doubtless  discriminating  be- 
tween those  who  would  have  a  guiding  part  ir 
the  league  and  the  weak  nations  who  should  be 
entitled  to  the  privileges  of  membership,  but  who 
would  not  be  entitled  to  a  guiding  voice  in  the 
councils.  Let  each  nation  reserve  to  itself  and 
for  its  own  decision,  and  let  it  clearly  set  forth, 
questions  which  are  nonjusticiable.  Let  nothing 
be  done  that  will  interfere  with  our  preparing 
for  our  own  defense  by  introducing  a  system  of 
universal  obligatory  military  training,  modeled 
on   the   Swiss  plan. 

Finally,  make  it  perfectly  clear  that  we  do  not 
intend  to  take  a  position  of  an  international  Med- 
dlesome Matty.  The  American  people  do  not 
wish  to  go  into  an  overseas  war  unless  for  a 
very  great  cause  and  where  the  issue  is  abso- 
lutely plain.  Therefore,  we  do  not  wish  to  un- 
dertake the  responsibility  of  sending  our  gallant 
young  men  to  die  in  obscure  fights  in  the  Balkans 
or  in  Central  Europe,  or  in  a  war  we  do  not 
approve  of. 

Moreover,  the  American  people  do  not  intend 
to  give  up  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  Let  civilized 
Europe   and  Asia   introduce   some  kind   of  police 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE   MONTH 


193 


system  in  the  weak  and  disorderly  countries  at 
their  thresholds.  But  let  the  United  States  treat 
Mexico  as  our  Balkan  Peninsula  and  refuse  to 
allow  European  or  Asiatic  powers  to  interfere 
on  this  continent  in  any  way  that  implies  per- 
manent or  semi-permanent  possession.  Every  one 
of  our  Allies  will  with  delight  grant  this  request 
if  President  Wilson  chooses  to  make  it,  and  it 
will  be  a  great  misfortune  if  it  is  not  made. 

I  believe  that  such  an  effort,  made  moderately 
and  sanely  but  sincerely  and  with  utter  scorn  for 
words  that  are  not  made  good  by  deeds,  will  be 
productive  of  real  and  lasting  international  good. 

The  Viewpoint  of  H.  G.  Wells 

Among  British  utterances  on  the  subject 
one  of  the  most  frank  and  unreserved  is  that 
of  Mr.  H.  G.  Wells  in  the  Saturday  Evening 
Post  (Philadelphia)  for  November  23,  last. 
He  declares  that  what  most  sensible  people 
desire  is  either  a  strong  League  of  Nations 
or  no  League  of  Nations  at  all. 

If  the  beast  of  modern  war  is  to  be  chained  it 
must  have  a  chain  to  hold  it  and  not  a  pack- 
thread. The  whole  drift  of  recent  discussion 
of  the  League  of  Nations  lies  in  the  direction 
of  estimating  what  weight  of  chain  is  absolutely 
necessary,  and  what  we  must  do  to  get  that 
chain. 

For  most  of  those  who  have  recently  come  into 
the  movement,  it  is  not  a  question  of  whether  we 
will  have  a  world  league  or  not,  but  what  price 
in  change,  effort  and  independence  we  shall  have 
to  pay  for  it.  A  restoration  of  the  crazy  political 
world  order  of  1914,  of  a  patchwork  of  abso- 
lutely independent  sovereign  empires,  competitive, 
disingenuous  and  suspicious — and  so  compelled 
to  be  armed  to  the  teeth,  uncontrolled  by  any  gen- 
eral understanding — is,  in  view  of  the  steady  de- 
velopment of  the  means  of  destruction,  the  one 
prospect  we  cannot  endure. 

Mr.  Wells  reasons  that  if  the  League  of 
Nations  is  to  be  a  reality,  it  must  have  suf- 
ficient power  to  inquire  into,  restrain,  and 
suppress  armaments  on  land  and  sea.  Such 
a  world  control  of  armaments  implies  some 
sort  of  pooling  of  the  naval,  military,  and  air 
forces  of  the  world  under  some  sort  of  world 
council  in  which  the  states  of  the  world  will 
be  represented  according  to  their  strength 
and  will.  This,  Mr.  Wells  admits,  is  going 
beyond  a  league.  It  is  an  approach  to  world 
federation.  A  world  control  of  militarism 
Will  lead  to  a  world  control  of  shipping  and 
of  the  distribution  of  staples,  if  not  to  a  gen- 
eral control  of  international  trade.  To  con- 
firm this  proposition,  Mr.  Wells  refers  to 
the  experience  of  the  Allies  in  the  war.  Mr. 
Wells  closes  his  article  on  an  optimistic  note: 

From    being   a    proposed    addendum    to    human 

life,  in  the  form  of  a  court  of  jurists,  the  League 

of    Nations    has    now    become    the    outline    of    a 

broad  and  hopeful   scheme  for  the  reconstruction 

Feb.— 6 


LAYING    THE    KEYSTONE    OF    THE    ARCH 
(From  the  Central   Press  Association,   Cleveland) 

of  international  relationships  upon  a  sound  and 
enduring  basis.  It  is  a  new  world  policy.  It  is 
a  scheme  that  may  inaugurate  a  new  and  hap- 
pier phase  in  the  troubled  history  of  mankind. 
But  at  every  step  it  demands  sacrifices  of  pre- 
possessions. 

There  is  no  good  in  clinging  to  ideals  of  a 
world  of  unrestricted  free  trade  and  laissez  faire 
if  the  world  controls  of  the  league  of  nations  are 
to  come  into  existence;  it  is  equally  unreasonable 
to  dream  of  schemes  of  a  self-contained  British 
Empire,  taxing  the  foreigner  and  economically 
hostile  to  all  foreigners,  including  those  of  France, 
Italy   and   the   United    States. 

We  must  cease  to  think  imperially  as  we  have 
had  to  cease  thinking  parochially;  and  we  must 
think  now  in  terms  of  the  peace  of  the  world. 
The  League  of  Nations  points  straight  to  a  pool- 
ing of  empires,  and  it  is  no  good  blinking  the 
fact.  And,  since  it  cannot  operate  in  an  atmos- 
phere tainted  by  suspicion,  the  League  of  Nations 
demands  for  its  effective  operation  a  change  in 
our  diplomatic  methods. 

The  world  has  become  too  multitudinous  for 
secret  understandings.  In  this  swarming  world 
of  half-taught  crowds,  with  its  imminent  danger 
from  class  hostility  and  distrust,  governments 
must  say  plainly  what  they  mean  and  stand  by 
their   declarations    unambiguously. 

It  may  at  times  be  difficult  and  tedious  to  in- 
form a  whole  population  upon  the  values  of  some 
international  situation,  but  the  danger  of  mis- 
conception and  spasmodic  crowd  action  out- 
weighs the  desire  of  the  expert  for  uncritlclzed 
freedom.  There  must  be  an  end  to  secret  diplo- 
macy. Nations  must  understand  their  responsi- 
bilities. 

The  welfare  of  the  world  requires  that  the 
very  chilren  In  the  schools  should  be  taught  the 
broad  outlines  of  the  treaties  that  bind  their  na- 
tions into  the  mosaic  of  the  world's  peace.  They 
have  to  grow  up  understanding  and  consenting,  if 


194 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


only  on  account  of  the  grim  alternative  the  prece- 
dent of  Russia  suggests. 

Questions  by  an  Expert 

In  his  article  on  "The  Entente  of  Free 
Nations,"  contributed  to  the  North  Ameri- 
can Reviciu  for  January,  Dr.  David  Jayne 
Hill,  our  former  Ambassador  to  Germany 
and  a  diplomat  of  long  and  varied  experi- 
ence, purposely  refrains  from  the  discussion 
of  any  special  plan,  but  directs  attention  to 
the  course  of  procedure  most  likely  to  secure 
the  ends  which  are  in  the  minds  of  all  who 
hold  convictions  upon  the  subject.  Dr.  Hill 
puts  the  question  to  Americans,  What  legal 
forms  are  to  be  accepted  by  us  in  the  great 
process  of  creating  an  international  govern- 
ment which  in  important  matters  will  super- 
sede our  own?  For  that  is  w^hat  is  implied  in 
the  League  of  Nations?    He  says: 

I  shall  not  attempt  to  enter  here  upon  any 
analysis  of  the  various  ingenious  drafts  of  an 
international  constitution,  as  the  fundamental  law 
regulating  the  legislative,  judicial,  and  executive 
powers  of  such  an  international  government — 
a  government  which,  within  its  sphere,  will  con- 
trol the  governments  of  the  nations  that  subscribe 
to  it.  One  thing,  however,  is  plain,  that  to  pos- 
sess any  efficiency  these  powers  must  detract  in 
important  ways  and  in  large  degree  from  the 
powers  of  the  national  governments  and  involve 
a  considerable  sacrifice  of  their  sovereignty.  It 
is  true,  on  the  one  hand,  that  sovereignty  in  what 
are  called  the  "democracies"  has  been  gradually 
transferred  from  a  personal  absolute  monarch  to 
the  people,  or  to  some  portion  of  them;  and  it  is 
also  true,  on  the  other  hand,  that  the  conception 
of  sovereignty  in  constitutional  States  has  been 
to  some  degree  modified  by  the  recognized  limita- 
tion of  the  irresponsible  use  of  force  and  the  ad- 
dition of  ethical  elements  in  its  exercise.  In  brief, 
no  people  can  rightly  claim  to  possess  rights  in 
proportion  to  their  power,  and  sovereignty  can- 
not, in  a  juristic  sense,  be  longer  regarded  as 
strictly  absolute.  In  every  state  founded  upon 
the  rights  of  persons,  which  is  the  basis  claimed 
by  democracy,  the  rights  of  the  whole  people 
cannot  exceed  what  is  necessary  to  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  right  of  each. 

Japan's  Attitude 

The  League  of  Nations  is  discussed  from 
a  Japanese  viewpoint  by  Dr.  T.  lyenaga  in 
the  Outlook  (New  York)  for  January  15. 
This  writer  is  convinced  that  the  principles 
of  the  proposed  covenant  among  the  nations 
would  be  fully  acceptable  to  Japan,  because 
they  w^ould  guarantee  the  most  essential  of 
her  national  aspirations — territorial  integrity 
and  sphere  of  influence,  a  fair  opportunity 
for  economic  growth,  and  an  enduring  peace. 

Dr.  lyenaga  has  no  fear  that  the  proposed 
League   of    Nations  would   militate    in    any 


way  against  Japan's  leadership  in  the  Far 
East,  but  he  does  see  in  the  institution  of  such 
a  league  a  great  stimulus  to  America's  in- 
terest in  her  relations  with  Japan  which 
Would  result  in  the  disappearance  of  any 
lurking  spirit  of  race  discrimination. 

Senator  Lodge  Sees  Obstacles 

In  a  speech  delivered  in  the  United  States 
Senate  on  December  21,  last,  the  Hon. 
Henry  Cabot  Lodge  outlined  some  of  the 
difficulties  that  will  have  to  be  met  in  pro- 
viding the  framework  of  such  an  organiza- 
tion. These  are  a  few  of  the  questions  that 
he  put  to  the  advocates  of  a  League  of  Na- 
tions : 

What  nations  are  to  be  members  of  the  league? 
Is  Germany  to  be  one  of  the  members?  If  so, 
when?  How  are  these  nations  thus  joined  in  a 
league  to  vote  in  determining  the  operations  of 
the  league?  Theoretically,  in  international  law 
every  independent  sovereign  nation  is  the  equal 
of  any  other  nation.  Are  the  small  nations  to 
have  an  equal  vote  with  the  great  nations  in 
the  league,  a  vote  equal  to  that  of  the  United 
States  or  England  or  France?  I  saw  that  there 
occurred  in  New  York  a  few  days  ago  a  meeting 
of  representatives,  so  called,  of  some  small  na- 
tions who  demanded  this  equality  of  voting  power. 
If  this  were  agreed  to,  the  small  nations  could 
determine  the  action  of  the  league,  and  if  the 
league  had  an  international  force  behind  it  they 
could  order  that  force  where  they  pleased  and 
put  it  under  any  command  they  pleased,  which 
might  give   rise  to  complications. 

If  nations  are  to  vote  in  the  league  on  a  demo- 
cratic basis,  then  their  voting  power  must  be 
determined  by  population.  Here,  too,  some  cu- 
rious possibilities  arise,  not  \vithout  a  certain 
intricacy.  The  population  of  China  is,  roughly, 
four  times  that  of  the  United  States,  and  this  sys- 
tem would  give  China  four  times  the  vote  of  the 
United  States  in  the  league.  If  England  is  to 
have  the  right  to  cast  the  vote  of  her  posses- 
sions, India  alone  would  give  her  from  three  to 
four  times  as  many  votes  as  the  United  States 
and  ten  times  the  vote  of  France. 

All  the  plans  which  have  been  put  forward 
tentatively  for  a  League  of  Nations,  so  far  as  I 
know,  involve  the  creation  of  a  court.  We  must 
remember  that  we  have  carried  voluntary  arbi- 
tration as  far  as  it  can  practically  go.  Assum- 
ing that  there  is  a  distinction  between  justiciable 
and  non-justiciable  questions,  who  is  to  decide 
whether  a  question  is  justiciable  or  not?  Is  it 
to  be' done  by  the  league,  voting  in  some  manner 
hitherto  undefined,  or  is  ^ach  nation  to  decide 
for  itself  whether  a  question  affecting  its  own 
interest  is  or  is  not  justiciable? 

Let  me  give  an  example  to  make  my  meaning 
clearer.  We  have  recently  purchased  the  Virgin 
Islands.  Suppose  that  that  purchase  had  not 
been  effected,  and  that  Denmark  undertook  to 
sell  those  islands  to  Germany  or  some  other  great 
power.  Is  that  a  justiciable  question?  If  it  is 
and  it  went  before  a  court  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that    any    court   would    be    obliged    to    hold    that 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE^MONTH 


195 


Denmark  had  the  right  to  sell  those  islands  to 
whom  she  pleased.  In  the  past  the  United  States 
would  never  have  permitted  those  islands  to  pass 
out  of  Denmark's  hands  into  any  other  hands, 
because  we  consider  their  possession  of  vital  im- 
portance to  our  safety  and  to  the  protection  of 
the  Panama   routes. 

The  same  will  be  true  in  regard  to  Magdalena 
Bay — a  case  in  which  the  Senate  passed  a  reso- 
lution, with  unanimity,  I  think,  stating  that  on 
the  plain  doctrine  of  self-preservation  we  could 
not  allow  Magdalena  Bay,  or  any  other  similar 
position  of  advantage,  to  be  turned  into  a  naval 
base  or  military  post  by  another  power.  Would 
that  be  justiciable?  And  if  not  justiciable,  then 
is  the  League  of  Nations  to  compel,  nevertheless, 
its  submission  ? 

Let  us  be  honest  with  ourselves.  It  is  easy  to 
talk  about  a  League  of  Nations,  and  the  beauty 
and  the  necessity  of  peace,  but  the  hard,  prac- 
tical demand  is:  Are  you  ready  to  put  your  sol- 
diers and  your  sailors  at  the  disposition  of  other 
nations?  If  you  are  not,  there  will  be  no  power 
of  enforcing  the  decrees  of  the  international  court 
or  the  international  legislature  or  the  interna- 
tional executive,  or  whatever  may  be  established. 

Honest  British  Doubts 

The  spirit  of  British  dissent  from  a 
League  of  Nations  program  finds  expression 
in  an  article  contributed  to  the  Fortnightly 
Review  for  September  last  by  J.  B.  Firth,  a 
member  of  the  editorial  staff  of  the  London 
Daily  Telegraph.  This  writer  asks: 

What  is  the  real,  permanent,  instinctive  feeling 
of  insular  Britons  towards  Alliances  and 
Leagues?  When  the  danger  from  which  we  have 
escaped  is  but  an  evil  memory,  when  the  peril 
ahead  seems  faint  and  distant,  when  the  enemy 
is  fawning  and  protesting  and  "Kamerading," 
and  insidiously  getting  back  to  his  foothold,  what 
will  be  the  instinct  of  the  average  Briton?  If 
someone  astutely  revives  the  once  popular  cry 
of  "Splendid  Isolation,"  will  not  his  heart  leap 
up  at  the  sound?  If  there  is  any  prospect  of 
war  and  British  interests  are  not  directly  and 
vitally  concerned,  and  if  the  League  of  Nations 
desires  the  British  Government  not  merely  to  use 
the  British  Fleet-^that  very  likely  would  not  be 
unpopular — but  to  dispatch  a  military  expedition 
on  a  large  scale  involving  conscription,  what 
then?  Who  would  be  the  first  to  protest  if  not 
the  Socialists  and  Radicals  who  are  now  so  hot 
and  strong  for  the  League?  These  surely  are 
fair  questions.  Great  Britain,  naturally,  has 
always  been  the  most  insularly  minded  Power  in 
Europe.  She  has  from  time_  to  time  been  the 
backbone  of  Continental  alliances,  but  always 
when  the  direct  danger  to  her  has  blown  over 
she  has  relapsed  to  her  ancient  insular  mood. 
This  has  often  been  made  a  ground  of  reproach 
to  her;  it  has  been  said  that  she  is  a  bad  Euro- 
pean. The  Liberal  tradition  especially  has  al- 
most always  been  a  non-European  tradition.  Is 
the  country  now  ripe  for  a  permanent  change? 
He  is  bold,  indeed,  who  would  say  so.  We  shall 
be  told,  of  course,  that  the  new  internationalism 
will  make  all  the  difference  and  that  a  new  era 
is   to    begin    after   the    war    which    will    continue 


even  when  the  miseries  of  the  present  time  begin 
to  be  forgotten.  They  are  happy  who  believe  it; 
they  will  be  foolish  who  trust  in  it. 

A    French   Statement   of   Requirements 

The  League  of  Nations  is  philosophically 
and  interestingly  discussed  in  a  recent  issue 
of  the  Revue  de  Paris,  by  Bernard  Lavergne. 
He  points  out  the  requirements  that  are  es- 
sential to  constitute  a  nation,  the  most  ele- 
mentary being  its  capacity  for  self-govern- 
ment— that  is,  to  perform  the  four  essential 
functions:  maintenance  of  public  order,  leg- 
islation, government  exploitation  of  the  na- 
tural resources  of  the  country,  creation  of 
public  works. 

It  is  very  desirable,  therefore,  that  the 
states  that  may  be  formed  to-morrow  should 
possess  a  living  strength  greater  than  that  of 
the  smallest  European  states,  such  as  Portu- 
gal, Greece,  Norway,  Denmark.  The  fu- 
ture is  not  for  small  political  units.  It  is 
contradictory,  indeed  absurd,  to  claim,  as  an 
abstract  principle,  national  autonomy  for  all 
peoples,  even  those  incapable  of  self-govern- 
ment. The  nations  are  not  alike,  nor  even 
comparable  to  one  another. 

After  a  lengthy  analysis  of  conditions  es- 
sential to  a  League  of  Nations  the  writer 
proceeds : 

Under  penalty  of  complete  failure,  the  League 
of  Nations  cannot  embrace  all  the  existing  states 
of  the  earth.  But  if  we  ask  ourselves  which 
states  ought  to  be  excluded  difficulties  arise, 
which,  without  some  such  study  as  the  above,  re- 
main insoluble.  With  such  an  analysis,  on  the 
contrary,  the  whole  problem  is  made  clear.  It 
becomes  evident  that  those  states  alone  that  have 
reached  the  highest  degree  of  autonomy  may 
claim  to  form  a  part  of  the  League  of  Nations. 
But  it  is  not  sufficient  to  exclude  the  states  with 
a  precarious  or  \9w  degree  of  independence — 
states    colonizable    or    colonized. 

The  component  nations  must  not  only  uphold 
the  principle  of  nationalities  but  must  have  ap- 
plied it  precedently  on  their  own  soil.  The 
laborer  is  known  by  his  work.  How  can  a  nation 
claim  the  right  to  enter  the  league  while  its  ter- 
ritory contains  alien  populations  demanding  their 
liberation?  .  .  .  The  knotty  points  of  the  prin- 
ciple of  nationalities  ought  to  be  settled  before, 
and  not  after,  the  formation  of  the  league.  No 
question,  evidently,  is  as  grave  as  the  determina- 
tion of  the  boundaries  between  competing  nations. 
If,  unfortunately,  the  problem  should  be  left  an- 
tecedently unsolved,  it  would,  by  the  nature  of 
the  case,  provoke  acutest  differences,  nay,  even 
internal  war,  among  the  members  of  the  league. 

Finally,  another  requisite  must  be  stated.  The 
states  effectively  autonomous,  such  as  we  have 
defined  them,  belong  to  two  distinct  types,  accord- 
ing as  the  governing"  body  is  composed  of  the 
elite  or  of  the  body  of  the  people:  aristocratic 
states  on  the  one  hand,  democratic  on  the  other. 


196 


THE   AMERICAN  REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


THE  FREEDOM  OF  THE  SEAS 


BY  way  of  suggesting  to  England  a  com- 
promise arrangement  representing  a  con- 
siderable concession  to  the  principle  of  the 
freedom  of  the  seas,  Professor  Edward  S. 
Corwin,  of  Princeton,  writing  in  the  North 
American  Review,  proposes  the  following 
as  a  possible  plan  of  action: 

First,  a  great  limitation  of  building  programs. 
Secondly,  a  general  curtailment  of  existing  arma- 
ments on  a  scale  sufficient  to  leave  the  British 
Empire  secure — a  matter  of  which  Great  Britain 
herself  would  have  to  be  the  judge.  Thirdly,  a 
radical  remodeling  of  the  rules  of  practise  with 
reference  to  contraband,  involving  the  outright 
abolition  of  the  right  of  destruction  and  the  sub- 
stitution (worked  out  by  Great  Britain  in  the 
present  war)  of  preemption  for  confiscation. 
Fourthly,  the  abolition  of  the  belligerent  right  of 
blockade.  Fifthly,  the  retention  of  the  bellig- 
erent right  of  capture  of  enemy's  commerce  as 
defined  by  the   Declaration  of  Paris. 

The  advantages  of  such  an  arrangement  are 
fairly  apparent.  Great  Britain  would  lose  her 
right  of  blockade,  it  is  true,  but  as  has  been 
already  indicated  she  could  probably  never  again 
hope  to  distend  this  right  as  she  has  done  in  the 
present  war.  On  the  other  hand,  because  she  is 
an  island,  she  must  always  remain  most  vulner- 
able to  the  exercise  of  blockade  by  an  enemy. 
Again,  the  appeal  which  the  suggested  compro- 
mise would  make  to  neutral  interests  would 
guarantee  its  observance  in  any  ordinary  war, 
in  which  a  limited  number  of  belligerents  would 
be  bidding  for  neutral  favor.     For  while  the  su- 


NO    MUZZLE    FOR    HIM 

(The  guardian  of  his  life,  property  and  the  freedom  of 

the  seas  for  the  world) 

From   the  Daily  Star   (Montreal) 


perior  naval  Power  could  speedily  expel  its 
enemy's  shipping  from  the  sea,  the  gap  would  be 
soon  filled  by  neutral  shipping;  and  by  the  same 
sign  the  control  which  superior  naval  strength 
exerts  to-day  even  in  peace  time  over  a  rival's 
commerce  would  be  appreciably  diminished. 
There  is  one  point  at  which  the  arrangement  just 
outlined  might  be  improved  from  the  point  of 
view  both  of  the  British  and  the  neutral  interest, 
and  that  would  be  by  adopting  the  British  sug- 
gestion at  the  Second  Hague  Conference  to  throw 
overboard  the  whole  doctrine  of  contraband.  This, 
however,  is  a  suggestion  to  which  our  own  Gov- 
ernment would  be  most  likely  to  file  a  non  fos- 
sumus.  Not  to  give  the  thing  too  fine  a  point, 
we  have  always  to  remember  that  to  the  south- 
ward we  have  a  dangerous  and  treacherous 
neighbor.  Should  we  become  involved  in  war 
with  Mexico,  we  should  hardly  relish  the  pros- 
pect of  having  to  stand  by  and  see  other  countries 
stock  our  enemy  with  munitions. 

Professor  Corwin  directs  attention  to  the 
obvious  difference  between  President  Wil- 
son's picture  of  a  League  of  Nations  and  the 
British  view.  The  one  looks  forward  to  "a 
community  of  power"  which  should  begin  to 
function  as  soon  as  peace  is  made.  The 
other  assumes  that  for  some  years  to  come, 
at  least,  international  affairs  will  be  subject 
to  the  Allied  nations.  Professor  Corwin 
himself  believes  that  it  will  be  many  years 
"before  the  suggestion  of  a  real  interna- 
tionalization of  the  seas  can  seem  other  than 
chimerical.  Meantime,  however,  there  can 
be  a  measure  of  disarmament  at  sea — pro- 
vided, of  course,  there  is  also  an  equivalent 
disarmament  on  land ;  and  further  a  recast- 
ing of  the  rules  of  naval  warfare,  and  these 
three  points  sum  up  what  is  to-day  demanded 
in  the  name  of  freedom  of  the  seas." 

America's  Merchant  Marine 

Mr.  Bernard  M.  Bakep  writes  in  the 
Atlantic  for  January  on  "Freedom  of  the 
Seas  and  our  Merchant  Marine."  At  the 
outset  Mr.  Baker  gives  his  own  definition 
of  freedom  of  the  seas,  which  is  quite  inde- 
pendent of  those  put  forth  by  the  interna- 
tional law  experts.  Freedom  of  the  seas, 
according  to  Mr.  Baker,  means  "the  control 
of  a  merchant  marine  by  the  Allied  nations 
of  the  world,  in  such  wise  as  not  to  cripple 
the  operation  of  the  merchant  marine  of  any 
single  nation." 

In  the  formation  of  a  maritime  League  of 
Nations  Mr.  Baker  believes  that  the  United 
States  should  take  the  lead.  The  initial 
step,  he  thinks,  should  be  taken  by  the  Presi- 
dent, who  should  issue  an  invitation  to  all 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE    MONTH 


197 


the  maritime  powers  of  the  world  to  send 
their  representatives  to  an  international  con- 
ference for  the  purpose  of  ''concerted  action 
to  insure  the  literal  freedom  of  the  seas — 
by  force  if  necessary— and  of  establishing 
such  a  court  of  arbitration  of  foreign  trans- 
portation interests  as  would  be  just  and  fair 
between  all  countries." 

One  of  the  most  important  obligations  falling 
upon  such  a  court  would  be  the  division  of 
tonnage  upon  a  fair  and  equitable  basis,  each 
nation  to  share  according  to  its  need  and  con- 
dition. 

To  accomplish  this,  the  United  States  might 
have  to  give  up  some  of  its  cherished  ideals. 
We  could  not  expect  to  secure  and  hold  all  the 
business  of  the  maritime  world.  We  should  be 
called  upon  to  remember,  as  other  nations  would 
be  called  upon  to  remember,  that  the  life  of  all 
is  bound  up  irrevocably  in  the  life  of  each;  and, 
strange    as  the   suggestion   sounds   with   the    roar 


of  battle  still  echoing  in  our  ears,  we  and  the 
other  participating  countries  would  be  reminded 
that  the  Golden  Rule  may  still  be  applied  as  a 
sound  business  principle. 

It  must  be  remembered  that  reciprocity  is  still 
the  life  of  trade.  There  must  be  no  "dead  bot- 
toms." If  England  has  need  of  the  products  of 
Argentina  and  the  United  States  has  not,  and 
if  England  has  as  good  facilities  for  exporting 
to  Argentina  the  things  that  Argentina  requires, 
then  England  must  be  allotted  her  share,  or 
more,  of  the  Argentina  trade,  that  her  bottoms 
may  be  filled  both  ways.  Otherwise  the  United 
States  sends  her  exports  to  Argentina,  and  her 
ships  return  empty,  because  #she  has  no  need  for 
the  Argentine  exports;  and  Argentina  is  soon 
"milked    dry." 

It  should  be  the  duty  of  the  Maritime  League 
of  Nations  to  discuss  such  complications  as  arise, 
to  equalize  exports,  imports,  and  transports;  to 
direct  the  placing  of  ships  where  they  may  ac- 
complish the  greatest  results;  to  standardize 
operation,  speed,  and  general  conditions  existing 
in   the   different  countries  forming  the   League. 


TRIBUTES  TO  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT 


ELSEWHERE  in  this  number  of  the 
Review  the  reader  will  find  specially 
contributed  articles  on  Colonel  Roosevelt 
from  the  pens  of  Major  George  Haven  Put- 
nam, Mr.  V.  Stefansson,  and  the  editor  of 
this  magazine,  together  with  reprints  of  a 
most  interesting  letter,  addressed  to  this 
Review  by  President  Roosevelt  on  the  one 
hundredth  anniversary  of  Lincoln's  birth  and 
a  pen-picture  of  Roosevelt  as  a  Presidential 
candidate,  written  and  published  during  the 
campaign  of  1904. 

Immediately  after  Colonel  Roosevelt's 
death  at  Oyster  Bay  on  January  6,  countless 
tributes  to  his  character  and  career  appeared 
in  the  daily  and  weekly  press  of  two  conti- 
nents. From  these  we  have  selected  for  re- 
production a  few  that  seemed,  for  one  or 
another  reason,  especially  significant.  The 
London  Daily  Telegraph,  a  representative 
journal,  said  on  January  7: 

In  Theodore  Roosevelt  the  world  loses  one  of 
its  elemental  figures,  one  of  those  men  who  not 
more  than  twice  or  thrice  in  a  generation  strike 
the  imagination  of  mankind  as  personifying  in  a 
supreme  degree  some  human  force  or  quality  that 
is  at  work  in  the  history  of  time.  Just  as  Wil- 
liam II  made  himself  the  embodiment  in  all  con- 
temporary minds  of  the  aggressive  ambition,  the 
restlessness,  the  troubled  egotism,  the  boastful 
militarism,  the  blind  self-admiration  of  Modern 
Germany,  Roosevelt  represented  to  them  the  vol- 
canic energy,  the  democratic  spirit,  the  unclouded 
self-confidence,  the  fresh  enthusiasm  of  the  great 
people  which  came  to  its  full  stature  during  the 
years  of  his  political  ascendancy. 


British  appreciation  of  Roosevelt's  stature 
as  a  world  figure  was  further  emphasized  in 
the  following  editorial  paragraphs  appearing 
in  the  Morning  Post  (London)  : 

Roosevelt's  tribute  to  the  results  of  British  gov- 
ernance abroad  was  as  generous  as  it  was  wel- 
come; nor  are  we  in  this  country  likely  to  forget 
that  he,  first  among  the  leaders  of  public  opinion 
in  America,  recognized  the  justice  of  the  allied 
cause  in  this  war  and  sought  to  enlist  in  that 
cause  for  which  he  gave  a  son — the  active  support 
of  the  American  Republic.  Assuredly  it  may  be 
said  of  him  that  he  has  left  his  mark  upon  his 
time,  and  that,  as  a  representative  of  a  great 
movement  or  tendency,  his  influence  is  destined 
to  survive  him. 

In  large  measure,  he  did  for  the  United  States 
what  Joseph  Chamberlain  did  for  the  British  Em- 
pire. In  his  personality  he  embodied  a  develop- 
ment of  the  national  consciousness,  a  development 
which,  whatever  happens,  can  never  be  extin- 
guished. It  is  not  every  voice  that  carries  across 
the  Atlantic,  but  Roosevelt's  undoubtedly  did.  It 
was  listened  to  almost  as  attentively  in  Europe  as 
in  America,  and  its  familiar  downright  accents 
will  be  missed.  The  world  can  ill  spare  any  of 
its  truly  big  men  just  now,  and  even  the  strongest 
opponents  of  Roosevelt's  policies  will  readily  ad- 
mit that  Theodore  Roosevelt  was  a  big  man. 

On  the  part  of  the  American  press,  parti- 
san distinctions  were  for  the  time  being  for- 
gotten in  the  general  expressions  of  grief  dur- 
ing the  days  following  Colonel  Roosevelt's 
death.  In  the  Outlook  (New  York)  the 
venerable  Dr.  Lyman  Abbott,  who  had  been 
intimately  associated  with  Colonel  Roosevelt 
for   several   years,   declared   that   no  man   in 


198 


THE   AMERICAN  REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


the  history  of  America,  not  even  Abraham 
Lincoln,  did  so  much  as  Theodore  Roosevelt 
to  expedite  the  era  of  self-government: 

The  appeal  of  Mr.  Roosevelt  to  the  American 
people  for  justice,  equal  rights,  and  a  fair  op- 
portunity for  all  gives  symmetry  and  cohesion  to 
his  varied  administrations  as  Civil  Service  Com- 
missioner, Police  Commissioner,  Assistant  Secre- 
tary of  the  Navy,  Lieutenant-Colonel  in  the  Army, 
Governor  of  New  York,  and  President  of  the 
United  States.  It  made  him  as  bitter  enemies  in 
influential  quarters  as  any  public  man  in  Ameri- 
can politics  has  ever  known;  but  it  also  made 
him  the  most  widely  admired  and  best-loved 
American   of   his   time. 

And  it  did  more.  It  went  far  toward  convert- 
ing American  politics  from  a  trade  to  a  profes- 
sion; it  inspired  his  colleagues  and  his  party  as- 
sociates; it  summoned  into  political  activity  fol- 
lowers in  both  parties  and  in  all  sections  of  the 
country.  Men  had  thought  of  politics  as  a  traffic 
which  no  man  could  enter  without  dishonor.  His 
life  proved  to  them  that  the  highest  success  is 
possible  to  honor,  courage,  and  purity  if  mated  to 
ability.  It  raised  the  ideals  and  the  standards  of 
public  life  for  the  entire  American  people.  Its 
influence  in  creating  the  genuine  and  self-sacrific- 
ing patriotism  which  called  the  Nation  into  this 
world  war  with  a  voice  which  love  of  ease  and 
dread  of  war  could  not  resist  cannot  be  esti- 
mated. And  it  has  done  more  than  any  other  one 
influence,  if  not  more  than  all  other  influences 
combined,  to  inspire  the  citizens  of  this  country 
with  a  real  faith  in  the  intelligence  and  virtue  of 
their  fellow-men,  and  so  in  the  practicability  of 
that  self-government  which  is  the  foundation  of 
a  true  democracy  because  of  a  true  brotherhood 
of  man. 

Probably  most  Americans  would  assent  to 
the  general  fairness  of  the  estimate  given  by 
the  New  Republic  (New  York)  : 

Theodore  Roosevelt's  death  removes  the  one 
powerful  personal  influence  in  American  politics, 
except,  of  course,  that  of  President  Wilson.  His 
distinguishing  quality  among  the  Americans  of 
his  own  generation  was  an  abounding  energy 
which  required  for  its  satisfaction  both  great 
variety  and  exuberant  vigor  of  expression.  He 
was  almost  alone  among  his  contemporaries  in  the 
extraordinary  diversity  of  his  interests.  He  was 
at  once  a  man  of  letters,  an  insatiable  reader,  a 
brilliant  talker,  a  naturalist,  a  sportsman  and  a 
political  leader.  He  found  time  to  pursue  all 
these  activities  with  so  much  success  that  they 
effectively  contributed  to  the  vivid  impression 
made  by  his  personality.  But  exceptional  as  was 
the  variety  of  his  activities,  the  sheer  vigor  which 
he   imparted   to  them  was  still   more   exceptional. 

Whatever  he  did,  and  no  matter  whether  he  was 
the  head  of  the  Government  or  the  head  of  the 
opposition,  he  always  set  the  pace.  It  was  his 
joy  and  his  pride  to  work  harder,  to  play  harder, 
to  fight  harder  than  any  associate  or  any  com- 
petitor. In  fact,  his  energy  was  so  strenuous  that 
it  seemed  to  him  wasted  unless  it  expended  itself 
in  overcoming  a  stiff  resistance.  Only  in  combat 
did  he  reach  the  summit  of  his  personal  expres- 
sion.    When  asked  before  an  election  to  express 


some  opinion  as  to  its  probable  results,  he  always 
answered:  "I  am  a  warrior  and  not  a  prophet." 
He  was  a  warrior  on  behalf  of  what  he  believed 
to  be  and  usually  were  morally  decisive  causes. 
The  most  poignant  tragedy  of  his  life  was  that 
he  was  unable  to  fight  sword  in  hand  in  the  war 
which  raised  one  of  the  clearest  and  greatest 
moral  issues  in  history. 

It  was  as  a  warrior  on  behalf  of  moral  causes 
that  he  made  his  most  substantial  contribution  to 
American  history.  Associated  from  the  beginning 
with  the  reforming  activities  of  his  own  con- 
temporaries, he  was  the  first  of  our  political 
leaders  who  dared  to  remain  a  reformer  after  he 
reached  the  White  House.  In  fact,  he  national- 
ized the  American  reform  movement  and  by  na- 
tionalizing transfigured  it.  He  divined  that 
American  national  fulfilment  had  come  to  depend 
not  on  the  preservation  of  institutions  but  on 
the  cure  of  abuses,  not  on  conservatism  but  on 
progress. 

The  Bellman  (Minneapolis)  spoke  for  the 
people  of  the  Middle  West,  where  Colonel 
Roosevelt's  figure  was  almost  as  familiar  as 
on  the  streets  of  New  York: 

His  leadership,  although  not  always  followed 
by  the  majority  of  his  countrymen,  was  uni- 
versally regarded  as  a  healthful  and  invigorating 
influence  in  the  national  existence,  and  there  is 
absolutely  no  one  remaining  in  public  life  who 
can  take  the  place  he  occupied  in  the  hearts  of 
the  people. 

No  matter  what  Colonel  Roosevelt  said  or  did 
in  his  impetuous,  outspoken,  belligerent  way,  and 
however  his  expressed  opinions  might  fail  of  gen- 
eral acceptance,  there  was  that  quality  in  his 
character  which  made  him  strong  in  the  affections 
of  his  fellow-citizens,  and  to  the  end  he  held  a 
unique  and  wholly  exceptional  position  in  this 
respect.  His  distinguished  and  remarkable  career, 
his  manliness,  his  force  and  courage,  the  great 
versatility  of  his  accomplishments,  his  quick, 
eager,  restless  temperament,  his  lust  of  achieve- 
ment and  the  ability  which  he  displayed  in  all 
that  he  undertook,  these  and  the  manifold  other 
traits  which  were  exhibited  in  his  complex  nature, 
all  served  to  make  him  a  popular  hero,  of  whom 
the  American  people  were  both  fond  and  proud, 
however  they  might  differ  from  him  in  certain 
of  his  expressed  convictions. 

Tributes  from  Individuals 

Former    President    Taft    telegraphed    to 

Mrs.  Roosevelt: 

The  country  can  ill  afFord  in  this  critical  period 
of  history  to  lose  one  who  has  done  and  could  in 
the  next  decade  have  done,  so  much  for  it  and 
humanity.  We  have  lost  a  great  patriotic  Ameri- 
can, a  great  world  figure,  the  most  commanding 
personality  in  our  public  life  since  Lincoln.  I 
mourn   his   going  as   a   personal   loss. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  of  the  personal 
tributes  was  that  paid  by  President  Nicholas 
Murray  Butler,  of  Columbia  University: 

My  own  association  with  Mr.  Roosevelt  goes 
back   to   the    earliest   days   of   his   public   activity 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE    MONTH 


199 


lite^ 


>  i^^t:  Ajt^^  -# 


^■■-^ 


©  Paul  Thompson  jHE  BURIAL  OF  COLONEL  ROOSEVELT  AT  OYSTER  BAY 

_  (The  funeral  of  the  former  President  was  of  the  simplest  character.  After  brief  services  at  the  home  and  at  the 
village  church,  the  body  was  borne  to  the  burial  place  which  Colonel  Roosevelt  had  himself  selected.  The  little  ceme- 
tery is  situated  on  a  hill  commanding  a  fine  view  of  Long  Island  Sound  and  of  Sagamore  Hill,  the  Roosevelt  resi- 
dence.    In  the  picture  Capt.  Archibald  Roosevelt  and  other   members   of  the   family   are   in   the  left   foreground) 


here  in  New  York,  and  it  was  my  lot  at  many 
times  during  his  public  career,  particularly  while 
he  was  Governor  and  President,  to  be  intimately 
associated  with  his  work  and  policies.  When  the 
full  story  of  his  public  activity  comes  to  be  writ- 
ten it  will  read  like  a  romance,  for,  long  as  Mr. 
Roosevelt  had  been  before  the  public,  there  were 
many  of  his  striking  characteristics  of  which  the 
public  knew  little  or  nothing.  There  has  rarely 
been  in  modern  life  a  more  many-sided  personal- 
ity or  more  omnivorous  reader  both  of  books  and 
of  men.  What  I  think  of  most  to-day,  however,  is 
the  fact  that  this  busy,  active,  many-sided  life 
is  ended  at  the  early  age  of  sixty  years  and  just 
at  a  time  when  the  uncompromising  and  fearless 
Americanism  for  which  Mr.  Roosevelt  stood  is 
most  needed  in  dealing  with  the  national  and  in- 
ternational problems  that  multiply  in  front  of  us. 
There  is  an  American  solution  of  our  national 
problems,  and  an  un-American  solution  of  them; 
there  is  an  American  treatment  of  our  inter- 
national responsibilities  and  opportunities,  and  an 
un-American  treatment  of  them.  No  one  can 
doubt  where  the  great  influence  of  Mr.  Roosevelt 
would  have  been  exerted  as  to  either  could  he 
have  lived  through  the  three  or  four  critical 
years  upon  which  we  have  just  now  entered. 

The  testimony  of  Dr.  Henry  Fairfield  Os- 
born,  the  paleontologist,  confirmed  in  a  strik- 
ing way  the  judgment  expressed  in  this  num- 
ber of  the  Review  of  Reviews  by  Mr. 
Stefansson,  the  Arctic  explorer.  Dr.  Osborn 
said  in  a  newspaper  statement: 

Colonel  Roosevelt  was  one  of  my  dearest 
friends.  I  had  known  him  since  he  was  a  boy. 
In  addition  to  that,  his  death  is  a  great  profes- 
sional loss,  much  more  than  the  world  may  realize 
at  once,  because  his  political  career  so  over- 
shadowed  all   other  phases  of  his  activity.     Nat- 


ural history  was  really  his  great  gift.  It  was  his 
first  love  as  a  boy,  and  he  turned  to  it  again  in 
his  late  years.  It  was  as  well  his  favorite  di- 
version. The  story  is  told  of  how  he  and  Sir 
Edward  Grey  stood  once  in  a  forest  in  England 
when  they  were  supposed  to  be  discussing  world 
politics.  Instead  they  were  exchanging  stories 
about  the  songs  of  birds.  While  he  was  in  the 
White  House  he  always  welcomed  such  men  as 
John  Burroughs  and  other  naturalists,  big  game 
hunters,  and  others  who  loved  the  out  of  doors. 
A  feature  that  made  his  work  in  Africa  and  South 
America  so  successful  was  his  marvelous  memory, 
which  was  absolutely  encyclopedic.  During  his 
last  few  months  in  the  White  House,  and  in  the 
few  he  spent  in  Oyster  Bay,  in  preparation  for 
the  African  journey,  I  sent  him  the  Natural  His- 
tory Museum's  whole  library  on  Africa — a  very 
complete  collection — and  he  absorbed  the  whole 
thing,  reading  many  books  a  week.  As  a  result, 
when  he  got  there  he  knew  the  whole  natural 
history  of  the  country,  and  his  work  was  a  most 
important  contribution  to  science. 

Said  R.  J.  Cunninghame,  the  famous  Afri- 
can hunter,  who  was  in  charge  of  Colonel 
Roosevelt's  expedition  to  East  Africa,  to  a 
New  York  Times  correspondent: 

You  can't  be  for  a  year  in  the  wilds  of  Africa 
with  a  man  without  getting  to  understand  him 
thoroughly.  I  have  taken  many  well-known  peo- 
ple on  hunting  trips,  but  I  have  never  found  any 
other  so  easy  to  get  along  with,  and  I  have  never 
known  any  other  man  who,  by  his  character, 
made  every  man  in  his  service  as  anxious  to  do 
the  best  possible  for   him. 

He  obeyed  my  orders  implicitly.  He  might 
(juestion  them  afterward  init  never  at  the  time. 
Sometimes  he  did  not  understand  them,  but  he 
was    always    prompt    in    observing   them. 


200 


THE   AMERICAN  REVIEW   OF   REVIEWS 


PROGRESS  IN  BUILDING  CONCRETE 

SHIPS 


THE  debut  of  the  ocean-going  concrete 
ship  was  reported  in  the  Review  of 
Reviews  for  January,  1918,  pp.  83-84. 
Since  that  time  the  exigencies  of  the  war 
have  stimulated  the  production  of  these  novel 
craft,  and  tn  this  country  their  development 
has  been  in  the  hands  of  a  special  Concrete 
Ship  Section  of  the  Emergency  Fleet  Cor- 
poration. "When  the  armistice  was  signed," 
says  the  Engineering  News- 
Record  (New  York),  in  an 
editorial  review  of  this  sub- 
ject, "the  Government  itself 
had  over  a  hundred  ships  and 
barges  under  contract,  one 
American  vessel  had  finished 
a  12,000-mile  voyage  ending 
at  New  York,  and  millions  of 
dollars  had  been  put  into 
yards  where  vessels  from 
7500-ton  ocean-going  tankers 
down  to  500-ton  canal  barges 
were  being  built." 

The  same  article  gives  an 
instructive  account  of  the 
progress  that  has  been  made 
in  designing  and  building  con- 
crete ships  and  discusses  the 
still  unsettled  question  of 
ability  of  such  vessels  to  com- 
pete commercially  with  wood- 
en and  steel  vessels  of  common  construction. 

Ship  lines  in  the  early  ships,  particularly  in 
the  Faith,  were  very  crude.  The  opposite  ex- 
treme was  reached  in  the  first  Government  ship, 
the  Atlantus,  launched  last  month  at  Brunswick, 
Ga.,  which  takes  on  the  appearance  of  a  yacht 
and  which  was  difficult  to  build.  Between  the 
two  extremes  lie  the  latest  Government  ships 
which  have  sufficient  curving  of  the  lines  to 
present  a  good  appearance,  but  which  are  not 
particularly  complicated   in   form. 

It  is  in  construction  of  the  concrete  ship  that 
most  has  been  learned.  It  can  be  definitely  said, 
for  instance,  that  the  claim  of  the  violent  advo- 
cates of  a  year  ago,  that  no  skilled  workmen 
would  be  required  on  a  concrete  ship  and  there- 
fore it  could  readily  be  built  anywhere  with  little 
difficulty,  is  not  true.  No  one  who  has  gone 
through  the  first  few  months  of  building  one  of 
the  large  concrete  ships  will  deny  that  the  work 
requires  the  highest  type  of  skill,  and  that  even 
the  training  gained  on  reinforced-concrete  build- 
ings is  inadequate — because,  primarily,  of  the 
greater  accuracy  required  in  placing  the  steel 
and  forms  and  of  the  greater  congestion  of  the 
steel  in  the  forms.  A  concrete  ship  does  not  re- 
quire as  many  kinds  of  skilled  labor  as  does  the 


steel  ship,  but  the  labor  that  it  does  require  must 
be  of  the  highest  type. 

Several  technical  problems  have  been 
solved  during  the  year.  A  notable  innova- 
tion is  the  process  of  mechanical  hammering, 
for  placing  the  concrete  in  the  forms.  This 
is  done  by  means  of  the  air  or  electric  ham- 
mer, introduced  by  the  Concrete  Ship  Sec- 
tion, which,  it  is  said,  "performs  almost  in- 


THE  CONCRETE  SHIP  "FAITH" 

credible  feats  in  leading  the  concrete  into  the 
corners  of  the  forms."  A  new  mixture  has 
also  been  introduced,  so  light  that  the  con- 
crete thus  produced  gives  a  ratio  of  carrying- 
capacity  to  dead-weight  only  slightly  below 
that  of  the  steel  ship — so  close,  in  fact,  as  to 
bring  the  two  types  into  competition. 

So  far  as  performance  of  the  concrete  ship  is 
concerned,  our  whole  dependence  is  on  the 
freighter  Faith,  which  was  dry-docked  in  New 
York  in  November  after  a  voyage  down  the 
Pacific  to  South  America,  up  to  New  Orleans, 
thence  to  Havana,  and  up  to  New  York.  Barring 
the  rather  serious  cracks  in  the  deck  where  a 
winch  was  seated  in  a  place  not  intended  for  it, 
the  ship,  to  all  outward  appearances,  is  intact. 
All  rumors  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding,  her 
hull  is  free  from  anything  but  minor  hair  cracks, 
and  the  outside  surface,  which  has  been  sub- 
jected to  sea-water  action  for  nine  months,  is 
in  as  smooth  and  unpitted  a  condition  as  any 
concrete  in  the  dry  air  of  the  interior  of  a  build- 
ing. 

Concrete  shipbuilders  are  learning  their  trade 
in  the  hardest  of  schools.     They  cannot  produce 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE   MONTH 


201 


as  efficiently  or  as  cheaply  now  as  they  will  after  for  any  such  venture.     For  the  small  barge,  car- 

their  first  few  units  are  turned  out.     It  is  going  float  or  lighter,  on  the  other  hand,  the  field  seems 

to    take    the    backing   of    the    Government    or    of  more   immediately  open.     A   number   of   contrac- 

courageous    spirits    such    as    those    who    financed  tors  have  learned  to  build  such  boats,   and  their 

the  Faith  to  continue  the  big  concrete  ship   as   a  experience    should    be    worth    much    in    reducing 

commercial   proposition,   but  the   future   is   bright  costs  to  a  competitive  basis. 


THE  RECENT  RISE  IN  SILVER 


AN  economic  question  of  growing  im- 
portance, namely,  the  recent  great  rise 
in  silver,  is  the  subject  of  an  article  by  the 
eminent  French  sociologist,  M.  Raphael- 
Georges  Levy,  in  a  late  issue  of  the  Revue 
des  Deux  Mondes. 

Silver,  fifteen  and  a  half  parts  of  which,  by 
our  French  law  of  1803,  had  a  value  correspond- 
ing to  that  of  one  part  of  gold,  and  the  quotation 
of  which  had  in  1902  fallen  so  low  that  it  took 
42  grams  of  silver  to  purchase  one  gram  of  gold 
•^this  pariah  white  metal  has  risen  again !  When 
the  war  began,  a  gram  of  white  metal  was  worth 
only  about  8  centimes;  it  rose  in  1915  to  10,  in 
1916  to  15  centimes,  and  in  October,  1918,  was 
worth  about  17  centimes.  That  is,  it  is  approach- 
ing the  price  of  20  centimes  assigned  to  it  by 
the  law  of  1803,  which  authorized  the  free  coin- 
age of  gold  and   silver. 

Silver  has  remounted  to  a  market  price  it  has 
not  Ifnown  since  1875.  It  has  looked  for  a  while 
as  if  it  might  regain  the  price  it  had  just 
previous  to  1870,  that  is  to  say,  parity  with  gold 
in  the  celebrated  ratio  of  15^  to  1.  There  sud- 
denly rises  before  us  the  memory  of  the  hot 
monetary  controversies  which  filled  the  last  quar- 
ter of  the  nineteenth  century,  agitated  Europe 
and  America,  and  formed  the  principal  issue  in 
two  Presidential  campaigns  in  the  United  States; 
which  controversies  we  thought  engulfed  forever 
in  a  past  which  very  few  of  us  expected  to 
see  revived !  The  most  fervid  partisans  of  the 
white  metal  (or  rather  of  bimetallism)  never  in 
their  most  ambitious  dreams  imagined  so  trium- 
phant a  return  to  fortune  for  their  favorite  .  .  . 
Certain  prophets  maintained  that  it  is  not  im- 
possible that  the  parity  between  gold  and  silver 
— that  is,  the  ratio  of  ISVs  to  1 — may  be  left 
far  behind  and  that  in  the  near  future  the  price 
of  a  kilogram  of  silver  may  rise  to  levels  at 
which  not  15yo,  but  15,  14,  or  even  12  grams  of 
silver  will  constitute  the  price  of  one  gram  of 
gold. 

The  rise  in  silver  was  not  really  accelerated 
until  1916  .  .  .During  the  last  months  of  1914, 
and  in  1915,  the  price  did  not  exceed  27  pence; 
but  in  the  middle  of  1917  a  rapid  rise  became 
evident,  which  for  a  short  while  carried  the 
ounce  to  55  pence.  At  present  ...  it  stands  at 
about  49,  a  new  level  about  two-thirds  of  that 
before    the   war. 

This  rise  entailed  a  phenomenon  evident  in 
many  quarters  .  .  .  The  governments  have  wanted 
to  intervene  and  assure  themselves  as  far  as  pos- 
sible a  monopoly  in  silver.  There  is  now  talk 
of  pourparlers  between  Washington  and  Great 
Britain  for  the  purpose  of  procuring  for  the  lat- 


ter country  the  white  metal  she  needs  in  Europe 
but  more  especially  in  India.  All  the  American 
production  of  this  metal  may  be  requisitioned 
at  about  a  dollar  an  ounce. 

Normally  there  is  of  course  a  relative 
saturation  of  most  countries  by  silver  money. 
But  the  war  has  changed  this. 

Among  most  of  the  belligerents  the  nominal 
value  of  silver  moneys  existed  de  facto  or  de 
jure;  gold  was  retained  in  the  banks  of  issue, 
which  have  multiplied  their  paper  currency;  free 
commerce  in  gold  has  been  suspended,  and  its 
exportation  forbidden.  Silver  coins  and  those  of 
baser  metal  remain  the  only  metallic  money  in 
circulation.  The  public  has  seized  on  these,  less 
to  use  them  as  instruments  of  payment  than  to 
lay  them  by.  This  hoarding  applied  not  only 
to  the  moneys  that  have  kept  their  full  legal- 
tender  value;  but  also  to  the  small  change  with 
which  according  to  law  the  debtor  cannot  dis- 
charge any  but  small  debts.  Two-franc  and  one- 
franc  and  50-centime  pieces  disappear  from  our 
circulation  as  soon  as  they  are  turned  into  it. 
However,  the  government  persists  in  coining  con- 
siderable  quantities   of   them.    .    .     . 

The  Bank  of  France  has  congratulated  itself 
every  time  a  diminution  has  been  observed  in 
its  silver  store.  We  recoined  our  silver  pieces 
into  small  change  and  expedited  it  into  our 
African   possessions. 

.Especially  in  Europe,  newly  coined  silver 
money  was  rapidly  withdrawn  from  circu- 
lation by  the  public,  which  during  the  war 
has  also  hoarded  paper  money  on  a  large 
scale.  But  the  French  Treasury  can  only 
lose  by  the  continued  coinage  of  silver,  the 
expense  of  which  increases  with  the  rise  in 
the  price  of  the  metal. 

Furthermore,  if  the  Treasury  wished  some  day 
to  demonetize  a  part  of  its  stock  of  silver,  it  would 
have  no  guarantee  that  the  metal  would  return 
at  the  purchase  price — which  might  inflict  con- 
siderable loss  upon  the  Treasury. 

.  ,  .  We  see  no  benefit  accruing  from  such 
operations,  but  on  the  contrary  a  very  probable 
loss.  Now  the  war  is  over,  our  circulation  will 
be  saturated  by  pieces  of  silver  money  which 
will  burst  forth  in  great  floods  from  their  hiding 
places  and  arouse  disquietude  similar  to  that 
of  a  quarter-century  ago,  when  there  was  an 
excessive  quantity  of  silver  in  the  vaults  of  the 
Treasury   and    in    public   circulation. 

The  partisans  of  the  continued  coinage  of  silver 


202 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW   OF   REVIEWS 


allege  that  it  is  good  not  to  remain  under  a 
paper-money  regime,  but  to  keep  in  the  public's 
hands  an  appreciable  quantity  of  metallic  money. 
We  reply  that  this  quantity  does  exist,  but  that  the 
larger  part  of  it  is  in  hiding;  it  is  consequently 
useless  to  try  to  fill  voids  that  as  often  empty 
themselves.  .    .    . 

If  there  is  need  of  increasing  the  quantity  of 
metal  in  circulation,  that  metal  should  be  gold 
and  not  silver.  On  the  threshold  of  peace  the 
great  nations  of  the  world  will  not  depart  from 
the    long-accustomed    monometallic   standard. 

But  the  matter  is  complicated  by  the  inter- 
vention of  the  governments,  which  from  the 
very  outbreak  of  the  war  put  embargoes  on 
the  yellow  metal,  forbade  the  disposal  by 
banks  of  their  gold  reserves,  put  a  stop  to 
commerce  in  gold,  and  every  way  sought  to 
hold  and  increase  their  own  stores  of  gold. 
This  they  did  to  insure  the  necessary  issue 
of  large  quantities  of  paper  money. 

The  present  destinies  of  the  precious  metals, 
which   the  war   has   influenced   in   opposite   ways, 


are  strange  to  consider.  Silver  being  free  prac- 
tically nowhere,  is  subject  to  the  same  laws  as 
ordinary  merchandise,  and  to  the  shiftings  of  sup- 
ply and  demand.  The  need  for  small  change 
having  augmented  since  1914,  we  have  witnessed 
a  rise  in  silver  doubling  its  former  price.  Cer- 
tain governments  have  tried  to  tax  it  as  they 
taxed  other  products ;  but  by  this  time  the  rise 
had  fairly  established  itself.  As  for  gold — the 
money  metal  par  excellence,  the  legal  center  of 
all  the  gamut  of  values  attributable  to  human 
possessions — it  continues  to  serve  as  the  standard 
in  the  world's  principal  monetary  unions:  al- 
though the  intervention  of  governments  has  ob- 
structed the  gold  market.  The  producers  are  no 
longer  able  to  make  the  sale  price  equal  to  pro- 
duction cost,  and  humanity  is  likely  to  suffer 
indefinitely  an  inability  to  exploit  a  metal  which 
it  needs,  just  because  it  will  not  pay  beyond  a 
self-imposed   price  for  it. 

The  situation  appears  bizarre  but  is  in  reality 
profoundly  logical,  and  a  great  lesson  may  be 
learned  from  it,  which  is,  that  the  governments 
of  the  world  ought  by  all  possible  means  to  put 
a  stop  to  the  present  paper  inflation  to  which, 
under  the  pressure  of  necessity,  they  have  been 
applying   themselves. 


WASHINGTON'S  SWEDISH  ANCESTRY 


ON  December  11,  1782,  the  Societas 
Scandinaviensis  gave  a  farewell  dinner 
in  Philadelphia  to  the  Swede,  Count  von 
Fersen,  who  later  on  conducted  the  unfor-  • 
tunate  flight  of  Louis  XVI  and  Marie 
Antoinette,  ending  in  their  arrest  at  Varen- 
nes,  and  to  the  Swedo-Finn,  Count  von 
Sprengtporten.  Both  these  men  had  per- 
formed valuable  military  services  in  the 
Revolution  and  had  already  received  from 
Washington  himself  the  order  of  the  Cin- 
cinnati for  their  valor.  At  this  dinner 
Washington  acknowledged  his  pleasure  at 
being  present  among  people  of  the  blood  of 
his  forefathers. 

According  to  Sweden-America,  the  organ 
of  the  Swedish  Chamber  of  Commerce  here, 
genealogists  claim  descent  for  Washington 
from  a  family  which  left  Scania,  Sweden, 
at  the  time  of  the  Norse  migrations  to 
Britain.  They  were  the  Wassings,  founders 
of  a  community  in  Durham  County,  Eng- 
land, whose  name  passed  through  the  varia- 
tions of  Wassingtun,  Wessyngton,  Wissing- 
ton,  Weissington,  Wuestington,  Whessing- 
ton,  Wasengtone,  and  Wassington,  to  be- 
come finally  the  cognomen  Washington. 

That  Swedes  should  lay  claim  to  Wash- 
ington may  surprise  most  Americans ;  how- 
ever, the  Scanians,  in  this  country  at  least, 
celebrate  the  birthday  of  Washington  as  that 


of  a  blood-brother — a  prerogative  to  which 
they  no  doubt  are  well  entitled  in  the  light 
of  the  proverbially  truthful  Washington's 
own  asseveration  of  his  Swedish  origin. 

Swedish  admiration  for  America  and 
American  statesmen  has  been  second  only 
to  the  French. 

Swedish  literature  contains  many  poems 
on  American  themes,  not  a  few  on  the  heroic 
figures  of  Washington  and  Lincoln.  The 
best  known  Swedish  verses  on  Washington 
were  written  by  Archbishop  J.  O.  Wallin 
(1779-1839).  In  these  he  bids  the  Swede 
drink  2,  cup  of  kindness  to  the  memory  of  the 
then  recently  deceased  Father  of  his  Country, 
and  continues: 

Where  high  in  honor's  Pantheon 

Thine  own   Gustavus  Vasa  dwelleth, 

There   sets   he   his   great   Washington ; 
With  equal  pride  each  bosom  swelleth. 

Commenting  at  length  on  the  venerable 
Washington's  role  in  America's  successful 
war  ior  freedom,  he  concludes: 

Our     thoughts     go     pilgrims     to     his     tomb, 

The    hero's    grave    wherein    he    lieth; 
No    fragrance    there    from    fragile    bloom 

Distils,  nor  weeping  willow   sigheth ; 
There  hovers  zeal    for   law   and   state, 

And   liberal   humanity. 
And   heritage   of   lasting  hate 

For*  violence    and    vanity! 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE    MONTH 


203 


EDMOND   ROSTAND 


THE  recent  death  of  the  famous  French 
dramatist  lends  a  vivid  interest  to 
ctudies  of  his  achievements.  A  most  dis- 
criminating, analytical  article,  by  Alfred 
Poizat,  which  appeared  in  a  late  issue  of 
Le  Correspondant  (Paris),  can  hardly  fail 
to  hold  one's  interested  attention.  The 
writer  lauds  warmly  and  generously,  but  is 
equally  outspoken  in  characterizing  the 
shortcomings  of  Rostand's  productions.  We 
give  below  some  of  the  salient  points  of  his 
critique. 

Rostand  had — says  the  writer — the  oppor- 
tunity and  the  genius  to  sound  in  days  of 
national  discouragement  the  clear  song  of  the 
Gallic  race — not  of  France,  which,  indeed, 
represents  something  more  than  was  voiced 
by  "Cyrano,"  the  noble,  upright,  controlled 
genius  characterizing  men  such  as  Foch, 
Retain,   Descartes,   Pascal,   Moliere. 

The  prodigious  success  of  ''Cyrano  de 
Bergerac"  (published  in  1898)  was  the  ex- 
plosion of  a  literary  Boulangism.  It  repre- 
sented in  the  domain  of  poetry  one  of  the 
many  crises  incited  by  a  patriotism  which 
refused  to  accept  defeat.  A  latent  disquiet 
concerning  its  politics  and  literature  agitated 
the  France  of  that  time.  Naturalism  op- 
pressed it;  the  Decadents  and  Symbolists 
brought  no  welcome  message.  However  it 
be,  the  triumph  of  ''Cyrano"  was  a  des- 
perate reaction  of  literary  nationalism,  a 
revenge  of  all  the  poets  robbed  of  their 
renown  by  the  advent  of  the  Symbolists. 
Romanticism,  which  was  thought  to  be  dead, 
revived  with  an  unparalleled  vigor — at  least 
so  it  was  claimed. 

Success  imposes  obligations.  Thenceforth  he 
was  shackled.  He  knew  that  people  were  on 
the  alert  for  his  slightest  weakening.  He  had, 
at  all  costs,  to  achieve  material  success.  There 
was  at  the  time  a  strong  Napoleonic  movement, 
maintained  by  the  works  of  Frederic  Masson.  He 
chose,  therefore,  "I'Aiglon,"  a  poor  subject  for 
verse:  the  requirements  of  brisk,  rapid  dialogue 
obliged  him  often  to  use  a  language  really 
neither  prose  nor  verse.  Then,  after  a  long, 
meditative  pause,  which  he  employed  in  seeking 
a  subject  fitted  to  sustain  his  prodigious  repu- 
tation, he  decided  upon  "Chantecler"  (which  ap- 
peared in  1910).  He  was  condemned  to  seek 
the  effect  of  surprise  as  well  as  that  of  strength; 
he  aimed  to  create  an  impression  of  teeming  life, 
doing  which  he  drowned  himself  in  detail. 
Nevertheless  "Chantecler"  remains  a  great, 
though  abortive,  effort,  interspersed  with  splendid 
passages.     The  play  yielded  him  a  million  francs. 

Dating  from  that  time,  a  reaction  set  in.  His 
shortcomings    began    to    grow    evident.      Even    in 


EDMOND   ROSTAND,   THE   FRENCH    POET   AND 
DRAMATIST 

the  remote  provinces  whoever  claimed  literary 
taste  thought  it  "the  thing"  to  regard  Rostand 
as  the  Georges  Ohnet  of  poetry. 

It  became  incumbent  upon  the  really  cultured, 
those  who  had  attacked  him  in  his  days  of 
triumph,  to  rally  to  his  defense  and  reinstate 
him    in   his    rightful    place. 

His  death  will  restore  his  prestige.  It  is  the 
author  of  "Cyrano,"  above  all,  that  the  Paris 
of  Victory  has  honored  with  an  imposing  funeral. 
That  character  was  the  incarnation  of  the  peo- 
ple's heart  in  an  epoch  of  their  history. 

Faults  of  style  somewhat  dim  the  beauty 
of  "La  Samaritaine,"  but  it  may  be  said  that 
it  will  remain  the  wonder  of  connoisseurs; 
that  it  required  genius  to  draw  three  acts 
from  such  a  simple,  brief  story  of  the  gospel. 

As  for  "Cyrano,"  the  writer  reiterates 
that  though  an  astounding  masterpiece  of 
its  kind,  it  stands  only  at  the  head  of  a 
secondary  order.  He  regrets  the  play  for  a 
special  reason:  it  ruined  Rostand,  by  turning 
him  from  the  lofty  path  which  he  had  so 
superbly  commenced  to  tread.  As  a  proof 
of  this,  after  "Cyrano"  his  decline  was  rapid. 
He  wrote  scarcely  anything  besides  "I'Aig- 
lon,"  which  is  not  to  be  rated  high. 

We  must,  however,  do  Rostand  justice. 
Until  the  end  he  cherished  a  love  for  the 
beautiful  and  the  noble  ambition  of  produc- 
ing a  future  masterpiece.  Nothing  proves 
that  better  than  the  small  number  of  works 
he  has  left  us. 


204 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


AFTER-THE-WAR    FLYING    ON    BOTH 
SIDES  OF  THE  ATLANTIC 

WHAT  is  the  world  going  to  do  with  which   have   recently  appeared   in   the   aero- 

the    vast    aeronautical    material     and  nautical  journals  and  the  newspapers.  Copies 

personnel  that  it  has  accumulated  during  the  of  the  original  report,  a  document  of  some 

war?      What   peacetime   uses    are    available  eighty  pages,  will   probably  be  accessible  to 

for   the   greatly   improved    aircraft    and    the  American  readers   before  these  lines  appear 

highly  skilled  aviators  that  military  exigen-  in  print,  and  will  be  perused  with  profound 

cies   have   called    into   being?      These    ques-  interest.     The  committee,  which  was  large 

tions  are  exciting  keen  interest  on  both  sides  and   authoritative,   appears   to   have  devoted 

of    the   Atlantic    Ocean.      Fortunately    they  a  searching  examination  to  the  many  pressing 

had  begun  to   receive  attention   long  before  problems    that   have    arisen   with    regard    to 

the  war  ended,  so  that  opinions  are  already  the  future  use  of  aircraft  for  civil  and  com- 

maturing.  mercial    purposes,    including    the    legal    and 

Great    Britain    has    unquestionably    taken  political    questions    involved.      Questions   of 

the  lead  in  preparing  for  aviation  on  a  large  law  and  policy  were  considered  by  a  special 

scale  in  the  period  of  peace  and  reconstruc-  committee,     headed     by     Lord     Sydenham- 

tion.     One  evidence  of  this  fact  is  afforded  According  to  Aeronautics   (London)  : 

bv  the  voluminous   report   presented   to   the         ^,  .  •    j     ^  .u    •  •*•  i  j:fc 

-  .  .  ,        -  .       ,^  ML         L       r^-    M      A      •   1  These  questions  raised  at  once  the  initial   dirh- 

British    Air    Council     by    the    Civil    Aerial       culty  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  air;  that  is  to  say. 
Transport    Committee,    several    abstracts    of       whether    the   old    doctrine    that   the   owner    of    a 

piece  of  land  possessed  rights; 
usque  ad  coelum  existed  up  to  the 
present  moment  and  should  exist 
for  all  time.  This  question  had 
been  discussed  as  an  interna- 
tional one  when  a  convention  sat 
in  Paris  in  order  to  deal  with 
the  rights  of  international  avia- 
tion, and  that  convention  failed 
largely  over  this  question,  the 
Germans  holding  that  it  was  idle 
to  restrict  the  right  of  flying  over 
private  lands  and  claiming  "the 
freedom  of  the  air"  in  a  sense 
which  would  allow  of  machines; 
flying,  for  example,  over  Ports- 
mouth Harbor. 

The    British    delegates,    on    the 


pAtesTiffc 


SOME  OF  THE  LONG  DISTANCE  FLIGHTS  ALREADY  MADE 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE   MONTH 


205 


contrary,  having  in  view,  perhaps,  what  after- 
ward occurred,  took  the  contrary  view,  and  held 
that  there  must  be  sovereign  rights  in  any  state 
to  control  the  passage  and  use  of  its  own  air. 
The  committee  came  to  the  conclusion  that  in 
any  legislation  there  must  be  an  assertion  of  the 
''sovereignty  and  rightful  jurisdiction  of  the 
Crown  over  the  air  superincumbent  on  all  parts 
of  His  Majesty's  Dominions  and  the  territorial 
waters  adjacent  thereto."  They  added  that,  in 
their  opinion,  the  ordinary  three-mile  limit  of  ter- 
ritorial waters  would  not  be  sufficient  for  what 
may  be  called  "territorial  air,"  and  they  redrafted 
the  original  international  convention  for  submis- 
sion to  the  Foreign  Office,  and,  it  is  hoped,  for 
the  consideration  of  another  conference  to  be 
called   shortly. 

It  is  regarded  as  of  the  highest  importance 
that  this  conference  should  be  called  immediately. 
At  present  there  are  no  regulations  governing 
flying  on  the  "Continent  or  foreign  flying  here. 
Methods  of  identification,  of  inspection,  of  pass- 
ports, of  Customs,  the  provision  of  landing  stages, 
and  the  thousand  and  one  matters  which  require 
consideration  and  settlement  in  regard  to  the 
new  method  of  transport  are  still  unsettled,  and, 
whether  or  not  Germany  takes  part  in  the  con- 
ference, it  is  essential,  in  order  that  the  change 
from  military  to  civil  aviation  should  not  be 
delayed  and  complicated,  that  the  conference 
should  get  to  work  at  once. 

Other  special  committees,  constituted  by 
the  main  committee,  considered  the  various 
types  of  aeroplane,  probable  improvements 
therein,  the  provision  of  aerodromes  and 
landing  grounds,  air  routes,  problems  of  pro- 
duction, and  numerous  scientific  questions. 
Finally,  says  Aeronautics: 

One  question  was  discussed  in  several  of  the 
committees  and  in  the  main  committee,  which  will 
have  to  be  settled  by  Parliament — namely, 
whether  commercial  flying  is  to  be  undertaken 
as  a  big  experiment  in  state  socialism,  or 
whether  it  is  to  be  entrusted  to  individual  enter- 
prise, supplemented,  so  far  as  landing  stages  are 
concerned,  by  the  assistance  of  the  existing  mili- 
tary organization  or  the  exercise  by  the  state 
of  compulsory  power  of  purchase.  Some  members 
of  the  committee  were  obviously  inclined  to  favor 
a  state  experiment,  but  the  special  committee  pre- 
sided over  by  Lord  Sydenham  reported  in  favor 
of  state  encouragement  of  private  enterprise  and 
against  what  may  be  called  a  state  socialistic 
experiment. 

Other  significant  features  of  this  interest- 
ing document  are  presented  in  the  New 
York  Times,  where  we  read  that 

All  the  special  committees  appointed  to  con- 
sider diff^erent  branches  of  the  future  of  aero- 
nautics agreed  that  the  British  Empire  should 
attempt  to  lead  the  world  in  the  air,  and  that 
all  the  dominions  should  be  encouraged  to 
build  up  huge  air  fleets  for  aerial  mail  and 
passenger  transportation,  as  well  as  for  protec- 
tion against  enemy  attacks.  None  of  the  sixty 
members   of   the   committee   expressed    any   doubt 


that   within    a    few   years   passenger    lines   would 
be  running  to  all  parts  of  the  world. 

The  members  of  the  committee  expressed  the 
opinion  that  as  soon  as  regular  passenger  routes 
had  been  established  it  would  become  a  habit 
for  business  men  to  use  airplanes  on  errands,  and 
that  soon  it  would  become  common  for  a  man  to 
fly  400  or  500  miles  to  see  a  customer  and  then 
return  to  his  home  in  the  same  day.  In  addition 
to  mails,  it  is  suggested  that  planes  be  used  to 
carry  light  and  perishable  goods  and  fruits,  as 
well  as  precious  metals  and  jewels. 

Elsewhere  the  Times  publishes  an  article 
on  ''Putting  the  Airplane  to  Peacetime 
Uses,"  which,  besides  emphasizing  the  mili- 
tary importance  of  developing  a  great  fleet 
of  aircraft  in  this  country,  available  for 
many  civilian  uses  when  not  needed  for  na- 
tional defense,  reveals  the  various  activities 
which  the  Government  has  already  under- 
taken in  this  direction,  and  which,  with  the 
exception  of  the  aerial  postal  service,  have 
not  before  been  brought  to  the  notice  of 
the  country  at  large. 

Army  planes  manned  by  army  pilots  and 
observers  and  photographers  are  flying  in 
squadrons  of  from  three  to  eight  machines  from 
as  many  as  twenty-five  fields  in  the  South  and 
Southwest,  in  all  directions,  mapping  and  chart- 
ing routes  for  the  future,  finding  landing  fields, 
and  arousing  public  interest  in  the  building  of 
others. 

Comparatively  few  localities,  even  with  the 
great  amount  of  cross-country  flying  that  has 
been  done,  have  had  favorable  opportunities  for 
viewing  flying  machines  closely.  Planes  have 
passed  over  the  heads  of  most  persons  and  gone 
from  sight.  The  air  mappers  are  under  orders, 
therefore,  to  give  exhibitions  at  each  stopping 
place,  describe  the  flying  machines  and  engines 
to  the  inhabitants,  take  the  mystery  out  of  flying 
and  make  it  simple  and  plain  to  all.  Low- 
powered  training  planes  only  are  used  for  this 
purpose,  no  machines  formerly  used  for  long- 
distance bombing  being  included  in  these  early 
operations. 

By  next  spring  the  work  of  mapping  these  air 
routes  and  the  locating  of  landing  fields  will 
have  been  extended  to  the  northwest.  At  least, 
if  it  is  not  interfered  with,  this  is  what  the  army 
air  service  plans  to  do.  The  flying  force  will 
also  take  the  work  into  the  northeast  and  the 
Northern  Middle  West.  In  short,  the  whole 
country  will  eventually  be  air  mapped;  an  Air 
Blue  Book  created.  The  air  service  of  the  army 
will  thus  develop  and  carry  on  the  work  of  the 
United  States  cavalry,  which  not  so  many  years 
ago  was  riding  the  country  locating  the  best 
roads  and  highways,  fords,  and  bridges.  For, 
as  these  things  are  necessary  to  horses,  so  are 
landing  fields,  gas,  and  oil  supply  necessary  to 
the  airmen  if  they  are  going  to  be  allowed  to 
develop  the  air  lanes  of  the  U.  S.  A. 

In  the  Saturday  Evening  Post  (Philadel- 
phia) for  January  11,  Mr.  Evan  J.  David 
writes  instructively  on  the  business  possibili- 
ties of  the  airplane. 


206 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


MR.  McADOO  ON   FEDERAL  CONTROL 

OF  THE  RAILROADS 


THE  recommendation  of  Director  Gen- 
eral McAdoo  that  Congress  extend  the 
period  of  Federal  control  of  the  railroads 
for  five  years  has  concentrated  the  country's 
attention  on  the  railroad  problem  and  given 
rise  to  a  vast  amount  of  speculation  as  to  the 
future  ownership  of  the  roads.  Just  before 
his  retirement  from  office,  as  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  and  Director  General  of  Rail- 
roads, Mr.  McAdoo  permitted  his  views  on 
the  subject  to  be  embodied  in  a  special  article 
which  later  appeared  in  the  New  York 
Tiifies  Magazine  (January  5). 

The  present  law,  it- will  be  recalled,  pro- 
vides for  a  continuation  of  Federal  control 
for  twenty-one  months  after  the  proclama- 
tion of  peace.  Mr.  McAdoo  holds  that  it 
is  impracticable  and  unwise  to  continue  to 
operate  the  railroads  without  an  extension 
of  this  period.  In  the  first  place,  he  looks 
for  a  serious  impairment  of  railroad  morale. 
No  other  commercial  or  industrial  activity 
requires  an  organization  so  greatly  resembling 
that  of  an  army.  In  the  railroad  business  the 
same  promptness,  the  same  recognition  of 
the  value  of  discipline  in  all  respects  is  re- 
quired for  efficiency  as  in  an  army.  As  the 
time  draws  near  for  resumption  of  control 
by  the  private  owners  of  the  roads,  the  al- 
legiance of  officers  and  subordinates  is  likely 
to  be  divided  between  the  expiring  Govern- 
ment control  and  the  approaching  private 
control. 

Mr.  McAdoo  finds  a  further  difficulty  in 
the  financial  situation.  Annual  permanent 
improvements  are,  in  his  opinion,  impera- 
tive for  the  maintenance  of  a  national  trans- 
portation system  commensurate  with  the 
country's  growing  needs.  Up  to  the  sign- 
ing of  the  armistice  about  $600,000,000  had 
been  spent  in  improvements  during  the  year 
1918.  The  authority  for  these  expenditures 
was  "the  necessity  of  war,"  as  recognized 
in  the  law.  When  hostilities  ended  this 
necessity  could  no  longer  be  urged.  A  com- 
prehensive plan  for  the  improvement  of  the 
railroad  system  as  a  whole  must  be  developed 
and  adopted,  but  twenty-one  months  would 
be  too  short  a  time  in  which  to  make  and 
apply  such  a  plan,  even  wnth  the  full  co- 
operation of  the  corporations  owning  the 
roads. 

If  the  railroad  corporations,  thinking  that 
the  end  of  Federal  control  is  in  sight,  prefer 


"he  can't  let  go!" 

From    the    World   (New    York) 

to  wait,  and  make  their  own  capital  invest- 
ments, Mr.  McAdoo  feels  that  the  organiza- 
tions will  be  more  or  less  demoralized,  as- 
suming that  the  properties  are  kept  by  the 
Government  for  the  twenty-one  months  only. 
His  own  plan  of  extension  of  Federal  con- 
trol contemplates  a  yearly  expenditure  for 
necessary  improvements  of  not  less  than 
$500,000,000,  or  $2,500,000,000  for  the  five- 
year  period. 

Already  the  Government  has  accumulated 
much  instructive  experience  concerning  the 
management  of  railroads,  and  this  experience 
should  not  be  thrown  away.  Sooner  or  later 
the  American  people  will  have*to  decide  be- 
tween Government  and  private  ownership. 
Since  this  problem  is  economic  rather  than 
political  in  its  character,  Mr.  McAdoo 
maintains  that  the  decision  should  be  based 
upon  the  acceptance  of  an  adequate  test,  and 
we  are  now  provided  with  an  opportunity 
for  making  such  a  test.     He  says: 

If  the  period  of  Federal  control  is  extended 
for  a  reasonable  time,  we  shall  be  able  to  ascer- 
tain what  can  or  can  not  be  done  with  the  rail- 
roads under  unified  management,  and  we  will 
at  the  same  time  avoid  the  false  conclusion  into 
which  political  passion  and  prejudice  may  lead 
us.  By  extending  the  period  of  Federal  control 
beyond  the  Presidential  campaign  of  1920,  we 
shall  defer  final  action  upon  this  important  ques- 
tion until  the  decision  shall  not  affect  the  fortunes 
of  a  political  candidate  or  a  political  party. 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE   MONTH 


207 


Up  to  this  time  the  test  has  not  .been  sufficient 
to  show  what  is  the  right  solution  of  the  problem. 
We  have  had  unified  control  under  abnormal 
conditions — those  of  war.  The  great  purpose  was 
to  win  the  war,  and  the  railroads  were  operated 
primarily  to  that  end.  No  one  questions  that 
they  served  this  purpose  with  complete  success. 
The  roads  were  taken  over  when  transportation 
was  paralyzed.  The  congestion  was  relieved, 
troops  and  war  materials  were  moved  to  the 
ports  of  embarkation  without  delay.  The  travel- 
ing and  shipping  public  were  slightly  incon- 
venienced, but  their  inconvenience  was  charge- 
able to  the  abnormal  conditions  of  war,  not  to 
the  unified  operation  of  the  railroads.     Our  nor- 


mal condition  is  that  of  peace,  and  a  test  that 
will  lead  us  to  the  right  conclusion  must,  there- 
fore, be  made  during  a  period  of  peace.  We 
now  have  an  opportunity  to  make  this  test.  It 
will  be  a  great  mistake  if  it  is  cast  aside. 

There  Is  no  general  desire  to  return  to 
old  conditions  in  railroad  management,  and 
Mr.  McAdoo  believes  that  five  years  of 
Federal  control  would  probably  lead  to  a 
decision  in  favor  of  some  form  of  centralized 
regulation  under  private  ownership,  rather 
than  to  outright  Government  ownership. 


LOCALIZATION  OF  INDUSTRY 


THE  concentration  of  industry  in  a 
single  region  or  city  has  doubtless 
puzzled  many  observers,  and  while  in  some 
instances  local  reasons  are  obvious  enough, 
in  others  the  cause  does  not  lie  on  the  surface, 
and  is  not  easily  divined.  An  interesting 
attempt  to  explain  this  phenomena  in  our 
industrial  life,  to  show  how  it  starts  and' 
why  it  grows  and  persists,  has  taken  the 
form  of  an  article  in  the  Scientific  Monthly , 
for  January,  by  Professor  Malcolm  Keir, 
of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania. 

The  kind  of  facts  with  which  this  article 
deals  is  illustrated  by  the  statements  that, 
more  than  three-fourths  of  the  collars  and. 
cuffs  made  in  the  United  States  come  from 
Troy,  New  York;  that  silver  plate  in  like 
proportion  is  manufactured  at  Meriden, 
Conn. ;  that  tanning  is  centered  at  Milwau- 
kee, Wisconsin ;  and  that  Paterson,  New 
Jersey,  is  the  home  of  silk  manufacture. 
These  are  only  a  few  instances,  but  it 
seems,  on  the  whole,  to  be  true,  in  this 
country  at  least,  that  "industry  thrives  best 
where  it  throngs  most." 

In  the  course  of  his  article  Dr.  Keir  shows 
that  some  localized  industries  have  started 
because  of  accessibility  to  resources,  either 
in  raw  materials  and  power,  or  unskilled 
labor,  while  others  originated  in  particular 
places  because  they  were  nearer  to  their 
market,  and  a  few  by  virtue  of  a  monopoly 
control  were  permitted  the  choice  of  a  de- 
sirable strategic  location. 

The  presence  of  raw  materials  as  a  factor 
in  giving  rise  to  localization  has  many  fam- 
iliar examples.  Thus,  Chesapeake  Bay  is 
the  greatest  oyster  bed  to  be  found  in 
America,  and  it  is  natural  enough  that 
Baltimore,  as  the  metropolis  of  the  bay,  does 
more  than  two-thirds  of  the  oyster-canning 


business  in  the  United  States.  Following 
the  rule  that  the  preserving  industries  grow 
up  near  the  source  of  their  materials,  we 
have  the  salmon  canneries  of  the  Columbia 
River,  the  grape-juice  factories  of  Pennsyl- 
vania and  New  York,  the  sweet-corn  can- 
neries of  Maine,  and  the  tomato  canneries 
of  New  Jersey. 

In  some  cases,  industries  that  were  called 
to  particular  places  by  resources  and  ma- 
terials, have  remained  where  they  were 
started  long  after  the  local  supply  of  crude 
stock  has  disappeared.  This  is  true  of  the 
rubber-using  factories  of  Massachusetts, 
Rhode  Island,  and  Connecticut.  Years  ago 
large  quantities  of  rubber  came  to  the  New 
England  ports  from  the  Amazon.  Factories 
for  using  this  material  sprang  up  around 
Boston,  Providence,  and  New  Haven.  Most 
of  the  rubber  overshoes,  boots,  or  arctics, 
made  in  the  United  States,  are  produced  in 
the  vicinity  of  those  cities,  because  this  was 
the  original  region  of  import,  although  crude 
rubber  is  seldom  seen  to-day  on  the  docks 
of  these  cities.  Most  of  it  comes  into  the 
United  States  by  way  of  New  York. 

Likewise  the  plated-jewelry  industry  centered 
in  the  Attleboroughs  of  Massachusetts,  just  out- 
side of  Providence,  Rhode  Island,  is  there  in 
response  to  the  fact  that  gold  and  silver  from 
Spain,  Portugal  and  the  West  Indies  once  were 
borne  into  Providence  by  home-bound  commerce 
carriers.  Since  the  European  war  opened,  atten- 
tion has  been  called  to  the  predominance  in  fire- 
arms manufacture  of  three  Connecticut  cities; 
namely,  Bridgeport,  New  Haven  and  Hartford. 
These  cities  are  now  famous  for  rifles  and  re- 
volvers because  at  one  time  western  Connecticut 
produced  a  grade  of  iron  from  local  ores  that 
was  better  fitted  than  that  found  anywhere  else 
for  making  weapons  or  edge  tools.  In  all  of 
these  cases,  rubber  mills,  the  jewelry  factories 
or  the  firearms  plants,  the  present-day  greatness 
of   the    industries   entirely    overshadows    the    fact 


208 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEPF    OF   REVIEWS 


that  they  came  to  the   regions  originally  because 
raw  materials  were  easily  secured  at  those  points. 

Water  power  has,  of  course,  assembled 
many  industries  in  compact  units  around 
desirable  power  sites. 

Accordingly,  we  find  that  one-third  of  the  knit 
underwear  made  in  the  United  States  is  fur- 
nished by  a  string  of  towns  in  the  Mohawk  Val- 
ley from  Cohoes  to  Utica.  This  is  due  to  the 
circumstance  that  the  first  knitting  machine  run 
by  power  was  set  up  at  Cohoes  to  take  advantage 
of  the  large  amount  of  power  available  at  that 
place.  American  writing-paper  manufacture 
centers  at  Holyoke,  Massachusetts,  because  the 
reduction  of  rags  to  pulp  requires  a  large  amount 
of  power,  and  the  Connecticut  River  at  Holyoke 
furnishes  the  greatest  water  power  in  New  Eng- 
land. The  falls  and^canal  systems  at  Holyoke 
fixed  the  attention  of  engineers  upon  water-pro- 
pelled mechanisms,  and  out  of  their  studies  im- 
proved turbines  arose.  As  a  consequence,  Holy- 
oke entered  the  field  of  machinery  manufacture, 
so  that  later  when  Niagara  was  bridled,  the 
great  turbines  that  turn  Niagara's  energy  into 
usable    power    were    made    at    Holyoke. 

This  writer  is  compelled  to  admit,  how- 
ever, that  none  of  the  causes  assigned  for 
the  localization  of  industry  has  been  as  ef- 
fective as  blind  chance.  Thus,  Westfield, 
Massachusetts,  now  manufactures  more  than 
two-thirds   of   our  whips   because   one   irate 


farmer,  incensed  by  his  neighbor's  pillage 
of  his  willow  hedge  to  belabor  his  horses, 
cut  the  willows  himself,  bound  them  with 
twine,  and  sold  them  to  the  erstwhile 
plunderers.  That  started  an  industry  which 
has  since  made  the  town  conspicuous  among 
New  England  communities. 

This  is  Dr.  Keir's  conclusion  as  to  the 
comparative  advantages  and  disadvantages 
of  localization : 

The  disadvantages  of  a  localized  industry, 
namely,  the  distance  from  markets  for  raw  ma- 
terials and  finished  goods,  the  strength  of  labor 
unions,  the  multiplication  of  plants,  the  suffering 
in  hard  times  and  the  creation  of  a  labor  class, 
are  outweighed  by  the  advantages.  The  ability 
to  secure  the  right  labor,  the  ease  of  selling  and 
advantages  in  buying  recommend  to  an  em- 
ployer the  place  already  established  in  an  in- 
dustry. On  the  part  of  the  employees,  security 
of  jobs  and  opportunity  for  organization  among 
the  workers  are  strong  lures  toward  a  center 
recognized  for  a  particular  class  of  work.  There- 
fore an  industry  started  by  a  local  resource  or 
by  accident  continues  to  grow  in  one  spot  through 
the  branching  of  new  plants  from  old  ones, 
through  new  concerns  organized  by  sons  or 
superintendents,  through  the  advancement  that 
comes  by  subdivision  of  product  and  through  the 
accumulation  of  small  factories  that  make  use 
of  waste  products.  Localization  is  therefore  a 
persistent  feature   of  industry. 


THE  LAST  REPUBLIC  OF  THE  HINDUS 


CERTAIN  hitherto  obscure  facts  re- 
garding republican  government  among 
the  Hindus  are  disclosed  in  an  article  con- 
tributed to  the  Modern  Review  (Calcutta) 
for  November  last,  by  Kunw^ar  Shiv  Nath 
Singh  Sengar,  Bikaner.  It  is  regarded  as  an 
historical  fact,  now  well  established,  that 
there  were  many  republics  in  India  about 
the  beginning  of  the  Buddhistic  period. 
This  article,  however,  shows  that  the  little 
republic  of  Lakhnesar,  founded  in  the  thir- 
teenth century  of  the  Christian  era,  lasted 
tor  about  five  hundred  years.  The  republic 
was  founded  by  the  clan  of  Sengars,  whose 
code  of  government  required  priests,  village 
workmen  and  menials  to  render  service  in 
lieu  of  lands  that  they  held.  The  Sengars, 
in  their  turn,  took  upon  themselves  all  re- 
sponsibility for  the  government  and  defense 
of  the  country.  Justice  was  said  to  be 
"cheap,    instantaneous   and    easy   to   obtain." 

Ordinarily  all  the  routine  work  of  government 
was  attended  to  by  elderly  Sengars  but  in  time 
of    war    each    and    every    male    member    of    the 


brotherhood  capable  of  bearing  arms  deemed 
it  his  duty  to  render  military  service  in  the 
defense  of  the  country.  There  was  no  age  limit. 
None  but  Sengars  were  liable  to  a  call  to  arms. 
They  always  kept  themselves  militarily  prepared 
and  every  third  year  in  the  month  of  Baisakh 
(Vaisakha)  all  ablebodied  Sengars,  duly  armed 
and  accoutred,  met  in  thousands  for  a  general 
inspection  by  the  elders  of  the  clan  of  the  com- 
bined   armed    strength    of    the   brotherhood. 

Although  on  more  than  one  occasion  the 
Republic  had  to  pay  tribute  to  Mohammedan 
kings,  it  enjoyed  complete  internal  inde- 
pendence throughout  the  period  of  Musul- 
man  domination. 

The  Sengars  maintained  the  internal  in- 
dependence of  Lakhnesar  almost  unimpaired 
down  to  the  early  years  of  British  rule,  be- 
ginning in  1781.  Government  memoirs  of 
the  period  state: 

Before  the  establishment  of  the  British  authority 
the  Sengars  of  Lakhnesar  had  managed  to  estab- 
lish for  themselves  an  unrivalled  reputation 
for  their  courage,  independence  and  insubordina- 
tion. This  reputation  they  preserved  unimpaired 
during  the  first  years  of  our  administration. 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE    MONTH 


209 


^  A  HEBREW  UNIVERSITY  IN  JERUSALEM 


THE  laying  of  the  cornerstone  of  a 
Hebrew  university  on  the  Mount  of 
Olives,  in  July  last,  attracted  less  attention 
throughout  the  world  than  might  have  been 
the  case  in  time  of  peace.  Nevertheless, 
official  telegrams  of  congratulation  were  re- 
ceived from  the  governments  of  England 
and  France  and  from  representatives  of  dif- 
ferent universities  all  over  the  world,  even 
from  Spain  and  Portugal.  In  his  New  Year 
message  about  Zionism  President  Wilson 
said:  *'I  think  that  all  Americans  will  be 
deeply  moved  by  the  report  that  even  in  this 
time  of  stress  the  Weizmann  Commission 
has  been  able  to  lay  the  foundation  of  the 
Hebrew  university,  with  the  promise  that 
that  bears  of  spiritual  rebirth." 

Writing  from  the  Zionist  viewpoint,  Dr. 
Ben  Zion  Mossinsohn,  in  the  Menorah 
Journal  (New  York)  for  December,  out- 
lines the  vision  that  has  come  to  the  founders 
of  this  enterprise,  shows  why  they  believe 
that  a  Hebrew  university  must  be  planted  on 
the  soil  of  Palestine,  why  the  Hebrew 
language  should  be  revived,  why  the  uni- 
versity should  be  started  at  once,  and  what 
is  likely  to  be  the  effect  on  the  world  status 
of  the  Jew. 

Those  who  have  opposed  the  project,  even 
in  Zionist  circles,  have  questioned  whether 
the  Hebrew  language  is  sufficiently  developed 
to  meet  the  needs  of  the  university.  They 
have  also  asked,  "Where  will  the  teachers 
come  from,  and  the  students ;  what  will  be 
the  practical  basis  for  such  a  university; 
what  will  the  students  do  after  they  leave 
its  walls ;  where  will  the  necessary  money 
be  obtained  for  such  an  enterprise?"  A  par- 
tial answer  to  these  questions  is  given  by  Dr. 
Mossinsohn  in  relating  the  history  of  a 
similar  undertaking  on  a  small  scale.  In 
1906  a  group  of  young  teachers  and  students, 
living  in  Palestine,  decided  to  open  a  high 
school  or  academy  in  Palestine.  The  insti- 
tution began  work  with  seventeen  pupils 
and  four  teachers.  In  1914,  before  the  out- 
break of  the  Great  War,  it  had  over  nine 
hundred  pupils  and  thirty  teachers.  Dr. 
Mossinsohn  says: 

The  curriculum  was  given  in  Hebrew  exclu- 
sively and  the  diplomas  of  the  gymnasium  were 
recognized  by  all  the  universities  in  Europe  and 
most  of  the  universities  in  America.  The  high 
standard  of  knowledge  of  the  pupils  was  recog- 
nized all  over  the  world.  With  a  need  came  the 
teachers.  Young  Jews  began  to  study  Hebrew 
Feb.— 7 


and  to  prepare  themselves  to  become  teachers 
for  different  subjects.  And  even  money  was 
found.  The  gymnasium  in  Jaffa  has  now  one 
of  the  most  beautiful  buildings  in  the  Orient, 
and  in  the  last  few  years  before  the  war  it  was 
almost  sustained  by  the  income  cferived  from 
tuition.  It  will  be  far  easier  to  solve  all  these 
problems  for  the  university.  The  gymnasium 
stood  on  the  shoulders  of  the  llltle  village  schools 
where  the  poor  teachers  lived  who  laid  the 
foundati9n  for  Hebrew  as  the  language  of  teach- 
ing. The  university  will  rest  upon  the  walls 
created  by  the  gymnasium,  the  teachers'  seminary 
in  Jerusalem,  and  the  other  higher  schools  which 
exist   in    Palestine. 

This  Jewish  writer  is  optimistic  regarding 
the  prospects  of  higher  Hebrew  education  in 
Palestine.  He  believes  that  teachers  and 
pupils  will  flock  to  the  institution  from  all 
over  the  world. 

They  will  learn  Hebrew;  in  the  su'-roundings 
of  Palestinian  life  it  will  be  easy  for  them.  And 
there  will  be  enough  students  in  Palestine.  They 
will  come  from  all  over  the  world — some  of  them 
driven  by  the  pressure  of  their  environment,  but 
the  larger  number  by  a  controlling  desire  to  go 
because  of  a  proud  ambition  to  create  as  Jews, 
in  their  own  name  and  in  their  own  way.  The 
practical  future  of  the  Jewish  student  is  perhaps 
far  more  assured  there  than  anywhere  in  the 
world.  Palestine  will  undergo  a  great  revival. 
To  be  attached  to  the  civilization  of  the  world, 
it  will  need  a  vast  number  of  schooled  forces  in 
all  branches  of  life.  It  will  require  trained 
medical  men,  lawyers  and  judges,  engineers, 
teachers  and  men  of  other  professions.  Not  only 
Palestine,  but  all  the  Orient  is  going  to  be  re- 
vived and  will  need  thousands  of  intelligent 
workers.  Students  of  a  university  in  Jerusalem 
educated  in  the  Orient  for  the  Orient,  with  an 
understanding  of  its  needs  and  with  a  love  for 
its  future,  will  play  their  part.  They  will  be 
a  valuable  means  in  bringing  this  revival  into 
life. 

Dr.  Mossinsohn  believes  that  these  young 
students,  returning  to  their  home  countries 
after  a  period  of  study  in  Palestine,  will 
bring  a  new  spirit  into  the  Jewish  communi- 
ties throughout  the  world.  As  to  the  money 
needs,  he  suggests  that  American  Jews,  who 
know  how  Amercian  universities  and  other 
institutTons  of  learning  have  been  founded 
by  private  donations,  w'xW  be  the  first  to 
understand  their  opportunity  and  duty 
towards  a  Hebrew  university  in  Palestine. 
Some  Jews,  in  his  opitu'on,  will  be  more 
willing  to  give  for  a  cultural  enterprise  in 
Palestine  than  for  political  colonization  work 
there.  This  cultural  work  will  really  be  a 
part  of  the  revival  of  Jc\vish  national  life. 


210 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


THE  ITALIAN  MERCHANT  MARINE 


ITALY'S  crying  need  for  a  greater  mer- 
chant marine  was  already  recognized  by 
all  competent  judges,  even  before  the  begin- 
ning of  the  war,  and  her  experiences  in  the 
throes  of  the  terrible  conflict  only  intensi- 
fied a  condition  from  which  she  had  long  suf- 
fered. 

It  is  true  that  Italian  commerce  received 
less  injury  from  the  attacks  of  subiparines 
than  did  that  of  England  or  France,  because 
of  the  southern  route  taken  by  the  steamers 
going  to  and  from  the  Italian  ports ;  but  as 
in  time  of  peace  only  one-quarter  of  the  im- 
ports from  foreign  lands  was  carried  by 
Italy's  own  ships,  the  continually  decreasing 
number  of  vessels  that  the  Allies  could  place 
at  her  disposal  rendered  it  a  matter  of  the 
very  greatest  difficulty  to  secure  the  abso- 
lutely necessary  supplies  for  her  subsistence 
and  for  the  needs  of  her  army. 

That  Italy  must  now  take  energetic  steps 
to  remedy  this  state  of  affairs  is  insisted 
upon  by  the  Italian  Admiral  and  Senator, 
C.  Corsi,  in  an  article  in  Nuova  Antologia 
(Rome).  This  writer  says  that  if  to  have 
a  companion  in  misery  would  be  any  al- 
leviation of  Italy's  troubles,  she  might  find 
this  in  recognizing  that  even  the  United 
States  Government  was  forced  to  depend 
upon  foreign  aid  to  as  great  an  extent.  How- 
ever, the  conditions  were  radically  different, 
as  the  immense  and  varied  territory  of  the 
United  States  rendered  it  possible,  in  case 
of  need,  to  produce  all  absolutely  necessary 
supplies  at  home.  None  the  less,  the  crisis 
through  which  the  world  has  just  passed 
has  already  caused  the  United  States  to  in- 
itiate a  policy  that  will  result  in  the  crea- 
tion of  a  gigantic  merchant  marine,  sailing 
under  the  national  flag. 

The  vital  question  for  Italy  is  whether 
she  is  ready  to  profit  by  the  hard  lessons 
taught  her  by  the  war.  Who  can  say  how 
much  misery  and  how  many  difficulties  might 
have  been  spared  if,  with  her  own  ships,  she 
had  been  able  to  maintain  her  maritime 
commerce? 

Italy  has  improvised  many  things  during 
the  war,  but  one  thing  it  was  impossible 
for  her  to  improvise — an  adequate  merchant 
marine.  When,  having  escaped  from  the 
stress  of  war,  both  government  and  gov- 
erned are  able  to  think  over  the  mortifica- 
tions they  have  been  forced  to  endure  in 
imploring   friendly   nations   not   to   deny   at 


least  a  part  of  the  tonnage  on  which  Italy 
had  supinely  counted  in  time  of  peace,  it  is 
to  be  hoped  that  this  will  arouse  a  healthy 
reaction  from  the  previous  apathy,  and  will 
reawaken  the  maritime  spirit  of  the  people, 
without  which  any  faith  in  its  political,  com- 
mercial, or  industrial  future  will  be  vain. 

The  question  of  Italy's  merchant  marine 
is  in  Admiral  Corsi's  view  a  fundamental 
one  for  the  development  of  her  economic 
prosperity,  and  as  such  it  is  one  requiring 
the  vigilant  and  fostering  care  of  the  govern- 
ment; but  it  is  not  through  this  alone  that 
the  new  organism  can  arise.  It  is  essentially 
by  the  initiative  of  the  citizens,  by  the  com- 
bined energy  of  the  whole  people  acting  to- 
gether for  the  rebirth  of  Italy's  former  mari- 
time greatness,  that  Italian  hopes  can  be 
realized. 

It  is  necessary  that  all,  both  of  the  higher 
and  of  the  humbler  classes,  shall  familiarize 
themselves  with  the  idea  of  the  sea,  even 
though  they  may  never  have  viewed  it,  that 
they  shall  learn  to  appreciate  the  advantages 
conferred  on  the  country  by  the  extent  of 
its  coasts,  that  they  shall  recognize  how  the 
sea  gives  Italy  the  power  to  maintain  com- 
munications with  all  parts  of  the  world,  and 
thus  to  satisfy  many  of  her  principal  needs. 

The  idea  of  the  sea  must  penetrate  our  very 
pores,  rule  over  our  thoughts,  associate  itself  with 
all  our  conceptions  of  national  and  international 
politics,  of  social  and  individual  economics,  with 
our  industrial,  artistic  and  literary  activities,  and 
naturally  with   our  colonial    enterprises. 

Long  ago,  when  Italy  held  third,  if  not 
second,  rank  among  the  maritime  nations, 
her  ships  not  only  served  for  her  own  traffic, 
but  also  for  that  of  other  lands,  constituting 
in  this  way  a  notable  source  of  wealth  for 
the  home  country.  Hence  it  is  that  not 
only  her  growing  commercial  requirements 
should  stimulate  her  marine  activities,  but 
also  the  prospect  of  sharing  in  the  ever-in- 
creasing tide  of  world  traffic. 

Every  day  brings  new  evidence  of  the 
readiness  of  Italian  capital  to  embark  in  in- 
dustrial enterprises,  and  there  should  be  even 
greater  inducement  to  invest  it  in  the  build- 
ing of  merchant  vessels  that  will  bring  to 
Italy  the  raw  materials  she  needs  and  export 
her  productions  to  foreign  lands.  Thus  she 
will  be  freed  from  the  heavy  tribute  she  has 
been  forced  to  pay  in  time  of  peace  for 
foreign  tonnage. 


LEADING   ARTICLES    OF    THE   MONTH 


211 


OUR  COMMERCIAL  RELATIONS  WITH 

LATIN  AMERICA 


ONE  important  economic  consequence  of 
the  war  was  the  partial  suspension  of 
the  intimate  commercial  relations  that  here- 
tofore existed  between  a  great  part  of  Latin 
America  and  Europe.  The  extent  to  which 
these  relations  axe  likely  to  be  resumed  under 
post-bellum  conditions  is  discussed  in  an 
article  on  "Inter-American  Commerce — Be- 
fore and  After  the  War"  in  the  Bulletin 
(Washington).     Here  we  find  it  stated  that 

In  the  years  immediately  preceding  the  outbreak 
of  the  war  the  inter-American  commerce  of  the 
Latin-American  Republics  represented  something 
more  than  one-half  of  their  total  foreign  com- 
merce ;  that  is  to  say,  the  interchange  of  products 
between  the  Latin-American  countries  themselves 
plus  their  trade  with  the  United  States  and  with 
Canada  and  other  British,  French,  and  Dutch 
possessions  in  America  was  equal  in  value  to  the 
total  trade  of  the  twenty  Republics  with  England, 
France,  Germany,  and  all  the  remainder  of  the 
world  combined.  This  fact  is  often  lost  sight  of. 
The  trade  of  the  Latin-American  Republics  with 
the  United  States  alone  was  between  25  and  30 
per  cent,  of  their  total  trade  and  a  nearly  equal 
amount  represented  the  trade  with  the  other 
American  countries  and  among  themselves.  In 
,1913  the  figures  were:  Total  trade,  $2,874,629,054; 
with  the  United  States,  $810,079,843;  other  inter- 
American  trade,  approximately  $760,000,000.  This 
last  figure  can  never  be  stated  exactly  because 
of  the  character  of  a  considerable  portion  of  the 
trade  between  the  Republics  being  frontier,  very 
intimate,  and  for  the  most  part  free  of  duties, 
it  receives  no  statistical  or  an  imperfect  statistical 
recognition.  Since  the  beginning  of  the  war  the 
proportion  of  inter-American  trade  to  the  total 
of  Latin-American  trade  has  increased  until  now 
it  represents  more  than  three-fourths  of  that  total. 

Of  course  the  lack  of  shipping  and  other 
circumstances  connected  with  the  war  would 
furnish  ample  reasons  for  a  temporary  reduc- 
tion in  the  European  trade  of  Latin  Amer- 
ica, but  the  writer  believes  that  there  are 
other  and  deep-seated  reasons  why  this  trade 
was  bound  to  decline.  America,  it  is  said, 
is  coming  to  realize  her  own  resources  and 
there  is  a  conscious  trend  toward  inde- 
pendence of  Europe,  in  economic  as  well  as 
other  directions. 

It  is  a  step  in  the  material  progress  of  indus- 
trially new  countries  that  at  the  beginning  they 
must  depend  upon  the  outside  world  as  a  market 
for  raw  products  and  surplus  food,  the  only  prod- 
ucts that  they  can  produce  wherefrom  to  create 
wealth.  It  is  a  necessary,  but  in  a  sense  ineco- 
nomic  development,  to  be  discontinued  just  as 
soon    as    a   better   use   for   the    raw    products   can 


be  found  in  national  manufacturing  industries 
and  an  increase  in  population  sufficient  to  utilize 
the   surplus  food. 

America  as  a  whole  is  approaching  this  condi- 
tion. It  is  ceasing  to  depend  upon  Europe.  Its 
raw  products  in  greater  volume  are  being  utilized 
within  itself  and  the  resulting  increase  in  manu- 
facture is  supplying  its  own  needs  for  factory 
goods.     This  was  true  before  the  war. 

In  the  United  States  the  American  con- 
tinent possesses  the  greatest  manufacturing 
country  in  the  world,  with  a  manufacturing 
equipment  more  than  equal  to  that  of  Eng- 
land and  Germany  combined.  Before  the 
war  the  United  States  imported  more  raw 
material  for  manufactures  from  Latin  Amer- 
ica than  did  the  countries  of  Europe,  but 
failed  to  import  food  products  other  than 
sugar,  coffee,  cacao,  and  fruits.  Its  failure 
to  import  wheat,  corn,  and  meat  from  Argen- 
tina, Uruguay,  and  Paraguay  reduced  its 
trade  with  those  countries  below  that  of 
Great  Britain  and  Germany.  Neither  did 
it  import  much  nitrate  from  Chile,  nor  much 
of  Bolivia's  leading  product,  tin,  from  that 
country. 

The  growth  of  manufacturing  industries  in 
America,  not  only  in  the  United  States  but  in 
Canada  and  in  Latin  America,  will  in  a  very  short 
period  absorb  the  total  product  of  industrial  raw 
material  produced  on  the  continent.  In  other 
words,  the  condition  which  now  exists  during  the 
war  would  inevitably  have  been  arrived  at  in 
a  few  years  had  there  been  no  war.  The  war 
does  not  materially  change  the  progress  of  events 
in   this   particular. 

With  peace,  Argentina,  Uruguay,  and  Para- 
guay will  continue  to  supply  Europe  with  meat 
and  grain,  but  a  larger  proportion  of  their  in- 
dustrial raw  products  will  be  utilized  by  manu- 
facture within  the  countries  themselves  or  go  to 
the  United  States  and  other  American  countries. 
Chilean  nitrate  will  again  go  to  Europe,  but  a 
much  larger  share  than  before  the  war  will  re- 
main to  the  United  States.  Whether  Bolivian  tin 
will  continue  to  go  to  England  or  go  to  the  United 
States,  which  consumes  about  half  the  tin  of  the 
world,  will  depend  upon  the  future  attainments 
of  inventive  genius.  If  new  processes  of  smelting 
produce  a  nonferruginous  product  as  suitable  as 
British  or  Straits  tin  for  plating  sheet  iron  then 
Bolivian  tin,  like  Bolivian  wolfram  and  copper, 
will  also  find  its  chief  market  on  this  side  of 
the  ocean. 

With  the  awakening  in  all  America  of  a  knowl- 
edge and  an  appreciation  of  its  onvm  industrial  raw 
products  has  occurred  an  even  greater  awakening 
in  knowledge  of  its  manufactured  products.  For 
this,  in  some  aspects,  the  war  is  almost  entirely 
responsible.      In    particular    is    this   true    in    some 


212 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


parts  of  Latin  America.  Just  as  in  the  United 
States,  where  for  fifty  years  and  more  people 
were  accustomed  to  use  Java  and  Mocha  coffee 
under  the  impression  that  what  they  were  drink- 
ing was  produced  in  the  Dutch  East  Indies  and 
Arabia,  when  in  reality  nearly  all  of  the  Java 
and  Mocha  came  from  Brazil  or  other  American 
countries,  so  in  Argentina  and  Chile,  United 
States  manufactures  have  been  consumed  in  large 
quantities  under  the  impression  that  they  were 
European.  The  condition  was  not  exactly  parallel 
to  the  coffee  case  in  that  there  was  no  intention 


to  deceive.  Misapprehension  arose  from  the 
fact  that  United  States  goods  were  brought  in 
in  English  or  German  ships  and  sold  in  English, 
German,  French,  and  Italian  shops.  Neither  the 
United  States  flag  on  the  ship  nor  the  United 
States  name  over  the  shop  door  existed  to  correct 
the  natural  inference  on  the  part  of  the  buyer 
that  United  States  goods  were  not  procurable. 
A  few  knew  better,  just  as  in  the  United  States 
a  few  knew  that  "Mocha"  coffee  was  in  reality 
Rio  "pea  berry." 

The  war  has  brought  a  fuller  knowledge. 


A  POET- PAINTER  OF  LEBANON 


SYRIA,  at  last,  is  to  have  self-determin- 
ation together  with  the  other  subject 
countries  of  the  world.  Conquered  and  op- 
pressed by  one  nation  after  another  through- 
out the  centuries,  and  last  by  the  impossible 
Turk,  Syria,  because  of  the  rebellious  spirit 
of  the  Arabs  in  the  nomadic  provinces,  has 
always  been  imperfectly  subjugated.  The 
Arabs  never  lost  the  traditions  of  their  an- 
cient culture  and  held  stubbornly  to  the  hope 
of  ultimate  liberation.  Now  that.  Da- 
mascus, Beirut,  and  Lebanon  are  in  the 
hands  of  the  British,  all  the  blended  races 
of  Greek,  Roman,  and  European  Crusader 
grafted  upon  Semitic  stock  from  the  Med- 
iterranean to  the  Persian  Gulf  have  hope  of 
nationality.  From  the  basis  of 
nationality  the  old  culture  will 
arise  poured  in  new  molds. 

From  Lebanon,  near  the  Le- 
banon mountains,  "the  one  green 
spot  in  Turkey,"  comes  the 
Syrian  poet-painter,  Kahlil  Gib- 
ran.  He  is  a  scion  of  an  ancient 
Lebanon  family  living  only  three- 
fourths  of  a  mile  from  the  famous 
groves  of  cedars  whence  came 
the  trees  that  were  builded  into 
King  Solomon^s  Temple  and 
floated  m  rafts  to  Egypt  to  build 
temples  to  the  Gods  of  Egypt  in 
the  Nile  cities.  Mr.  Gibran  is 
the  author  of  eight  books  in 
Arabic  —  poetry,  poetic  prose, 
parables,  and  plays  that  circulate 
among  the  200,000,000  peoples  of  the 
Arabic-speaking  world. 

"The  Madman,"^  a  collection  of  parables 
and  poems  with  four  drawings,  published 
last  month,  is  his  first  volume  in  English. 
It  contains  thirty  parables  and  a  few  poems, 


KAHLIL   GIBRAN 


^  The   Madman.     By   Kahlil   Gibran.      Knopf.      71    pp. 
111.     $1.25. 


which  are  like  most  of  the  ancient  Arabic 
literature — condensed,  satirical,  with  their 
gold  beaten  thin,  so  that  no  superfluous  word 
mars  their  rhythms  or  obstructs  their  sense. 
The  poetry  depends  largely  upon  assonance 
for  its  lyrical  beauty. 

"The  Madman"  is  a  solitary  personage  called 
"madman"  because  he  unmasks  himself  in  the 
market  place  of  human  knowledge,  strives  to  be- 
hold the  depth  of  man's  soul  through  the  thin 
veils  of  man's  wisdom  and  man's  moral  ethics. 
He  loves  life,  and  he  hates  life's  shams.  He 
would  shake  the  giant  tree  not  only  to  eliminate 
its  dead  branches  but  also  to  send  its  roots 
deeper  into  earth. 

An  early  book  by  Mr.  Gibran,  "A  Re- 
bellious Spirit,"  exerted  great 
influence  in  the  younger  Arabic 
circles.  This  work  demanded 
the  rescue  of  the  spirit  of  religion 
from  dogma,  the  reality  of  life 
from  its  shams,  the  being  from 
the  seeming  of  existence.  A 
forthcoming  volume  in  English 
is  called:  "The  Prophet."  This 
book  will  contain  twenty-one 
prophecies  facing  twenty-one 
full-page  drawings.  As  an  artist, 
Mr.  Gibran  is  a  follower  of 
Blake  and  Rodin.  With  Rodin 
he  joins  his  definite  patterns 
in  art  to  the  infinite  by  direct 
symbolism ;  with  Blake,  he  is  a 
lover  of  the  free  bounding  line. 
The  human  form  is  to  him  the 
one  eternal  perfect  symbol. 

Mr.  Gibran  has  great  hopes  for  the  future 
of  Syrian  and  Arabic  culture.  He  thinks  that 
the  Near  East  has  a  very  great  deal  to  give 
now  that  for  the  first  time  it  is  open  to  the 
Occidental  world.  With  self-government 
and  reconstruction,  education  will  flourish, 
and  literature  and  art  be  reborn  in  Syria. 


THE  NEW  BOOKS 

BIOGRAPHY 


Abraham  Lincoln,  the  Practical  Mystic.  By 
Francis  Grierson.  John  Lane  Company.  93 
pp.  $1. 

Because  the  author  is  a  man  of  vision  and  of 
unusual  analytical  power  this  picture  of  Lincoln 
as  the  ''practical  mystic"  is  a  real  contribution  to 
the  voluminous  Lincoln  literature  of  our  day.  It 
embodies  not  merely  Mr.  Grierson's  own  view  of 
Lincoln's  personality,  but  the  pith  of  several  im- 
portant contemporary  estimates.  A  book  by  the 
same  author,  entitled  "The  Valley  of  Shadows," 
which  appeared  several  years  ago,  contains  a 
picturesque  account  of  Lincoln's  life  in  Illinois 
before  the  Civil  War  and  particularly  of  the 
famous    Lincoln-Douglas    Debates. 

Uncle  Joe's  Lincoln.  By  Edward  A.  Steiner. 
Fleming  H.  Revell   Company.     171   pp.     111.     $1. 

A  fascinating  tale  of  how  the  message  of  Abra- 
ham Lincoln  was  brought  to  Hungary  by  a  re- 
turned veteran  of  the  Civil  War,  and  how  the 
figure  of  the  Martyr  President  was  visualized 
for  a  group  of  youthful  Hungarians,  almost  all 
of  whom  later  became  enthusiastic  and  worthy 
citizens  of  the  United  States.  To  our  readers  who 
are  already  familiar  with  Professor  Steiner's 
vivid  style  we  need  not  say  that  the  interest  of 
the  narrative  is  sustained  from  beginning  to  end. 
It  is  a  capital  book  to  put  in  the  hands  of  young 
Americans    of    European    descent. 


Woodrow  Wilson:  An  Interpretation.  By 
A.  Maurice  Low.  Boston:  Little,  Brown  &  Com- 
pany.    291  pp.     111.     $2. 

The  time  is  yet  far  distant  when  a  defini- 
tive life  of  President  Wilson  can  be  writ- 
ten; but  a  book  like 
Mr.  Low's  will  be  a 
great  help  to  the 
biographer  when  he 
comes  to  his  task.  It 
makes  use  of  the  Presi- 
dent's writings  and  of- 
ficial acts  in  so  far  as 
they  reveal  the  mo- 
tives and  mainsprings 
of  his  career.  The  au- 
thor's analysis  of  these 
is  impartial,  clear,  and 
convincing.  Twenty 
years'  observation  of 
American  politics  has 
qualified  Mr.  Low  to 
write  wisely  and  judi- 
ciously concerning  the 
remarkable  place  in 
national  leadership 
now  held  by  Woodrow  a.  Maurice  low 

Wilson.      As    an    Eng- 
lishman he  writes  with  a  certain  detachment  im 
possible  for  an   American. 


HISTORY  AND  REFERENCE 


The  Development  of  the  United  States.  By 
Max  Farrand.  Houghton,  Mifflin  Company.  355 
pp.     $1.50. 

Professor  Farrand,  who  holds  a  professorship 
of  history  at  Yale,  gives  in  this  volume  an  in- 
terpretation of  American  history  which,  while  it 
presupposes  a  general  knowledge  of  the  subject 
on  the  part  of  the  reader,  is  yet  sufficiently  sim- 
ple and  elementary  in  its  methods  of  treatment 
to  meet  popular  needs.  A  single  introductory 
chapter  is  devoted  to  the  period  of  colonization. 
The  rest  of  the  book  is  concerned  with  the  growth 
and  welding  of  the  nation  from  a  loose  federa- 
tion of  States  to  the  compact,  well-organized 
world  power  that  it  is  to-day.  The  author's  in- 
debtedness to  the  modern  historical  school  for 
its  explanation  of  the  rapid  western  expansion  of 
our  American  democracy  is,  generally  acknowl- 
edged and  in  reality  forms  the  keynote  of  the 
book. 

The  People  of  Action.     By    Gustave    Rodri- 

gues.     Charles    Scribner's    Sons.     250    pp.     $1.50. 

A  study  and  interpretation  of  American  ideal- 


ism by  a  French  scholar.  According  to  this  in- 
terpretation, the  American  is  before  all  else  a 
man  of  action,  of  efficiency.  He  is  an  individ- 
ualist and  his  idealism  is  chiefly  unconscious. 
American  culture,  from  the  French  viewpoint, 
requires  about  as  much  comment  in  an  estimate 
of  this  kind  as  the  famous  chapter  on  the  snakes 
of  Ireland.  The  whole  book,  however,  is  con- 
ceived in  admirable  spirit  and  is  evidently  a 
genuine  effort  to  promote  intimacy  in  Franco- 
American    relations. 

A  Short  History  of  France.  By  Mary  Du- 
claux  (A.  Mary  F.  Robinson).  G.  P.  Putnam's 
Sons.     345  pp.     111.     $2.50. 

A  convenient  resume  of  French  history  from 
Caesar's  time  to   the   Battle   of  Waterloo. 

The  Tragedy  of  Armenia.  By  Bertha  S. 
Papazian.  Boston:  The  Pilgrim  Press.  164  pp.  $1. 

All  that  most  of  us  know  about  Armenia  has 
to  do  with  her  recent  troubles.  We  can  under- 
stand why  the  title  of  this  book — "The  Tragedy 
of  Armenia" — is  applicable  to  the  facts  of  mod- 

213 


214 


THE   AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


ern  history,  but  we  should  miss  the  full  signifi- 
cance of  this  title  if  we  lost  sight  of  the  fact 
that  the  whole  record  of  Armenia  from  the  be- 
ginning has  been  in  every  sense  a  tragedy.  Al- 
though the  nation  is  known  to  us  chiefly  through 
its  sufferings,  there  are  other  sides  of  the  story, 
and  the  author  of  this  little  book  has  done  a  real 
service  in  setting  forth  something  of  the  char- 
acter of  the  Armenians  and  the  part  they  have 
played  in  the  world's  history. 

History  of  the  Jews  in  Russia  and  Poland. 

By  S.  M.  Dubnow.  Philadelphia:  Jewish  Publi- 
cation Society  of  America.  Vol.  II.  429  pp.  $1.50. 

The  second  volume  of  this  scholarly  work, 
translated  from  the  Russian,  treats  of  the  history 
of  Russian  Jewry  from  the  death  of  Alexander 
I  (1825)  until  the  death  of  Alexander  III  (1894). 
The  reign  of  Alexander  III,  briefest  of  the  three 
reigns  described  in  this  volume,  is  treated  at 
greater  length  than  the  others  because  in  the 
author's  view  the  events  that  occurred  during 
the  fourteen  years  of  that  reign  "laid  their  in- 
delible impress  upon  Russian  Jewry,  and  have 
had  a  determining  influence  upon  the  growth  and 
development  of  American  Israel." 

British-American  Discords  and  Concords. 
By  The  History  Circle.  G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons. 
70  pp.     111.     75  cents. 

The  membership  of  the  History  Circle  is  made 
up  of  professional  historians,  business  men,  edi- 
tors, engineers,  writers,  and  others.  A  committee 
of  these  members  has  given  labor  for  over  a 
year  to  the  preparation  of  this  monograph.    Pro- 


fessors in  the  leading  universities  have  also  given 
the  service  of  their  own  research  and  of  criticism. 
The  monograph  sums  up  the  relations  between 
England  and  America  during  the  three  centuries 
that  have  elapsed  since  Englishmen  first  settled 
on  this  continent.  Although  the  main  purpose  of 
the  narrative  is  to  present  facts,  the  text  is  by 
no  means  lacking  in  the  quality  of  human  interest 
and  philosophy. 

The  United  States  Catalog  Supplement; 
Books  Published,  1912-1917.  The  H.  W.  Wil- 
son  Company,   2298   pp.     $48. 

Magazine  and  newspaper  offices  that  have 
much  to  do  with  books,  and  especially  with  cur- 
rent publications,  would  not  know  how  to  get  on 
without  the  "United  States  Catalog"  in  which  are 
listed  the  books  and  pamphlets  in  the  English 
language  published  in  the  United  States,  together 
with  the  chief  importations.  The  H.  W.  Wilson 
Company,  who  are  the  publishers  of  this  indis- 
pensable work,  have  just  issued  a  supplement 
covering  the  years  from  1912  to  1917,  inclusive. 
This  volume  is  arranged  on  the  same  plan  as 
the  original  catalog,  by  author,  title  and  subject. 
It  gives  such  data  concerning  each  publication  as 
we  are  accustomed  to  give  from  month  to  month 
in  connection  with  the  book  notices  appearing 
in  this  department  of  the  Review  of  Reviews.  A 
special  feature  of  this  supplement,  which  will  be 
appreciated  by  all  users  of  recent  books,  is  the 
group  of  references  to  the  literature  of  the  Great 
War.  This  includes  every  important  publication 
on  the  subject  in  the  English  language  up  to  Jan- 
uary 1,  1918. 


BOOKS  RELATING  TO  THE  WAR 


"The  Future  Belongs  to  the  People."  By 
Karl  Liebknecht.  The  Macmillan  Company.  144 
pp.     $1.25. 

An  English  translation  of  the  speeches  made 
since  the  beginning  of  the  war  by  the  German 
Socialist  leader,  who  was  released  from  prison 
shortly  before  the  armistice  was  signed,  and  until 
he  was  killed  by  soldiers  was  a  conspicuous  figure 
in   the   revolutionary  movement. 

The  Peak  of  the  Load.  By  Mildred  Al- 
drich.  Boston:  Small,  Maynard  &  Company. 
277  pp.     $1.35. 

The  third  of  the  series  that  began  with  "A 
Hill-Top  on  the  Marne,"  in  which  an  American 
woman  told  her  unusual  experiences  in  an  old 
French  country  house  which  was  situated  almost 
at  the  very  spot  where  the  first  battle  of  the 
Marne,  in  September,  1914,  reached  its  high- 
water  mark.  A  second  volume,  "On  the  Edge 
of  the  War  Zone,"  told  the  story  of  her  life  in 
France  from  the  Battle  of  the  Marne  to  the  en- 
trance of  the  Stars  and  Stripes.  In  this  new  book 
she  describes  the  months  of  waiting  on  the  hill- 
top from  the  time  of  America's  entrance  in  the 
war  to  the  second  victory  on  the  Marne  in  the 
summer  of  1918.  It  was  an  interesting  coinci- 
dence  that   at   the  time   of   the   last   German   ad- 


vance on  the  Marne  it  was  American  troops  that 
were  assigned  to  defend  that  portion  of  the  line 
nearest  to  the   "house  on   the  hill-top." 

The  Great  Change.    By  Charles  Wood.  Boni 
&  Liveright.     192   pp.     $1.50. 

A  series  of  interviews  originally  printed  in 
the  editorial  section  of  the  Sunday  edition  of  the 
New  York  World.  Together  they  form  an  out- 
line of  the  work  which  has  been  accomplished 
under  the  leadership  of  the  various  boards  in 
control  of  the  industrial  activities  of  the  United 
States  Government  for  the  duration  of  the  war. 
The  men  interviewed  are:  Bernard  M.  Baruch, 
Charles  M.  Schwab,  Felix  Frankfurter,  Mary 
Van  Kleeck,  Professor  John  Dewey,  Franklin  K. 
Lane,  Robert  S.  Woodworth,  A.  W.  Shaw,  Frank 
P.  Walsh,  H.  L  Gantt,  Henry  Dwight  Chapin, 
and  Charles  Steinmetz.  Out  of  the  changes 
actually  brought  about  by  the  necessity  of  win- 
ning the  war,  Mr.  Wood  visions,  not  indeed  a 
Utopia,  but  cooperation,  where  production  will 
he  carried  on  in  the  fullest  sense  for  use,  not 
for  profit.  He  thinks  that  the  "Great  Change" 
has  made  it  possible  for  us  to  look  forward  to 
the  economic  independence  of  every  man,  woman 
and  child,  to  a  general  access  to  the  means  of 
culture,  and  to  the  end  of  economic  insecurity 
not   only   among   the   poor,    but    among   the    rich. 


THE    NEW   BOOKS 


215 


SOCIOLOGY,  ECONOMICS,  POLITICS 


Fair  Play  for  the  Workers.  By  Percy  Stick- 
ney  Grant.  Moffat,  Yard  and  Company.  368 
pp.     $1.60. 

Now  and  then  comes  a  book  that  cannot  be 
discussed  apart  from  the  personality  of  its 
author.  So-  it  is  with  "Fair  Play  for  the  Work- 
ers." The  words  in  this  title  may  mean  little 
or  much,  but  a  man  with  the  personal  force  of 
Dr.  Percy  Stickney  Grant  can  give  such  a  com- 
bination of  words  a  telling  impact.  A  quarter  of 
a  century  of  service  as  rector  of  the  Church  of 
the  Ascension  in  New  York  has  made  known   in 

that  city  his  tireless 
devotion  to  the  true 
interests  of  all  who 
toil.  One  who  really 
desires  "fair  play" 
for  any  group  of  citi- 
zens will  seek  to  know 
precisely  what  the 
group  itself  considers 
fair  play.  That  is 
what  Dr.  Grant  has 
done,  in  season  and 
out  of  season,  for 
many  years.  The 
"Public  Forum"  con- 
nected with  his  church 
gives  the  fullest  pos- 
sible opportunity  for 
the  statement  and  dis- 
cussion of  every  mod- 
ern problem  in  which 
the  workers  are  inter- 
ested. It  is  larg!ely 
because  of  his  ability 
to  digest  and  utilize 
the  material  of  these 
discussions  that  Dr.  Grant  has  succeeded  in  put- 
ting so  clearly  in  this  volume  the  vital  issues 
that  make  up  the  complex  frequently  spoken  of  as 
"the  labor  question."  "The  Workingman  and 
Patriotism,"  "The  Americanizing  of  the  Immi- 
grant Worker,"  "Physical  Betterment — the  Func- 
tion of  the  State,"  "Unjust  Laws  and  How 
to  Remedy  Them,"  "The  Waste  of  Ignorance 
and  Competition,"  "The  Economic  Influence  of 
Religion,"  and  "What  the  Workingmen  Want — 
Industrial  Self-Government"  are  some  of  the 
chapter  headings.  These  topics  are  all  treated 
from  the  standpoint  of  direct  contact  with  the 
facts.  There  is  no  "bookishness"  in  Dr.  Grant's 
presentation,  any  more  than  in  his  methods  of 
research.  Everything  that  he  says  is  based  on 
his   actual    knowledge   of   an    existing   situation. 

The  Human  Machine  and  Industrial  Effi- 
ciency. By  Frederic  S.  Lee.  Longmans,  Green 
&   Company.     119   pp.     $1.10. 

Briefly,  the  author's  contention  in  this  book  is 
that  "any  activity  in  which  the  human  body  plays 
so  large  a  part  as  it  does  in  industry  must  be 
organized  on  a  physiological  basis  before  the 
highest  degree  of  efficiency  can  be  secured."  The 
facts  that  he  presents  in  this  book  largely  relate 
to  war  industries,  but  they  illustrate  principles 
that  will  remain  applicable  to  general  indus- 
try long  after  the  war  has  ended. 


DR.   PERCY    STICKNEY 
GRANT 


Industry  and  Humanity.  By  W.  L.  Mack- 
enzie King.  Houghton,  Mifflin  Company.  567 
pp.     III.     $3. 

A  study  in  the  principle  underlying  industrial 
reconstruction  by  the  former  Canadian  Minister 
of  Labor,  who  has  acted  as  conciliator  in  many 
important  strikes,  and  has  investigated  industrial 
relations  for  the  Rockefeller  Foundation.  No 
one  needs  to  be  told  that  the  problem  of  more 
efficient  relations  between  employer  and  employee 
is  fundamental  in  any  attempt  at  industrial  re- 
construction. Mr.  Mackenzie  King's  work  in  this 
field  has  a  basis  both  in  economic  literature  and 
in  his  own  personal  experience.  It  is  a  helpful 
contribution    at  this   time. 

Municipal     House  -  Cleaning.      By   William 

Parr    Capes    and    Jeanne    R.    Carpenter.      E.    P. 

Dutton  &  Company.     232  pp.  $6. 

A  useful  compilation  on  the  methods  and  ex- 
periences of  American  cities  in  collecting  and 
disposing  of  ashes,  rubbish,  garbage,  sewage  and 
street  refuse.  The  authors  have  not  over-esti- 
mated the  importance  of  cleanliness  as  a  munic- 
ipal ideal.  Keeping  the  city  clean  is  one  of  the 
most  urgent  duties  of  its  officials.  It  cannot  be 
neglected  if  the  citizens  are  to  enjoy  health,  hap- 
piness,  or  comfort. 

The  Results  of  Municipaf  Electric  Lighting 
in  Massachusetts.  By  Edmond  Earle  Lincoln. 
Houghton,   Mifflin   Company.     484  pp.   $3. 

The  Hart  Schaffner  and  Marx  Prize  Essay 
for  1918  is  an  exhaustive  study  of  municipal 
electric  lighting  in  the  State  of  Massachusetts. 
This  State  was  selected  because  it  is  the, only  one 
which  has  kept  adequate  records  over  a  period 
of  years.  The  use  that  the  author  makes  of  the 
data  afforded  by  these  records  should  in  itself 
suggest  to  other  states  and  communities  the  need 
of  collecting  and  properly  recording  such  infor- 
mation. The  writer,  however,  did  not  confine 
himself  to  examining  and  analyzing  printed  data, 
but  made  a  personal  survey  of  the  lighting  plants 
under    both    forms    of    management. 

American  Cities.  By  Arthur  Benson  Gilbert, 
The   Macmillan    Company.     240   pp.   $1.50. 

A  discussion  of  municipal  business  methods, 
from  the  standpoint  of  city  promotion.  The 
author  believes  that  in  the  near  future  the  Am- 
erican city  will  become  a  powerful  force  making 
for  the  business  success  of  its  citizens.  He 
acknowledges  indebtedness  to  the  teachings  and 
influences  of  the  late  Mayor  Johnson,  of  Cleve- 
land, who  in  his  opinion  was  the  first  man  in  the 
United  States  to  grasp  clearly  the  principles  by 
which   cities   must   be    promoted. 

The  Little  Democracy.  By  Ida  Clyde  Clarke. 
D.    Appleton    and    Company.     253    pp.     $1.50. 

A  marked  impetus  was  given  to  the  Com- 
munity Center  movement  by  the  war.  The  use 
in  all  parts  of  the  country  of  the  srhoolhouse 
as  a  center  of  wnr  work  has  farniliari/ed  the 
people   with    the    idea    of   community   cooperation 


216 


THE   AMERICAN  REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


for  common  causes.  In  the  textbook  called  "The 
Little  Democracy,"  Ida  Clyde  Clarke  summarizes 
what  has  been  done  by  the  United  States  Depart- 
ment of  Agriculture  in  the  way  of  directing  co- 
operative work  in  the  rural  districts,  and  de- 
scribes concrete  illustrations  of .  community  work 
in  school,  market,  bank,  garden  and  kitchen,  and 
tells  what  has  been  accomplished  by  the  boys, 
and  girls,  and  mothers,  and  daughters,  clubs,  or- 
ganized in  accordance  with  the  department's 
plan.  There  are  also  chapters  on  community 
music  and  community'  drama.  Commissioner 
Claxton,  of  the  Bureau  of  Education  supplies 
an   introduction   to   the   volume. 

The  A  B  C  of  Exhibit-Planning.     By  Evart 

G.   Routzahn    and    Mary    Swain    Routzahn.      The 

Russell    Sage   Foundation.     234  pp.   111.   $1.50. 

The  Russell  Sage  Foundation,  which  has  been 
responsible  for  most  of  the  surveys  and  exhibits 
for  promoting  social  welfare  that  have  become 
so  popular  in  this  country  during  the  past  ten 
years,  is  also  taking  the  initiative  in  providing 
a  series  of  practical  manuals  which  may  be  used 
by  social  workers  everywhere  in  preparing  ex- 
hibits of  this  kind.  The  first  volume  of  the 
series  gives  attention  mainly  to  the  initial  stages 
of  exhibit  production,  the  period  when  decisions 
are  being  made  as  to  scope,  purpose  and  methods. 
The  authors  of  this  book  have  themselves  planned 
many  exhibits,  and  most  of  the  suggestions  that 
they  offer  in  this  book  have  been  thoroughly 
tested  in  practise. 

Our  Cities  Awake.  By  Morris  Llewellyn 
Cooke.  Doubleday,  Page  &  Company.  351  pp. 
111.     $2.50. 

Notes  of  recent  progress  in  municipal  govern- 
ment, illustrated  by  many  interesting  facts  in  the 


administration  of  several  of  the  larger  American 
cities.  The  author,  who  was  formerly  Director 
of  Public  Works  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia, 
writes  from  the  standpoint  of  the  practical  admin- 
istrator, in  close  contact  with  vital  present-day 
problems  of  city  government.  Secretary  Baker, 
who  was  himself  for  several  years  Mayor  of 
Cleveland,    contributes    a    foreword. 

The    Young   Woman    Citizen.  By    Mary 

Austin.     Woman's   Press;      169   pp.   $1.35. 

Mrs.  Austin  addresses  the  young  woman 
citizen  in  order  to  awaken  her  to  a  sense  of  her 
moral  obligations  in  planning  the  establishment 
of  a  world-democracy.  She  asks  women  to  see 
that  they  have  failed  in  serious  undertakings 
because  they  were  not  willing  to  be  a  unit  of  the 
common  life.  The  book  is  built  upon  the  hope 
that  a  new  day  in  world  politics  has  come,  a 
day  that  will  see  righteousness  triumphant 
through  the  "combined  efforts  of  men  and  women 
who  have  faith  in  each  other  and  are  willing 
to  pay  the  costs  of  social   awareness." 

Preparing  Women  for  Citizenship.  By 
Helen  Ring  Robinson.     Macmillan.     130  pp.     $1. 

Admirable  counsel  from  an  experienced  woman 
legislator  as  to  the  attainment  of  the  steady  mood 
of  good  citizenship.  No  other  book  gives  more 
competent  answers  to  the  puzzled  questionings 
of  the  newly  made  women  citizens  of  the  States 
that  have  granted  women  suffrage.  Carrie  Chap- 
man Catt  says:  "No  one  can  write  more  force- 
fully and  literally,  hitting  the  nail  right  on  the 
head  with  an  awful  clip,  than  Helen  Ring  Robin- 
son." Her  question,  "Where  do  we  go  from 
here?"  is  the  one  which  every  thinking  woman 
throughout  the  wide,  wide  world  is  asking  her- 
self to-day. 


1 


EDUCATION,  PSYCHOLOGY,  AND 
STUDIES  OF  THE  CREATIVE  MIND 


Originality.  By  T.  Sharper  Knowlson,  Phila- 
delphia:   Lippincott.      303    pp.    $3.50. 

The  changes  in  educative  methods  in  England 
and  the  ferment  and  discussion  of  educative 
method  in  this  country  arise  from  two  main 
sources.  One  is  a  truth  long  realized  by  thinking 
men  and  women,  that  modern  education  fails  to 
develop  originality  and  provide  ground-soil  for 
the  creative  mind ;  the  second  is  the  fact  that 
the  stimulus  attendant  upon  the  prosecution  of 
the  war  actually  achieved  what  education  had  so 
long  been  aiming  at.  Mr.  Knowlson  tells  us 
how  the  war  developed  originality  and  why, 
and  shows  us  beyond  doubt  that  not  youth  alone, 
but  maturity,  may  freely  tap  the  wells  of  ideas 
and  creative  thinking.  He  points  the  way  to  the 
highest  physical,  mental,  and  spiritual  efficiency, 
by  means  of  suggestions  and  formulas  for  the 
cultivation  of  originality  and  inspiration,  and 
by  explanation  of  the  laws  governing  them.  The 
illustrations  are  drawn  from  actual  circum- 
stances in  the  lives  of  noted  individuals.  Ac- 
cording   to    his    categories,    there    are    six    basic 


laws  of  inspiration  and  seven  major  hindrances 
to  originality.  Special  chapters  discuss  the 
origin  of  ideas,  the  pathology  of  thinking,  the 
natural  history  of  genius,  etc.  It  is  not  possible 
to  give  an  accurate  idea  of  this  work,  or  a  proper 
appreciation  of  its  great  value  in  a  few  sentences. 
It  is  a  gospel  of  the  new  education,  based  upon 
the  fundamental  idea  that  originality  is  the  per- 
ception of  new  unities,  that  urges  attention  in 
educative  processes  to  individual  tendencies.  It 
is  written  in  a  popular,  readable  style  that  will 
appeal   to  all   classes   of   readers. 

The  Organization  of  Thought.  By  A.  N. 
Whitehead,  Sc.  D.,  F.  R.  S.,  Philadelphia:  Lip- 
pincott,  228    pp.   $2. 

This  books  contains  a  series  of  thought-com- 
pelling and  stimulating  lectures,  brought  together 
in  a  single  volume  because  of  a  certain  line  of 
reflection  common  to  them  all.  The  first  paper, 
"The  Aims  of  Education — A  Plea  For  Reform," 
is  the  most  suggestive  discourse  on  the  new  proc- 
esses of  education,   largely  brought  about  by  the 


THE    NEW   BOOKS 


1X7 


events  of  the  war,  that  is  at  present  available 
to  parents  and  educators.  It  is  a  terse,  clear- 
visioned  view  of  the  present  needs  of  the  world 
educationally  speaking.  Professor  Whitehead 
writes:  "Culture  is  activity  of  thought  and  re- 
ceptiveness  to  beauty,  and  human  feeling.  Scraps 
of  information  have  nothing  to  do  with  it."  He 
asks  educators  to  beware  of  "inert  ideas,"  ideas 
thrown  into  the  mind  of  the  child,  which  cannot 
be  utilized  in  fresh  combinations.  Education,  he 
holds  to  be  ''the  acquisition  of  the  art  of  the 
utilization  of  knowledge."  The  four  succeeding 
discourses  deal  with  education.  They  are 
"Technical  Education  And  Its  Relation  To 
Science  and  Literature."  "A  Polytechnic  In 
Wartime,"  "The  Mathematical  Curriculum,"  and 
"The  Principles  of  Mathematics  in  Relation  to 
Elementary  Teaching."  The  three  remaining 
papers  discuss  points  arising  in  the  philosophy 
of  science.  They  are:  "The  Organization  of 
Thought,"  "The  Anatomy  of  Some  Scientific 
Ideas,"    and   "Space,   Time,    And   Reality." 

The  Psychology  of  the  Future.  By  Emile 
Boirac.     Stokes,  322  pp.  111.  $2.50. 

A  previous  translation,  "Our  Hidden  Forces," 
from  the  French  of  M.  Boirac's  La  Psychologie 
Inconnue,  achieved  instant  popular  success  when 
published  in  this  country.  The  present  transla- 
tion from  L'A'venir  des  Sciences  Psychiques,  will 
undoubtedly,  because  of  its  fascination  of  style 
and  scientific  trustworthiness,  win  the  same  ap- 
proval. Professor  Boirac  approaches  the  claims 
of  thought-transference,  "X-Ray  vision,"  auto- 
matic writing,  psychic  and  mental  healing,  and 
the  question  of  survival  after  death,  purely  from 
the  scientific  point  of  view.  He  has  carried  the 
claims  of  the  half-informed,  and  the  realm  of 
hocus-pocus,  into  the  laboratory  and  emerged 
triumphant  with  the  basis  of  a  new  science.  One 
of  his  proven  results  is  the  confirmation  of  the 
fact  that  the  human  body  can  radiate  a 
powerful  energy  which  is  capable  of  producing 
effects  at  hand,  or  at  a  distance.  The  description 
of  his  various  experiments  will  interest  all 
readers  and  prove  of  particular  value  to  teachers, 
to  parents,  and  those  who  have  charge  of  the 
sick,  the  insane,  and  of  criminals.  His  conclu- 
sions lead  to  the  development  of  creative  energy 
in  the  individual  to  the  end  of  efficiency  in  every 
department   of   life. 

The  Will  to  Freedom.  By  Rev.  John  Neville 
Figgis,   D.D.,  Litt.   D.     Scribners.     320  pp.  $1.25. 

Dr.  Figgis's  estimate  of  Friedrich  Nietzsche  was 
originally  delivered  in  the  form  of  lectures  in 
May,  1915,  on  the  Bross  Foundation,  at  the 
Lake  Forest  College,  Illinois.  The  discourses 
show  us  how  the  teachings  of  the  poet-prophet 
whose  name  has  re-echoed  with  a  sinister  sound 
through  the  minds  of  men  during  the  war,  stand 
with  Christianity  as  "a  house  of  life  for  men." 
The  Nietzschean  doctrines  have  been  treated  with 
rare  breadth  and  understanding.  Dr.  Figgis 
finds  them  to  be — in  his  estimation — an  excellent 
bitter  tonic,  but  a  poor  food.  He  sees  that  beyond 
the  pitfalls  of  a  superficial  study  of  Nietzsche, 
lies  a  certain  ground  where  the  sterner  doctrines 
of  the  mad  philosopher  harmonize  with  much 
that  is  best  in  Christianity.     In  Nietzsche's  recog- 


nition of  evil,  in  his  sense  of  the  tragic  and  tre- 
mendous greatness  of  life,  he  brought  back  to 
Christianity,  one  quality  necessary  to  a  real  re- 
ligion— the  awe  of  God.  It  is  one  of  the  few 
books — out  of  the  many  written  on  and  around 
Nietzsche — that  presents  his  teachings  as  a  whole, 
and  gives  a  really  definite  idea  of  the  man. 

Architecture  and  Democracy.  By  Claude 
Bragdon,     Knopf,   111.     213  pp.  $2. 

Although  this  book  is  in  a  sense  a  technical 
discussion  of  architecture,  symbols,  ornament,  etc., 
it  more  properly  belongs  with  the  studies  of  the 
creative  mind,  since  the  essays  are  written  to 
uphold  a  philosophical  point  of  view  rather  than 
for  their  technical  values.  They  include  subjects 
as  diverse  as  skyscrapers  and  the  state  of  the 
soul.  In  the  first  paper,  Mr.  Bragdon  writes 
enthusiastically  of  our  sky-towering  architecture. 
He  feels  these  buildings  as  feats  of  subtle  en- 
gineering that,  gripping  light  and  space  firmly 
in  knitted  ribs  of  steel,  project  the  workers  of 
the  world  into  a  region  of  equal  light.  They 
are,  he  writes,  the  concrete  of  "Live  openly," 
the  answer  to  the  cry — "Let  us  have  light." 
Among  his  illustrations  of  this  art  of  democracy, 
are  the  Woolworth  Building,  the  Prudential 
Building,  of  Buffalo,  by  Louis  Sullivan,  and  the 
graceful  Rodin  Studios  of  Cass  Gilbert's  design- 
ing   in    West    57th    Street,    New    York. 

Psychical    Phenomena    and    the    War.     By 

Hereward  Carrington.  Dodd,  Mead.     363   pp.  $2. 

A  serious  attempt  to  study  the  psychological 
forces  moving  behind  the  phenomena  of  the 
world  war.  The  material  is  divided  into  two 
portions.  Part  first  examines  the  psychology  of 
the  German  methods  of  warfare,  of  frightfulness, 
etc.,  that  of  the  soldier  of  any  army  during  prep- 
aration for  combat,  during  the  attack  and  through- 
out post  battle  states,  shell  shock,  fatigue,  illness, 
etc.  Part  second  studies  the  probable  condition 
of  the  slain  soldiers  after  death.  The  observa- 
tions are  mostly  drawn  from  the  experiences  of 
soldiers  on  the  Franco-British  front  and  include 
the  now  well-circulated  reports  of  the  appearance 
on  the  battlefields  in  moments  of  anticipated  de- 
feat of  Jeanne  d'Arc,  St.  George,  St.  Michael, 
and  the  Bowmen  of  Agincourt.  The  apparitions 
appearing  to  soldiers,  their  dreams,  and  clair- 
voyant descriptions  of  the  moment  of  death  all 
afford  interesting  material  for  Mr.  Carrington's 
pen.  The  volume  is  offered  as  an  argument  that 
man  is  essentially  spirit,  as  opposed  to  the  Ger- 
man philosophy  that  expounds  the  doctrine  that 
man  is  essentially  body.  The  value  of  psycho- 
logical data  of  the  war  has  been  approved  by 
the  French  Government,  which  commends  the 
publication  in  the  Bulletin  dcs  Armees  oi  an 
appeal  by  Professor  Charles  Richet  for  psychical 
experiences  and  "cases"  similar  to  these  collected 
in  this  volume.  Since  Christianity  itself  is  based 
largely  upon  a  psychical  fact,  the  Resurrection, 
and  since,  to  quote  a  soldier's  sentence,  "human 
separation  means  little;  that  which  is  really  our- 
selves is  the  ardor  of  our  soul,"  any  evidence 
that  leads  to  knowledge  of  the  individualized  , 
survival  of  this  ardor  after  death  demands  our 
interest    and    gratitude. 


218 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


UNUSUAL  POETRY 


ILLUSTRATION     FROM        JAPANESE     PRINTS 


A  BOOK  of  delicate  lyrics  that  will  delight 
■^^-  the  connoisseur  of  verse  is  a  translation,  by 
James  Whitall,  from  the  French  of  Judith  Gau- 
tier,  of  "Chinese  Lyrics"^  from  the  Book  of  Jade. 
The  poems  are  prefaced  by  the  beautiful  "pre- 
lude" that  explains  the  growth  of  the  fame  of  a 
poet  in  China,  where  such  fame  is  less  ephemeral 
than  in  the  Occident.  Madame  Gautier  wrote: 
"Twelve  centuries  before  Orpheus  and  fifteen 
before  Homer,  the  Chinese  poets  were  singing 
their  verses  to  the  music  of  the  lyre,  and  they  are 
unique  in  that  they  are  singing  still,  almost  in 
the  same  language  and  to  the  same  melodies." 
In  China,  no  poet  may  presume  to  judge  his  own 
verses.  At  gatherings  of  scholars  each  poet  sings 
his  own  verses  in  turn  and  if  the  poems  be  ex- 
ceptional the  scholars  beg  the  privilege  of  copying 
them.  These  copies  are  kept  in  note-books  and 
copied  afresh  or  read  from  time  to  time  at  simi- 
lar gatherings.  "Thus  in  a  select  circle,  the  name 
of  a  poet  diffuses  itself  like  an  agreeable  per- 
fume." An  independent  or  an  unknown  author 
may  write  his  verses  on  the  wall  of  a  quarter- 
entrance,  where  people  can  stop  and  read  them 
ancf  make  comment,  or  copy  the  te«t,  but  a  century 
or  more  usually  elapses  before  a  book  is  formed 
like  a  boufjuet  of  rare  flowers. 

Among  the  names  of  Chinese  poets  that  pos- 
terity has  gathered  throughout  the  ages  for  the 
bouquet  of  immortality,  the  most  notable  are  the 
poets,   Li-Tai-Pe,   Thou-Fou,   Ouan-Ouey,   Tchan- 

^  Chinese  Lyrics.  By  Judith  Gautier.  Translated  by 
James   Whitall.      Huebsch.      S2>   pp.      $1 


Jo-Su,  and  Ouan-Tchan-Lin.  Of  these  Li-Tai-Pe 
and  Thou-Fou  are  acclaimed  as  the  greatest. 
They  are  said,  in  the  beautiful  Chinese  simile, 
to  have  flown  nearest  Paradise.  Lo-Tai-Pe,  ac- 
cording to  the  legend,  was  translated,  even  as 
Enoch,  to  immortality  while  still  in  the  flesh.  He 
was  carried  down  into  the  image  of  the  Moon  in 
the  clear  waters  on  the  back  of  a  dolphin,  accom- 
panied by  two  young  Immortals,  messengers  of 
the  Lord  of  the  Skies.  Thou-Fou  held  the  post 
of  Imperial  Censor  to  the  Emperor.  His  censor- 
ship proved  too  severe  for  his  imperial  master 
and  the  poet  was  exiled  from  court.  In  his  poem 
"Mid-Autumn,"  he   gives  vent  to  his  grief. 

One  woman,  Ly-y-Hane,  seems  to  have  held 
first  rank  among  the  poets  of  the  Song  Dynasty 
in  the  twelfth  century  of  our  era.  Like  Sappho, 
she  sang  of  unrequited  love.  "One  might  say  she 
was  a  flower  become  enamoured  of  a  bird;  with 
neither  voice  nor  wings,  she  can  only  suff^use  her 
passion-scented  soul  as  she  prepares  to  die." 

The  principal  rules  of  Chinese  versification  are 
similar  to  our  own — the  line  divisioja,  the  caesura, 
the  rhyme,  the  rules  for  the  quatrain,  etc.  The 
ideographic  nature  of  Chinese  characters  gives 
charm  to  their  poetry;  one  visions  the  thought 
of  the  poem  from  the  appearance  of  the  writing. 
To-day  in  China,  as  of  old,  the  words  and  music 
are  always  united;  the  poems  are  not  recited  but 
sung,  and  in  most  cases  the  singing  is  accom- 
panied by  the  Chinese  lyre,  the  "Kine."  One  of 
the  loveliest  lyrics  of  these  translations  is  called 
"A  Young  Poet  Dreams  of  His  Beloved  Who 
Lives  Across  the  River." 

"The   moon   floats   to   the   bosom   of   the   sky 
and  rests  there  like  a  lover; 
the  evening  wind  passes  over  the  lake, 
touches  and  passes 
kissing  the  happy  shivering  waters. 

"How  serene  the  joy, 
when  things  that  are  made  for  each  other 
meet  and  are  joined; 
but,   ah^— 

how   rarely  they   meet   and    are   joined, 
the  things  that  are  made  for  each  other." 

Sao-Nan. 

"Japanese  Prints,"^  a  series  of  poems  in  Japa- 
nese forms,  by  John  Gould  Fletcher,  are  written 
after  certain  designs  of  the  Uki-oye,  or  Passing 
World  School  of  Japanese  prints.  They  have  a 
delicate  chiseled  beauty  which  will  be  appreci- 
ated by  the  connoisseur  of  poetry.  Amy  Lowell 
says  of  Mr.  Fletcher  in  "Tendencies  in  Modern 
American  Poetry,"  that  "no  living  poet  has  more 
distinction    of    vision    or    style." 

Akin  to  Japanese  and  Chinese  poems  are  the 
imagistic  lyrics  of  David  O'Neil.^  They  are 
mountain  flowers  growing  on  cool  peaks  far  above 
the  jungle  of  the  poetry  of  the  immediate  time. 
Like  most  Chinese  lyrics,  and  like  those  inimitable 
Cinquains  of  the  late  Adelaide  Crapsey,  their 
formless  magic  opens  a  door  upon  a  stream  of 
subtle   images,   quite   beyond   even   the   suggestion 

^Japanese  Prints.  By  John  Gould  Fletcher.  Four  Seas 
Co.      93   pp.      111.      $1.75. 

3A  Cabinet  of  Jade.  By  David  O'Neil.  Boston: 
Four  Seas   Co.      106  pp.      $1.25. 


THE    NEW   BOOKS 


219 


of  the  poem.  The  collection  is,  however,  of 
unequal  merit.  It  should  have  been  pruned  more 
severely.  Some  of  the  verse  falls  like  the  sound 
of  a  shallow  gong,  that  beats  in  vain  against  the 
door  of  dream  and  magic,  but  the  best  of  it  has 
definite  style,  and  real  beauty  which  promises 
much  for  Mr.  O'Neil's  future  work.  The  lyric, 
"A  Vase  of  Chinese  Ivory,"  shows  one  of  the 
sudden  flashes  of  deep  insight  that  bind  within 
his   verse   a   more   than   transient   loveliness. 

"In  the  museum 
It  had   no  name: 
It  was  only  the   life-work 
Of  one   almond-eyed  heathen — 
Look  closer 
And  you   will   see 
A  soul 
Unique  and  beautiful." 

Another  book  of  lyrics  for  the  lover  of  the  rare 
and  the  little-known  poetry  is,  "Corn  From  Olde 
Fieldes,"^  an  anthology  of  English  poems  from 
the  fourteenth  to  the  seventeenth  century,  col- 
lected and  edited  by  Eleanor  M.  Brougham. 
Masterpieces  of  this  period  have  been  excluded 
to  give  place  to  poems  of  merit  and  beauty  that 
through  neglect  have  threatened  to  disappear 
altogether.  There  are  four  divisions:  Religion, 
Love,  Death,  and  Miscellany,  which  together  con- 
tain approximately  two  hundred  poems  only 
slightly  known  to  the  general  public.  A  scholarly 
and  interesting  note  accompanies  each  poem,  thus 
rendering  the  book  of  great  use  to  students  as 
well  as  a  delight  to  lovers  of  tuneful  poetry. 
Many  of  the  poems  have  never  been  reprinted 
from  the  original  editions,  or  have  appeared 
only  in  books  not  obtainable  by  the  public.  A 
beautiful  poem,  "Peace,"  by  Henry  Vaughn,  who 
professed  himself  the  "least  of  the  many  pious  con- 
verts of  George  Herbert,"  is  particularly  appro- 
priate to  the  present  time.  The  poem  is  taken 
from  "Silex  Scintillans,  or  Sacred  Poems  and 
Private  Ejaculations,  London,  Printed  by  T.  W., 
for  H.  Blunden  at  ye  Castle  in  Cornehill,  1650." 

Peace 

"My  soul,  there  Is  a  country 

Far  beyond  the  stars. 
Where  stands  a  winged  sentry 

All  skilful   in  the  wars: 
There  above  noise  and  danger. 

Sweet  Peace  sits,  crowned  with  smiles, 
And  One  born  in  a  manger 

Commands  the  beauteous  files. 
He  is  thy  gracious  Friend, 

And — Oh,  my  soul,  awake! — 

"Did   in   pure   love   descend 
To  die  here  for  thy  sake. 
If  thou  can  get  but  thither. 

There  grows  the  flower  of  Peace, 
The  Rose  that  cannot  wither. 
Thy  fortress,  and  thy  ease. 
Leave  then  thy  foolish  ranges; 

For  none  can  thee  secure 
But  one  who  never  changes — 
Thy  God,   thy   life,   thy  cure." 

Henry  Vaughn. 


Torn    From    Olde    Fieldes,      By    Eleanor    Brougham. 
John  Lane,  298  pp.     $1.50. 


Sixty  poems  of  modern  France"  selected  from 
the  works  of  thirty  French  poets  have  been  trans- 
lated, with  notes  and  an  introduction  offering  a 
new  theory  of  translation,  by  Ludwig  Lewisohn. 
The  first  part  of  the  work  gives  a  critical  account 
of  the  poetry  of  modern  France  and  an  analysis  of 
the  spiritual  needs  that  have  created  it,  its  quali- 
ties and  triumphs,  and  service  to  national  ideals. 
The  poets  represented  are:  Stephane  Mallarme, 
Paul  Verlaine,  Arthur  Rimbaud,  Georges  Roden- 
bach,  Emile  Verhaeren,  Jean  Moreas,  Jules  La- 
forgue,  Henri  de  Regnier,  Francis  Viele-Griffin, 
Gustave  Kahn,  Stuart  Merrill,  Maurice  Maeter- 
linck, Remy  de  Gourmont,  Albert  Samain,  Ed- 
mond  Rostand,  Francis  Jammes,  Charles  Guerin, 
Henri  Bataille,  Paul  Fort,  Pierre  Louys,  Camille 
Mauclair,  Henri  Barbusse,  Fernand  Gregh,  Paul 
Souchon,  Henri  Spiess,  Maurice  Magre,  Leo^ar- 
guier,  Charles  Vildrac,  Georges  Duhamel,  Emile 
Despax. 

Two  volumes  of  Rabindranath  Tagore's  latest 
poems  are  bound  together  under  one  cover — 
'Lover's  Gift"  and  "Crossing."^  The  lyrics  are  in 
the  familiar  rhythms  used  by  Tagore,  the  free 
verse  of  his  "Gitangli,"  and  a  form  more  nearly 
approximating  rhythmic  prose.  Many  of  them 
are  psalms  of  fervent  praise  over  the  joy  in  the 
universe  that  is  manifest  and  the  inner  garden  of 
delight  perceived  by  the  eye  of  the  soul. 

"Gitanjali"  and  "Fruit  Gathering"  are  also 
bound  together  in  uniform  edition.  The  illus- 
trations are  by  Abindranath  Tagore  and  other 
well-known  East  Indian   artists.* 

Margaret  Widdemer's -recent  verse  Is  collected 
under  the  title  of  one  of  her  most  popular  mag- 
azine poems,  "The  Old  Road  to  Paradise."^  One 
of  the  finest  lyrics  in  the  collection  is  the  second 
poem,  "The  Old  Kings,"  with  its  prophetic  end- 
ing: 

"Cry  the  long  swords  sheathed  again, 

Cry  the  pennons  furled, 
Lest   under   Ragnarok, 
Lie  the   shattered  world." 

The  sociological  studies  of  a  previous  volume, 
"The  Factories  and  Other  Poems,"  are  missing 
from  this  gathering.  The  lyrics  are  largely  sub- 
jective, love  songs,  emotional  reactions,  bits  of 
heartache  and  weariness,  and  poems  that  open 
upoa  cool  spaces  of  elemental  delight.  "The 
Dark  Cavalier,"  "The  Swan  Child,"  and  "The 
Grey  Magician,"  please  with  their  beautiful 
melodic  rhythms  and  carefully-wrought  ton>e- 
color. 

"The  Garden  of  Remembrance,""  by  James  Ter- 
ry White,  contains  many  singing  lyrics  that  have 
been  set  to  music,  and  others  of  such  (}uality  as 
will  tempt  musical  composers.  The  poems  aie 
delicate  and  fanciful,  with  a  flavor  of  Herrick, 
and  a  breath  of  antique  beauty,  which  is  evi- 
denced in  their  admirable  restraiiit.  Serene  ele- 
gance of  form  holds,  like  a  precious  vase,  the 
many-colored  flowers  of  the  poet's  thoughts. 

2Poets  of  Modern  Franco.  Translated  by  Ludwig 
Lewisohn.       Huebsch.       199    pp.       $1. 

■■'Lover's  Gift  and  Crossing.  Ily  Ivai)indranath  Tagore. 
Macmillan._    158   pp.     $1.50. 

''Citanjali  and  Frnit  Cathcrinp.  By  Rabindranath 
Tagore.      251    pp.      $2.50. 

"^The  Old  Road  to  Paradise.  By  Margaret  Widdemor. 
Holt.      124   pp.     $1.25. 

"The  (larden  of  Remo^lbranc<^  Bv  Tames  Terry 
White.      James  T.    White  Co.      L^J   pp.      $l".J5. 


''220 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


ENTERTAINING  AND  INSTRUCTIVE 

BOOKS  FOR  BOYS 


THE  books  briefly  noted  here  are  from  expe- 
rienced Wiiters  who  desire  to  be  of  service 
to  the  nation  by  giving  their  best  to  the  great 
army  of  growing  boys.  Never  before  in  the 
history  of  our  country  have  there  been  at  one 
time  so  many  excellent  and  instructive  books 
written  especially  for  young  American  manhood. 

One  of  the  most  remarkable  and  stirring  books 
for  boys  written  since  the  beginning  of  the  war 
is  "Joining  the  Colors,"^  by  Captain  Charles  A. 
Botsford  of  the  Canadian  Expeditionary  Force. 
Before  the  United  States  went  into  the  war, 
many  bright  American  boys  went  over  to  Canada 
and  threw  in  their  lot  with  the  Allies.  Captain 
Botsford  tells  the  story  of  some  of  these  boys  from 
the  inside  point  of  view  of  an  officer  of  the 
Canadian  army.  It  is  a  book  that  tells  the  truth. 
Necessary  as  the  author  deems  the  great  sacrifice 
of  our  youth,  he  does  not  gloss  over  the  actual 
events  of  war.  The  illustrations  are  by  R.  L. 
Boyer    and  Ralph    Coleman. 

In  'The  Book  of  Woodcraft,"^  Ernest  Thomp- 
son Seton  has  enlarged  and  developed  the  wood- 
craft principles  set  forth  in  his  earlier  manual, 
'The  Birch-Bark  Roll."  It  is  a  real  book  of 
knowledge  of  out-of-doors  written  especially  for 
Boy  Scouts,  but  useful  to  persons  of  either  sex 
and  of   any   age. 

Dan  Beard,  National  Scout  Commissioner  of 
the  Boy  Scouts  of  America,  has  prepared  "The 
American  Boys'  Book  of  Signs,  Signals  and 
Symbols."^  For  years,  Mr.  Beard  has  been  work- 
ing on  these  Ideographs,  picturegraphs,  tramps', 
yeggmen's,  scouts',  trappers',  gypsies,"  and  Indian 
signs.  Those  symbols  have  been  selected  which 
will  be  of  use  to  Boy  Scouts  In  the  service  of 
their  country,  and  to  the  automobilist,  hunter, 
and  explorer  who  wishes  a  complete  understand- 
ing of  the  language  of  signs. 

Mr.  A.  Russell  Bond,  assistant  editor  of  the 
Scientific  American  has  written  "The  American 
Boys'  Engineering  Book.'"  With  the  assistance 
of  this  volume  a  bright  boy  can  construct  his 
own  workshop  and  make  necessary  engineering 
Improvements  about  his  home  at  very  little  cost. 
Two  hundred  and  fifty  diagrams  show  just  how 
to  do  all  the  Interesting  and  useful  things,  Mr. 
Bond   writes   about. 

"The  Gun  Book,'"'  by  Thomas  Heron  McKee, 
is  a  book  about  all  kinds  of  guns  for  boys  of 
all  ages.  The  story  begins  with  the  guns  of 
olden  days  made  by  local  blacksmiths  and   leads 

'Toining  The  Colors.  By  Cajftain  Charles  A.  Bots- 
ford, C.  E.  F.  Philadelphia:  Penn  Co.  347  pp.  111.  $1.35. 

-The  Book  of  Woodcraft.  By  Ernest  Thompson 
Seton.      Doubleday,    Page.      567   pp.      111.      $1.75. 

^American  Boys'  Book  of  Signs,  Signals,  and  Symbols. 
By  Dan  Beard.  Philadelphia:  Lippincott.  250  pp. 
111.     $2. 

*The  American  Boys'  Engineering  Book.  By  A.  Rus- 
sell  Bond.     Philadelphia:   Lippincott.     309  pp.     $2. 

=The  Gun  Book.  By  Thomas  Heron  McKee.  Holt. 
357   pp.      111.     $1.60. 


on  down  to  the  story  of  the  rifles,  the  machine 
guns,  monster  cannon,  and  mortars  used  in  the 
war.  It  is  the  only  popular  comprehensive  book 
on  this  particular  subject. 

The  life  stories  of  fifteen  famous  Indian  chiefs 
are  told  in  "Indian  Heroes  and  Great  Chief- 
tains,"^ by  the  man  who  knew  them  best,  Charles 
A.  Eastman.  Since  the  author  is  himself,  a  full- 
blooded  Sioux,  he  is  able  to  interpret  Indian 
character,  its  admirable  qualities  of  calmness, 
strength,  vigor,  and  fearlessness,  better  than  any 
one    else. 

"Lone  Bull's  Mistake,"^  a  splendid  Indian  story, 
by  James  Willard  Schultz,  was  pronounced  by 
the  readers  of  the  Youth's  Companion,  where 
It  first  appeared,  the  best  of  all  Mr.  Schultz's 
Indian  stories.  It  tells  of  the  adventures  of  a 
rebellious  Blackfoot  Indian  and  his  family  after 
his  punishment  for  a  breach  of  the  tribe's  hunt- 
ing laws.  The  author  is  one  of  our  most  famous 
old-time  frontiersmen  and  Indian  fighters,  and 
an   Indian   by   adoption   into   the   Blackfoot   tribe. 

Arthur  A.  Carey  has  varied  the  stories  of  the 
adventures  of  Boy  Scouts  on  land,  by  writing 
"Boy  Scouts  at  Sea."**  These  boys  went  on  an 
actual  cruise,  had  boat  races,  swimming  matches, 
and  were  storm  tossed  on  the  open  seas.  Boys 
who  love  the  ocean,  or  who  have  aspirations  to 
join  the  navy  will  enjoy  this  thrilling  story. 

"Captain  Kituk"^  is  a  tale  of  an  Eskimo  lad  and 
his  adventures  and  ambitions,  written  by  Roy  J. 
Snell,  who  knows  the  Eskimos  and  their  land 
from  years  of  experience  among  them.  It  Is 
delightfully  told  and  has  all  the  color  and  atmos- 
phere of  the  regions  of  the  far  north. 

An  Inspirating,  patriotic^book  that  will  interest 
every  live  boy,  is  "The  Call  to  the  Colors,'"**  by 
Charles  Tenney  Jackson.  It  tells  the  story  of  an 
American  boy,  Jimmie  May,  who  is  sent  first 
with  General  Pershing's  Expedition  to  Mexico, 
and  later  goes  over  seas  "somewhere  in  France" 
with   the   American   Expeditionary   Force. 

"Captain  Ted""  will  find  a  warm  place  In  the 
heart  of  every  Boy  Scout.  Ted  is  a  real  Ameri- 
can boy,  too  young  to  join  the  army,  but  old 
enough  to  be  instrumental  in  rounding  up  a 
camp  of  slackers  in  the  great  Okefinoke  Swamp 
in  Georgia.  The  author,  Louis  Pendleton,  under- 
stands how  to  write  just  the  kind  of  story  an 
amHitious  patriotic  boy  likes  to  read. 

''Indian  Heroes  and  Great  Chieftains.  By  Charles  A. 
Eastman.     Little,   Brown.     241   pp.     111.     $1.25. 

■^Lone  Bull's  Mistake.  By  James  Willard  Schultz. 
Houghton,    Mifflin.      208    pp.      111.      $1.25. 

**Boy  Scouts  at  Sea.  By  Arthur  A.  Carey.  Little, 
Brown.      292   pp.      111.      $1.35. 

^Captain  Kituk.  By  Roy  J.  Snell.  Little,  Brown. 
225  pp.     111.     $1.35. 

I'^he  Call  to  the  Colors.  By  Charles  Tenney  Jackson. 
Appleton.     214  pp.     HI.     $1.35. 

^'Captain  Ted.  By  Louis  Pendleton.  Appleton. 
316  pp.     111.     $1.35. 


THE   NEW   BOOKS 


221 


TWO  HISTORICAL  NOVELS:   THE  EPIC 
ROMANCE  OF  FLANDERS 


AS  a  setting  for  his  historical  novel,  "J^va 
Head,"^  Joseph  Hergesheimer  has  taken  the 
town  of  Old  Salem  at  the  beginning  of  the  great 
clippership  era  of  the  American  merchant  marine. 
The  narrative  draws  us  into  that  romantic  period 
of  mercantile  development,  when  cargoes  from  the 
East  Indies,  China,  and  Japan  were  piled  on  the 
docks  of  our  Eastern  seaboard  ports.  In  New 
England  homesteads,  one  may  still  see  the  treasure 
trove  of  these  voyages — furniture  of  Chinese  teak, 
ivories  and  jades  mingling  with  the  delicate 
English  Chippendales.  The  novelist  introduces 
the  exotic  and  the  Oriental  into  Salem,  by  letting 
us  see  the  arrival  at  the  port  of  Salem,  of  Gerrit 
Ammiden,  a  Salem  shipmaster  who  has  returned 
from  China  with  Taou  Yuen,  a  Manchu  wife, 
he  has  married  out  of  an  impulse  of  chivalry 
to  save  her  life.  The  story  seems  at  times  no 
•more  than  a  frame  for  this  exquisite  aristocratic 
creature  with  her  painted  slightly  flattened  oval 
face,  her  gleaming  jades,  and  "enigmatic  black 
eyes  under  delicately  arched  brows."  Through 
the  vehicle  of  her  personality,  the  strange,  in- 
scrutable life  of  the  East  is  pitted  against  the 
life  of  Salem  with  its  equally  inscrutable  stand- 
ards.^ In  the  end  Salem  triumphs.  Taou  Youen 
escapes,  gravely,  as  becomes  a  Manchu  lady  of 
high  degree,  and  the  shipmaster  takes  up  his  old 
life.  Mr.  Hergesheimer  is  a  Pennsylvanian,  but 
this  novel  is  as  truly  of  New  England  as  the  vig- 
nettes of  Mary  Wilkins  Freeman,  the  novels  of 
Alice  Brown,  and  the  poetry  of  Robert  Frost.  For 
penetrating  psychology,  beauty  of  color,  vivid 
characterization,  and  careful  workmanship,  it  is 
not  only  the  best  work  Mr.  Hergesheimer  has 
done,  but  one  deserving  high  praise  in  a  select 
company  of  American  fiction.  It  has  the  power 
to  immerse  the  reader  in  strange,  distant,  and 
almost   forgotten  currents   of   life. 

Donald  McElroy,""  a  romantic  novel  by  W. 
W.  Caldwell,  weaves  into  its  structure  incidents 
of  the  American  Revolution  and  pictures  the 
part  played  by  the  Scotch  Irish  settlers  in  this 
country,  not  only  in  the  actual  conflict,  but  in 
the  upbuilding  of  the  commonwealth.  It  is  not 
a  large  canvas,  but  wisely  so;  the  intensive 
working  out  of  the  characterization  gives  a  power 
to  the  narrative  that  could  not  have  obtained 
if  a  more  pretentious  novel  had  been  attempted. 
The  ^author  writes  with  deep  insight  of  the 
enmity  that  has  existed  from  the  early  settle- 
ment of  the  colonies,  between  the  Scotch  Irish 
Protestants  and  the  Irish  Catholics.  This  relig- 
ious difference  gives  intensity  to  the  main  romance 
of  the  book,  the  wooing  of  Ellen  O'Neil,  a  devoted 
Catholic,  by  her  cousin,  Donald  McElroy,  a 
Scotch  Irish  Presbyterian.  While  the  story  is 
valuable  for  its  perspective  on  our  early  national 
history,  it  succeeds  as  a  simple  and  enthralling 
love  story,  one  that  for  its  unworldliness  and 
spiritual    sensitiveness    will     remind    the     reader 


By     Joseph     Hergesheimer.        Knopf. 


^  Java     Head. 
255  pp.     $1.50. 

^Donald    McElroy.       By    W.    W.    Caldwell, 
phia:     Jacobs.      351    pp.      111.      $1.35. 


Pliiladel- 


one  of  delstanche  s  drawings  for 
''ulenspiegel"  (tyl  and  nele) 

of  Lorna  Doone.  The  characterization  of  the 
two  lovers,  Donald  and  Ellen,  is  a  distinct 
achievement,  the  more  quickening  for  its  com- 
plete   simplicity. 

The  first  English  translation  of  Charles  de 
Coster's  famous  story  of  Flanders,  'The  Legend 
of  Tyl  Ulenspiegel,"^  has  been  rendered  from  the 
original  French  by  Geoffry  Whitworth.  Frankly 
Rabelaisian  in  its  style,  it  is  the  epic  romance  of 
the  Flemish  race  during  the  Sixteenth  Century, 
when  Belgium  suffered  under  the  yoke  of  Philip 
of  Spain.  Tyl  is  a  hero  of  the  people,  the  up- 
springing  spirit  of  Democracy  that  can  never  die 
in  the  heart  of  man.  Nele,  the  maiden  beloved  by 
Tyl,  is  "Mother  Flanders."  Caes  and  Soetkin, 
his  father  and  mother,  are  the  fatherhood  and 
motherhood  of  Belgium.  Lamme  Goedzak  is 
the  great  belly  of  the  land,  and  the  tragic  Kathe- 
lene,  an  enigmatic  figure,  seems  to  typify  the 
madness  and  suffering  of  Flanders  under  the 
oppression  of  the  Spanish  Inquisition.  The  au- 
thor lived  and  died  (1879)  in  obscurity.  It  was 
not  until  a  decade  after  his  death,  that  he  was 
accorded  recognition,  a  monument  raised  in  his 
honor  in  Brussels,  and  an  oration  in  his  praise 
delivered  by  Camille  Lemonnier.  This  edition 
is  somewhat  condensed  owing  to  the  necessities 
of  war  printing,  but  the  continuity  of  incident 
has  been  maintained.  The  full-page  illustrations 
are  from  wood  cuts  by  Albert   Delstanche. 

•■'The  Legend  of  Tyl  l'lcns|)ieRcl.  By  Charles  de 
Coster.      McBride.      302    pp.      $2.50. 


FINANCIAL  NEWS 


I —CREDIT  POSITION  OF  THE  TRACTION 

COMPANIES 


ACROSS  the  financial  skies,  as  the  new 
year  dawned,  there  were  some  ominous 
clouds.  Investors  watched  them  develop 
with  some  forebodings.  There  was  the  cloud 
of  desire  for  government  ownership  of  rail- 
roads. This  may  break  and  the  sunshine 
of  reason  and  wisdom  come  through  after 
some  investigation  of  just  what  a  twelve- 
months' period  of  federal  operation  has  pro- 
duced. The  blackest  cloud  of  all  is  that  en- 
veloping the  public  utilities.  On  New  Year's 
Eve  a  receivership  for  the  Brooklyn  Rapid 
Transit  system,  the  main  artery  of  urban 
and  suburban  traffic  in  a  large  portion  of 
Greater  New  York,  was  sought  and  ob- 
tained by  creditors.  A  few  days  before  divi- 
dends had  been  passed  on  the  stock  of  the 
Chicago  City  Railways,  a  corporation  with  a 
twenty  -  five  -  year  -  old  dividend  record,  in 
which  payments  as  high  as  24  per  cent.,  and 
for  a  long  period  from  10  to  8  per  cent,  had 
been  made.  Simultaneously  the  stock  of  the 
Twin  City  Rapid  Transit  Company,  of  St. 
Paul  and  Minneapolis,  sold  at  $32  a  share, 
or  just  one-third  of  its  price  in  1917.  This 
had  long  been  regarded  as  one  of  the  sound- 
est traction  properties  in  the  country  and  had 
sold  at  a  premium  of  from  $10  to  $15  over 
par  for  many  years.  When  January  first 
came  a  number  of  traction  and  light-and- 
power  concerns  in  dififerent  portions  of  the 
United  States  found  themselves  without 
funds  to  meet  the  interest  due  on  bonds. 

The  Public's  Attitude 

It  has  been  estimated  that  the  shrinkage 
of  the  principal  of  the  bond  and  share  capi- 
tal and  of  the  notes  of  the  various  traction 
companies  in  Greater  New  York,  during 
1918,  was  approximately  $250,000,000. 
This  meant  that  the  equities  in  many  stocks 
had  been  almost  entirely  erased,  that  junior 
bonds  had  fallen  to  the  price  level  of  low- 
grade  stocks,  that  first-mortgage  bonds  and 
notes  had  shrunk  in  market  value  to  a  basis 
normally  represented  by  stocks  paying  mod- 
erate dividends. 

From  the  standpoint  of  credit  and  of  pub- 

222 


lie,  or  it  might  better  be  termed,  political, 
sentiment,  the  public  utilities,  more  specifical- 
ly the  ''tractions,"  are  to-day  about  where 
the  steam  carriers  were  in  December,  1917. 
There  is  a  state  of  mind  toward  them  that 
reckons  not  with  what  they  have  to  endure 
from  the  high  costs  of  wages  and  of  mate- 
rials, but  with  what  the  public  may  have  had 
to  swallow  in  other  days  in  the  form  of  un- 
just franchises,  stock  "watering,"  the  politi- 
cal dishonesty  connected  with  ''deals"  in 
favor  of  the  company  and  to  the  injury  of  the 
traveling  public.  It  is  significant  that  very 
little  opposition  has  been  made  to  the  re- 
adjustment of  rates  for  gas  or  electric  light 
or  power  to  the  new  expense  accounts.  But, 
where  municipalities  undertake  to  assist  the 
street-car  line  by  raising  fares,  there  is  apt 
to  be  the  sequel  of  public  indignation.  In 
Denver  recently  it  took  the  form  of  refusal 
to  pay  the  new  tariff  and  some  damage  to 
property. 

Then  there  is  the  obvious  intent  of  certain 
municipalities  to  depreciate  traction  values 
by  refusing  higher  fares  and  so  bring  the 
companies  to  a  credit  condition  where  they 
will  be  willing  to  sell  out  to  the  city  at  a 
very  low  price.  This  is  a  factor  in  the  sit- 
uation that  must  be  recognized  and  reckoned 
with.  There  are  signs  of  it  in  New  York. 
There  are  plain  suggestions  of  it  in  Chicago 
and  in  St.  Paul. 

Managers*  Failure  to  Get  on  with  the  Public 

On  the  other  hand  traction  managers,  even 
of  this  generation,  have  not  well  enough 
understood  their  relationship  to  the  public. 
It  has  been  a  notorious  fact  that  service  on 
the  Brooklyn  Rapid  Transit  lines  was  in- 
adequate. This  was  before  the  stock  of 
the  company  ceased  to  pay  dividends.  Equip- 
ment was  poor  and  insufficient  for  a  growing, 
crowding  population.  Patrons  who  feel  that 
they  have  been  treated  unfairly,  and  then 
have  been  witness  to  an  accident  that  cost 
scores  of  lives,  sacrificed  to  incompetence,  are 
not  in  a  mood  to  lift  their  voices  for  higher 
fares,  even  though  they  know  that  what  they 


FINANCIAL   NEWS 


223 


pay  five  cents  for  costs  more  than  six  cents 
to  produce. 

An  understanding  of  the  crowd  psychol- 
ogy has  not  been  one  of  the  major  accom- 
plishments of  the  traction  administrations  of 
Greater  New  York.  There  is  no  service  in 
the  world  that  can  compare  with  that  of  the 
Interborough  Rapid  Transit  subway  lines  in 
Manhattan,  but  it  has  been  lack  of  tact, 
rather  than  lack  of  cars  and  standing  room 
that  has  brought  public  criticism  of  opera- 
tions. The  best  way  to  resist  both  govern- 
ment ownership  of  railroads  and  public  ad- 
ministration of  city  tractions  is  to  go  a  con- 
siderable way  along  with  the  public  thought 
on  both  questions  and  all  the  while  provide 
service  and  meet  public  complaints  with  a 
certain  amount  of  good  nature. 

The  Demand  for  Higher  Fares 

Ex-President  Taft  recognized  the  animos- 
ity of  the  public  toward  the  public  utility, 
with  its  "high  visibility,"  in  an  address  made 
before  the  Investment  Bankers'  Association 
at  Atlantic  City  in  December.  As  chairman 
of  the  wage  adjustment  board  he  had  ob- 
served the  justice  of  higher  fares  in  com- 
pensation for  higher  rates  of  pay.  So  have 
other  representatives  of  the  Government.  As 
long  ago  as  last  spring  Comptroller  of  the 
Currency  Williams  advocated  a  plan  that 
would  stabilize  the  credit  of  the  public  utili- 
ties of  this  country.  Not  all  of  this  sugges- 
tion and  recommendation  has  fallen  on  barren 
ground.  Nearly  350  companies  have  been 
protected  from  financial  trouble  by  higher 
fares.  These  have  been  allowed  in  a  num- 
ber of  cities  of  the  first  class. 

A  striking  example  is  that  of  Boston,  whose 
surface,  elevated  and  subway  lines  have  re- 
cently been  placed  in  the  hands  of  a  board 
of  trustees.  The  law  regulating  the  opera- 
tion of  these  lines  provides  a  guaranteed  re- 
turn on  the  capital  invested.  If  the  revenue 
from  fares  does  not  coyer  this  guarantee  the 
deficit  must  be  raised  by  taxation.  Formerly 
the  fare  was  5  cents,  as  in  Greater  New 
York.  Now  it  is  8  cents.  In  a  considerable 
portion  of  eastern  Massachusetts  the  Public 
Service  Commission  has  granted  a  cash  fare 
of  10  cents.  It  was  found  that  the  recom- 
mended advance  from  5  to  7  cents  was  not 
sufficient  to  absorb  the  higher  war  costs.  On 
the  same  day  that  the  Board  of  Estimate  of 
New  York  refused  to  consider  the  proposi- 
tion of  an  8-cent  fare  for  the  subway  lines 
of  that  city  and  annulment  of  the  transfer  on 
the  surface   roads  there  were  a   number  of 


grants  of  higher  fare  to  suburban  roads  in 
territory  not  many  hundreds  of  miles  dis- 
tant from  New  York.  In  New  Jersey,  after 
a  long  fight,  the  Public  Service  Corporation, 
succeeded  in  obtaining  a  7-cent  flat  fare,  with 
an  additional  1  cent  charge  for  a  transfer, 
but  this  did  not  save  the  dividend  on  the 
stock  of  the  company,  which  had  to  be  re- 
duced from  8  per  cent  to  4  per  cent. 

It  is  estimated  that  the  par  value  of  the 
electric  railways  of  New  York  State,  includ- 
ing New  York  City,  is  $1,250,000,000.  This 
is  about  one-fifth  of  the  total  of  the  entire 
country.  The  investment  m  the  bonds  and 
guaranteed  stock  of  these  raiKvays  is  held 
by  institutions,  estates  and  many  small  in- 
vestors. For  years  the  guaranteed  7-per  cent 
stock  of  the  Manhattan  Elevated  has  been 
considered  as  a  prime,  or  "gilt-edged"  issue. 
It  sold  at  one  time  at  $175  a  share  or  a 
yield  basis  of  4  per  cent.  Since  the  critical 
situation  has  developed  in  the  New  York 
traction  situation  it  has  declined  under  $80 
a  share.  A  great  credit  structure  is  involved 
in  the  early  decisions  of  the  New  York  au- 
thorities as  to  compensation  adequate  for  pay- 
ment of  fixed  charges  and  fair  dividends. 
Fortunately  the  rest  of  the  country  has  been 
broader-minded  on  this  question  than  either 
the  municipal  or  State  authorities  and  has 
acted  independently  of  them  in  a  great  many 
instances. 

Graduated  Fares  Based  on  Distance 

One  objection  that  has  been  raised  to  the 
grant  of  higher  traction  fares  now  is  that 
these  w^ill  give  the  operating  companies  an 
undue  percentage  of  profit  when  normal  con- 
ditions return  in  wages  and  in  costs  of  ma- 
terials. Before  the  war  was  declared  by  this 
country  against  Germany  the  advance  in 
costs  had  begun  to  eat  into  the  vitals  of 
all  but  the  strongest  of  the  traction  lines. 
The  tendency  to  allow  long  hauls  for  the 
five-cent  fare  had  worked  a  great  strain  on 
credit.  There  had  not  been  much  reason 
show?!  in  developing  a  graduated  fare  in 
which  compensation  was  based  on  the  dis- 
tance a  passenger  had  to  be  carried.  A  man 
does  not  ride  from  New  York  to  Springfield, 
Mass.,  say,  on  a  steam  road,  for  the  same 
fare  as  he  pays  to  ride  from  New  York  to 
Poughkeepsie.  But,  in  New  York  City,  he 
pays  no  less  to  ride  from  23d  to  34th  street 
or  half  a  mile  than  he  does  to  ride  from 
Brooklyn  to  Bronx  Park,  or  nearly  seven- 
teen miles.  There  is  duplication  of  this  sys- 
tem all  over  the  United   States,  but  not  on 


224 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


such  a  scale  as  in  New  York,  where  the  so- 
called  "nickel  fetish"  has  been  carried  to  the 
extreme. 

Operating   Costs  Will   Continue  High 

Quick  readjustment  of  wages  and  prices 
of  materials  is  not  expected  by  those  who 
have  given  the  subject  closest  attention.  It 
is  doubtful  if  in  either  item  there  is  within 
this  generation  a  return  to  the  former  units 
of  measurement.  Certainly  wages  are  not 
likely  to  return  to  the  old  basis.  There  was 
no  class  of  labor  in  the  country  which  re- 
ceived such  an  inadequate  wage  in  pre-war 
times  as  that  employed  on  the  traction  lines 
throughout  the  country.  This  is  officially 
recognized.  Greater  efficiency  may  be  de- 
veloped, though  not  great  enough  efficiency 
to  offset  the  gross  increase  in  pay.  It  is  not 
just,  therefore,  to  base  rates  on  the  presump- 
tion that  former  operating  costs  will  be  in 
effect  within  a  few  months. 

The  question  of  public-utility  compensa- 
tion must  be  settled  very  soon.  In  the  March 
quarter  of  1919  the  maturing  obligations  of 
utilities  are  about  $85,000,000  and  in  the 
June  quarter  over  $60,000,000.  For  the  en- 
tire year  they  reach  $262,000,000.  Inter- 
state Commerce  Commissioner  WoUey,  in 
an  argument  before  the  Senate  Interstate 
Commerce  Committee  in  January,  for  a  five- 


year  extension  of  government  rail  control, 
mentioned  these  maturities  as  likely  to  be  af- 
fected by  unfavorable  railroad  credit  in  the 
event  that  the  carriers  were  thrown  back 
on  their  own  financial  resources. 

Legislative  Action  Sought 

The  subject  of  supervision  of  public  utili- 
ties is  probably  receiving  more  attention 
among  legislative  bodies  than  ever  before. 
The  newly  elected  Governor  of  New  York 
State  gave  it  much  consideration  in  his  an- 
nual message  and  Governor  Holcomb  of 
Connecticut,  at  the  beginning  of  his  third 
term,  asked  for  the  appointment  of  a  special 
commission  to  inquire  into  the  electric  sit- 
uation in  his  State.  He  pointed  out  that 
railways  are  being  operated  at  a  loss,  with 
conditions  threatening  that  may  lead  to 
heavy  investment  depreciation  and  suspen- 
sion of  service.  The  most  difficult  fact  to 
establish  in  the  mind  of  the  local  law-maker 
who  refuses  to  grant  living  rates  is  that  while 
he  may  bring  about  receivership  by  his  pol- 
icy he  will  also  create  conditions  of  travel 
that  will  be  unbearable  to  the  public.  Un- 
fortunately for  security  holders,  financial  dis- 
asters seem  to  be  necessary  before  realization 
of  the  unfair  conditions  in  the  background 
of  many  of  these  credit  collapses  is  shown  by 
regulating  bodies. 


II.— INVESTORS'  QUERIES  AND  ANSWERS 


CANADIAN  PACIFIC  BONDS 

Do  you  consider  the  6  per  cent,  debenture  bonds  of 
the  Canadian  Pacific  Railroad,  due  1924,  a  safe  invest- 
ment. 

We  have  always  looked  upon  these  bonds  as  a 
safe  investment  and  have  not  hesitated  to  recom- 
mend them  to  people  whose  circumstances  demand 
care  and  conservation  in  the  employment  of  their 
surplus   funds. 

ADVICE  ON  SPECIAL  VENTURES 

I  occasionally  have  money  that  T  am  willing  to  use  in 
speculative  ventures  provided  there  is  an  honest  chance 
of  making  the  profit  corresponding  to  the  risk  talifen.  I 
must  confess,  however,  that  various  moderate  sums  T 
have  employed  under  what  I  believed  to  be  were  the 
above  conditions  in  the  past  two  years  have  mostly  been 
lost.  In  these  cases,  however,  later  developments  have 
shown  that  there  never  was  any  honest  chance.  I  con- 
serjuently  attribute  my  failures  in  the  past  to  lack  of 
sufficient  information.  I  wonder  if  you  could  tell  me  of 
any  ventures  having  an  honest  chance  of  turning  out 
well  and  producing  large  profit. 

We  are  entirely  unable  to  be  of  service  in  the 
way  you  supcfcest.  We  have  never  felt  that  we 
could  undertake  to  assume  the  heavy  responsibilitv^ 
involved  in  selectinpr  essentially  speculative  se- 
curities for  our  readers  or  in  any  way  to  give 
specific  advice  about  the  purchase  or  sale  of  such 
securities.     We  are  always  glad  to  analyze  specu- 


lative securities  as  well  as  investment  securities 
and  to  report  frankly  whatever  conclusions  we 
are  able  to  form,  but  further  than  that  we  can- 
not go. 

ABOUT  FILING  OWNERSHIP  CERTIFICATES  WITH 
BOND  COUPONS 

Can  you  tell  me  where  I  can  get  a  booklet  giving  in- 
formation as  to  the  proper  certificate  form  to  use  in 
cashing  bond  coupons.  I  have  had  considerable  trouble 
in  this  respect  lately.  Does  a  person  paying  the  federal 
income  tax  annually  use  a  different  form  of  certificate 
than  one  who  does  not  pay  the  tax. 

We  do  not  know  of  any  booklet  that  you  would 
find  of  service  in  connection  with  the  difficulties 
you  have  been  having  in  cashing  coupons  from 
your  bonds.  In  order  to  determine  the  proper 
form  of  ownership  certificate  to  file  with  coupons 
it  is  necessary  to  know  whether  the  companies  is- 
suing the  bonds  do  or  do  not  covenant  to  pay  the 
normal  income  tax.  There  are  records  giving  the 
status  of  most  bonds  in  this  respect.  These 
records  your  local  banker  ought  to  have.  If  he 
does  not  and  you  will  send  us  a  list  of  your  bond 
holdings  we  shall  be  glad  to  give  you  proper 
instruction.  Determination  of  the  proper  cer- 
tificate to  file  does  not  in  any  way  depend  upon 
whether  the  bond  holder  is  or  is  not  liable  to 
the   payment   of  the   income   tax. 


The  American  Review  of  Reviews 


EDITED    BY    ALBERT    SHAW 


G  O  N  T  E  N  T  S    F  O 

Milan's  Tribute  to  President  Wilson  Fj'ontispiece 

The  Progress  of  the  World  — 

Our  Wars  and  the  Aftermath 227 

Result  of  the   War   with   Spain 227 

'    A  Worthy  American  Record 227 

Our  Guardianship  of  Maturing  Wards...  228 

Philippine   Aspirations    228 

The  New  Burdens  of  Administration 229 

Practical  Aspects  of  Relief 229 

War's  Appalling  Expenses 230 

•    Financial   Relief   in    1921 230 

Costly  Retrenchment  in  the  Past. 230 

The   Immediate   Lesson 230 

The  Army  and  the  Navy  Still  Needed...  231 

President  Wilson's  Mission 232 

Reception  in  England  and   Italy 232 

The   Conference  in   Session 233 

The  Main  Issues  Under  Discussion 233 

Good  Progress  in  February 233 

Publicity   and   the  Peace   Conference 234 

World-wide    Discussion    234 

Educating  a' Thousand  Million  People!.  .  .  234 

Many  Appeals  for  a  Public  Verdict 234 

How  Wars  May  be  Prevented 235 

Wilson  as  a  Promoter  of  Discussions 235 

Good-Will  to  be  Maintained 235 

Differences  Not  to  Be  Smothered 236 

The  French  Point  of  View 236 

Revenge   Must   Be    Forgotten 236 

The  New  German  Government 237 

The  King  and  the  New  Parliament 237 

The  Premier  Expounds  to  the  House 238 

Labor  and  Reform  in  England 238 

Strikes  and  Radical  Demands 239 

Shorter  Hours  for  Textile  Workers 239 

Firm   Action   in   the    Northwest 239 

Unemployment   and    Remedies 240 

Work  of  the  Defense  Council 240 

The  Lane  Policies  in  Congress 241 

Adjusting  the   Soldiers 241 

Welcome    Visitors   from    England 241 

Ships  and  Reviving  Trade 242 

Free-Traders  to  the  Front 242 

A   Republican   Congress 243 

Ending  of  Present  Session 243 

Will  the  Republicans  Harmonize? 244 

Presidential  Candidates  244 

Congress  Passes  the  Revenue  Bill 244 

New    Tax    Rates 244 

The  Coming  Bond  Issue 245 

The  Railway  Problem  Pressing 246 

The  Cost  of   Guaranteeing  Wheat  Prices  246 
With  portraits,  cartoons,  and  other  illustrations 

Record  of  Current  Events 247 

With  illustrations 

World  History  in  Cartoons 252 


R    MARCH,    1919 

The  Navy's  New  Task 256 

By  Hon.  Josephus  Daniels 

With  illustration 

Back  from  the  War  on  a  Battleship 257 

America  and  the  Allies  at  the  Peace  Table.  .      258 
By  Frank  H.  Simonds 

Europe's  Minor  Frictions 265 

By  Lothrop  Stoddard 

Work  and  Homes  for  Returning  Soldiers    .  .      269 
By  Hon.  Franklin  K.  Lane 

Farm  Settlements  on  a  New  Plan 270 

By  Elwood  Mead 

With  illustrations 

Making  Over  the  New  England  Farm  ....     278 

With  illustrations 

The  Battle  of  the  Boundaries 281 

By  Talcott  Williams 

With  maps 

Training  Human  Capacities  for  the  New  Era    288 

By  Hollis  Godfrey 

The  Chemist  and  the  Food  Problem 294 

By  Waldemar  Kaempffert 

With  illustrations 

An  Apostle  of  Good  Roads 302 

By  John  M.  Goodell 

U'ith  portrait  of  Logan  Waller  Page 
Leading  Articles  of  the  Month — 

The  Part  of  the  United  States 305 

Work  Ahead  of  the  Allies 306 

Effects  of  the  War  in  Germany  Described 

by  Germans    306 

The  Future  of  Armenia 307 

Italian  Advocacv  of  the  League  of  Nations  308 

Who  Will  Pay  the  War's  Costs? 309 

The  French  Demand  for  Shipping 310 

A  Russian  Revolutionist  on  Bolshevism..  311 

How  to  Advertise  in  China 312 

Shall  the  Saar  Coal  Field  Go  to  France?  313 

The  Finland  Swedes 314 

Argentine  View  of  American  Universities  316 

What  Will  Become  of  the  Breweries?.  ...  317 

Government  Air  Transport 318 

A  New  Gas  for  Balloons  and  Airships...  320 

Scandinavia:   A    Future   Home   of    Science  322 

Svante  Arrhenius,   Master  Theorist 323 

The  Cradle  of  the  World  ? 324 

New  Light  on  the   Earth's  Age 325 

Clemenceau — Litterateur    326 

With   illustrations 

The  New  Books 327 

With   portraits 
Financial  News 334 


TERMS: — Issued  monthly,  35  cents  a  number,  $4.00  a  year  in  advance  in  the  United  States,  Porto  Rico.  Hawaii, 
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matter.  Entered  as  second-class  matter  at  the  Post-office  Dei)artment,  Ottawa,  Canada.  Subscril)ers  may  remit  to 
us  by  post-office  or  express  money  orders,  or  by  bank  checks,  drafts,  or  registered  letters.  Money  in  le^tters 
is  sent  at  sender's  risk.  Renew  as  early  as  possible  in  order  to  avoid  a  break  in  the  receipt  of  the  numbers. 
Bookdealers,   Postmasters  and   Newsdealers  receive   subscriptions. 

THE   REVIEW  OF  REVTEWS  CO.,  30  Irvinjj   Place,   New   York 
Albert   Shaw,   Pres.      Chas.   D.   Lanier,   Sec.   and   Treas. 


Mar.— 1 


225 


f    1 1  »    J^^ 


THE    AMERICAN 

Review  of  Reviews 


Vol.  LIX. 


NEW   YORK,    MARCH,    1919 


No.  3 


THE  PROGRESS  OF  THE  WORLD 


The  cabled  survey  sent  to  our 
ai'par?8^     readers    by    Mr.    Sfmonds    from 

Paris,  as  the  League  of  Nations 
had  been  drafted  and  as  President  Wilson 
was  sailing  for  America,  reflects  something 
of  the  anxiety  that  had  followed  elation  when 
the  difficulties  that  were  to  be  faced  by  the 
Peace  Conference  had  begun  to  assume  con- 
crete shape.  It  is  hard  to  form  just  estimates 
in  the  midst  of  current  affairs  of  such  bewil- 
dering variety  and  magnitude.  The  pre- 
amble and  twenty-six  articles  of  the  Cove- 
nant of  the  League  of  Nations  were  read  and 
interpreted  by  President  Wilson  on  Friday, 
February  14,  in  a  full  session  of  the  Con- 
ference. Final  adoption  will  come  at  a  later 
period.  According  to  one's  hopes,  one's  fears, 
or  one's  point  of  view,  the  project  as  drafted 
is  either  gratifying  or  disappointing.  In  our 
opinion,  it  is  a  commendable  beginning  and 
is  fraught  with  high  promise.  From  the 
practical  standpoint  of  European  peace,  how- 
ever, the  altered  armistice  conditions  under 
the  leadership  of  Foch  have  more  immediate 
significance  than  the  League  of  Nations. 

f,     M/  We   shall  soon   have   completed 

Our  Wars,  ,  .  ,  ^ .     . 

and  the  four  months  smce  the  armistice 
*'^'"°  was  signed  on  the  11th  of  No- 
vember. The  joy  and  enthusiasm  of  those 
November  days  were  beyond  any  previous 
American  experience  with  the  possible  excep- 
tion of  the  rejoicing  early  in  April,  1865, 
when  the  Civil  War  ended  with  the  scene  at 
Appomattox.  There  was  a  difficult  and  try- 
ing period  of  reconstruction  that  followed 
the  surrender  of  Lee  and  the  death  of  Lin- 
coln ;  and  some  of  the  political  and  social 
problems  born  in  that  time  of  turmoil  have 
not  yet  been  fully  solved  after  half  a  cen- 
tury. This  country  was  deeply  thankful, 
and  also  glad  and  buoyant,  with  the  news 
of  the  ending  of  the  war  with  Spain  a  little 
more  than  twenty  years  ago.     But  that  epi- 

Copyright,   1919,  by  The  Rev 


sode  had  consequences  quite  unforeseen ;  so 
that  the  course  of  our  national  history  in  its 
larger  aspects  for  about  sixteen  years — a 
period  with  which  the  career  of  Theodore 
Roosevelt  was  especially  identified — grew 
directly  out  of  the  war  with  Spain. 

Result  of  the  ^^  ^  ^^^ult  of  this  waV  we  an- 
War  With  nexed  Porto  Rico  and  Hawaii ; 
'"^'"  established  the  Republic  of 
Cuba;  assumed  leadership  in  the  Caribbean 
Sea;  constructed  the  Panama  Canal  and  cre- 
ated the  Republic  of  Panama ;  acquired  from 
Spain  the  control  of  the  Philippine  Islands; 
led  in  the  so-called  "open  door"  policy  in 
China;  became  influential  in  the  Pacific;  at- 
tempted to  bring  about  a  reorganization  of 
Central  America ;  and  passed  from  our  com- 
parative isolation  of  the  Nineteenth  Century 
to  that  larger  place  in  world  affairs  that  we 
were  destined  to  occupy  in  the  Twentieth. 
It  was  in  the  thick  of  that  general  situation 
of  twenty  years  ago  that  we  discovered  the 
value  of  a  good  understanding  with  Great 
Britain ;  and  it  was  then  that  we  began  to 
realize  the  possibility  of  future  trouble  with 
Germany.  It  is  generally  understood  that 
we  retained  authority  in  the  Philippines  at 
the  urgent  request  of  the  British  Govern- 
ment, in  order  to  protect  all  interests  in  those 
islands  and  to  prevent  the  conflict  that  would 
have  arisen  if  we  had  withdrawn  and  left 
Spain  helpless  as  against  what  would  have 
been  the  demands  of  the  Berlin  government. 

A  M/   ^u       We  can  now  look  back  so  calmly 

A    Worthy  i        •  i 

American  upon  the  issucs  that  arosc  twenty 
years  ago  that  it  is  hard  to  recall 
the  intensity  and  excitement  of  the  political 
disputes  of  that  period.  The  Presidential 
campaign  of  1900  was  fought  on  the  issue 
of  so-called  "imperialism."  Mr.  Bryan,  as 
Democratic  candidate,  led  tlic  attack  \n  a 
campaign  of  prodigious  energy  and  passionate 

lEvv  OF  Reviews  Company  227 


228 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


©  Western  Newspaper  Union 

HON.    FRANCIS    BURTON    HARRISON,,    OF    NEW    YORK 

(Mr.  Harrison  has  been  Governor-General  of  the  Philip- 
pines for  the  past  six  years,  and  is  now  in  the  United 
States.  He  declares  that  the  Filipinos  were  devotedly- 
loyal  to  the  United  States  during  the  war,  and  were 
eager  to  serve  in  the  army  and  navy  and  to  support 
Liberty  loans  and  the  Red  Cross.  He  makes  a  fine  de- 
fense of  what  he  calls  American  idealism  in  our  Philip- 
pine policy  and  is  optimistic  of  the  future) 


warning;  with  President  McKinley  sturdily 
defending  his  own  policies,  and  with  Theo- 
dore Roosevelt  (then  Governor  of  New 
York  and  recently  Colonel  of  the  Rough 
Riders),  as  candidate  for  Vice-President, 
making  his  memorable  stumping  tour,  and 
preaching  the  gospel  of  America's  new  re- 
sponsibilities in  a  world  that  could  not  longer 
permit  the  isolation  of  a  great  power  such 
as  the  United  States  had  become.  Not  only 
have  we  avoided  the  dangers  of  becoming 
imperialistic  ourselves,  but  it  has  been  our 
lot  to  play  a  prominent  part  in  helping  to 
deliver  the  world  from  the  menace  of  a  sel- 
fish  imperialism   backed   by  military  power. 

Our  Our     enhanced     power    in     the 

of  Maturing  Western  Hemisphere  has  been 
Wards  ^ggj  generously,  and  has  helped 
to  bring  peace  and  prosperity  into  regions 
that  otherwise  would  have  been  victims  of 
continuous  turmoil.  Hardly  any  country  has 
prospered  in  recent  years  more  greatly  than 
Cuba;  and  this  has  been  due  to  the  working 
out  of  our  policies  of  twenty  years  ago.  Porto 
Rico  shows  a  transforming  progress.  Panama 


and  Central  America  have  increasingly  bright 
prospects.  So  much  has  been  accomplished 
in  the  Philippines,  in  the  working  out  of  our 
beneficent  policies,  that  there  is  little  but 
praise  from  those  who  are  competent  to 
judge  in  a  large  way.  There  are  always  de- 
tails that  invite  criticism  in  every  govern- 
mental or  political  situation.  Through  this 
recent  period  of  five  years  past  the  Filipinos, 
like  the  Cubans,  have  realized  that  it  has 
been  fortunate  for  them  to  be  in  close  rela- 
tions with  the  United  States.  The  move- 
ment for  Philippine  independence  in  the  early 
future  has  not  died  out;  it  is  alive  and 
awake,  and  influential  Filipino  leaders  have 
for  some  time  been  in  the  United  States  urg- 
ing their  views  and  studying  sentiment  here. 


Philippine 
Aspirations 

too    eager 


In  view  of  unrest  in  all  lands 
just  now,  it  will  be  well  for  the 
Filipino  people  if  they  are  not 
to  .detach  themselves  from  this 
country,  which  has  so  sincerely  endeavored 
to  aid  them  in  creating  a  national  life,  and 
in  preparing  for  the  most  complete  exercise 
of  self-government.  There  is  no  serious 
question  of  our  own  welfare  that  is  involved 
in  the  future  of  the  Philippine  Islands;  it  is 
first  of  all  a  question  of  the  welfare  of  the 
inhabitants  themselves.  Incidentally,  there 
are  people  of  many  nationalities — including 
citizens  of  the  United  States — who  have 
property  interests  and  rights  in  the  Philip- 
pines, which  are  entitled  to  the  protection  of 
a  good  government  capable  of  maintaining 
order.  Beyond  that,  however,  it  is  now  the 
opinion  of  Republicans  as  well  as  of  Demo- 
crats that  the  Philippine  Islands  are  not  to 
be  retained  by  the  United  States  as  part  of 
an  outlying  empire,  and  that  our  national 
mission  there  has  been  one  of  guardianship 
and  friendly  help,  which  by  virtue  of  its  suc- 
cess is  temporary  rather  than  permanent. 
There  may  come  a  time  when  the  League  of 
Nations  is  so  well  established  that  it  would 
be  fitted  to  take  over  the  protection  of  a 
young  republic  such  as  the  Philippine  Archi- 
pelago is  rapidly  becoming.  But  until  the 
League  is  sufficiently  established  to  assume 
such  responsibilities,  it  would  be  unsafe  for 
the  Filipinos,  and  unwise  from  other  stand- 
points, to  have  the  special  protection  of  the 
United  States  withdrawn  from  the  islands 
and  the  adjacent  waters.  Even  with  Philip- 
pine independence,  there  should  exist  some 
such  special  arrangement  as  that  which  now 
gives  Cuba  the  full  benefit  of  Uncle  Sam's 
protecting  friendship. 


THE    PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


229 


^^  „  In  the  working  out  of  the  issues 

Burdens  of  and  problems  lollowing  the 
Administration  gp^^ish  War,  the  people  of  the 
United  States — as  we  can  now  perceive — 
have  had  an  experience  which  has  done  them 
more  good  than  harm,  although  for  several 
years  we  were  vexed  and  anxious.  We  have 
now  begun  once  more  to  experience  some 
of  the  depression  and  anxiety  that  inevitably 
come,  as  the  aftermath  of  every  great  war. 
Elation  is  felt  in  the  moment  when  the 
carnage  ends ;  and  even  the  vanquished  feel 
a  great  sense  of  relief  and  escape,  even  though 
they  cannot  make  public  demonstration  of 
joy.  Courage  for  the  terrible  exactions  of 
war  is  found  in  the  intensity  of  the  effort 
that  war-time  demands.  But  the  ending  of 
war  permits  a  certain  relaxation ;  and  the 
problems  of  readjustment  present  themselves 
at  a  time  when  nations  grow  conscious  of 
their  fatigues,  and  realize  the  extent  of  the 
changes  and  disturbances  that  war  has  pro- 
duced. In  the  war  struggle,*  we  were  ready 
to  incur  colossal  liabilities,  and  could  not 
haggle  or  hesitate.  We  made  profound 
changes  in  the  structure  of  economic  society. 
We  turned  millions  of  men  away  from  pro- 
duction, to  the  bearing  of  arms.  But  when 
the  war  is  ended  we  are  compelled  to  sit 
down  and  count  the  cost;  and  we  have  to 
face  the  simple,  unavoidable  fact  that  all  of 
us — not  merely  those  who  are  beyond  middle 
life,  but  even  those  who  have  been  born  since 
the  armistice  date — will  have  to  spend  all  of 
the  rest  of  our  lives  bearing  burdens  of 
one  kind  or  another  imposed  upon  us  in  this 
war  period,  or  arising  from  it. 

Practf  ai      Thoughts  like  these,  in  days  of 

Atpecti  of     reaction    and    fatigue    following 

/?•//•/        ^j^g  gj^j  q£  actual  warfare,   are 

not  conducive  to  universal  cheerfulness  or 
harmony.  The  case  can  be  stated  in  a  very 
gloomy,  pessimistic  fashion.  It  can  also, 
however,  be  dealt  with  in  a  sensible  and 
cheerful  way.  The  path  of  reality  lies  some- 
where between  enthusiasm  for  the  millen- 
nium that  has  not  arrived,  and  pessimism  on 
the  score  of  a  calamitous  future  that  can  and 
will  be  avoided.  The  great,  overshadowing 
loss  is  that  of  human  life  which  has  brought 
sorrow  to  coihitless  millions  of  people  and 
has  deprived  nearly  all  European  countries 
of  a  large  percentage  of  their  best  young 
citizens.  France,  for  instance,  has  three 
million  less  population  than  five  years  ago. 
Next  in  order  of  evils  comes  the  continuing 
and  prospective  human  loss  due  to  hunger, 


SIR     ARTHUR     PEARSON,     THE     ENGLISH     PUBLISHER 

AND   PHILAN'THRGPIST 

(After  a  brilliant  career  in  journalism  and  in  the 
building-up  of  a  group  of  newspapers  and  periodicals, 
Sir  Arthur  lost  his  vision  several  years  ago.  Many  Eng- 
lish soldiers  have  been  blinded  in  the  war  period,  and 
Sir  Arthur — who  is  president  of  the  National  Institute 
for  the  Blind — has  developed  a  great  institution,  St. 
Dunstan's  Home,  for  training  these  disabled  men  in  new 
and  valuable  ways  to  earn  their  own  livings.  He  is  a 
typical  leader  in  a  kind  of  work  for  soldiers  that  is  go- 
ing forward  throughout  England;  and  his  presence  in  the 
United   States  is  stimulating  similar   undertakings   here) 


disease,  and  all  the  miseries  that  follow  in 
the  train  of  war.  The  deadly  burdens  of 
starvation  and  immediate  poverty  that  many 
parts  of  Europe  and  Asia  are  now  bearing 
must  be  met  in  a  spirit  of  unwearied  gener- 
osity by  all  who  have  it  in  their  power  to 
help.  The  worst  phases  of  this  situation  can 
be  dealt  with  in  the  next  few  months,  lliere 
will  be  a  desperate  attempt  everywhere  in 
Europe  to  produce  food  during  this  ap- 
proaching crop  season.  Iniiuediate  help  with 
seed  and  implements,  and  with  surplus  food 
for  a  brief  period,  will  probably  suffice. 


230 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


.  ^„  ..         The  restoration  of  more  complex 

rrtparing  r    •      ,  •    i    it  i      i 

for  the        Torms  ot  industrial  lite,  and  the 

SUady  Pull  ^    ur   r  ^     "  r     *.U 

establishment  once  more  or  the 
comfortable  standards  of  living  that  had  ex- 
isted before  the  great  war,  will  require  a 
longer  time  in  various  parts,  of  Europe. 
During  the  present  year  1919  much  atten- 
tion must  be  given  to  emergencies ;  and  the 
longer  and  steadier  pull  of  "reconstruction," 
so-called,  can  hardly  make  a  fair  beginning 
until  next  year.  Meanwhile  there  is  no 
reason  at  all  for  ceasing  to  rejoice — as  we 
rejoiced  three  months  ago — that  the  war  is 
over  and  that  the  movement  of  American 
armies  is  steadily  homeward.  The  questions 
that  have  arisen,  whether  those  of  the  emer- 
gency type  or  those  of  the  long,  slow  pull, 
can  all  be  answered  successfully.  Even  if 
there  were  grounds  for  discouragement  there 
would  be  nothing  gained  by  an  attitude  of 
doubt  and  anxiety.  The  problems,  whether 
public  or  private,  that  concern  Americans, 
have  to  be  met  as  a  part  of  the  day's  work  and 
dealt  with  as  they  present  themselves. 

^^^.^  Taxes  will  be  heavy,  and  the 
Appalling  tax  laws  are  far  from  perfect. 
For  the  national  treasury  alone 
we  are  now  to  raise  six  times  as  much  money 
in  a  single  year  as  we  were  raising  only  a 
few  years  ago.  Yet  it  has  been  the  inten- 
tion of  Congress  to  apportion  the  war  taxes 
in  such  a  way  that  the  livelihood  of  no  man 
would  be  unduly  impaired.  The  bulk  of  the 
taxes  must  be  paid  out  of  the  incomes  of 
corporations  and  of  wealthy  individuals.  The 
system  in  itself  is  not  one  that  is  designed  to 
impoverish  the  people  of  the  country.  Never- 
theless, as  the  system  is  applied,  it  gathers 
into  the  Treasury  in  a  given  year  a  great 
part  of  the  nation's  current  wealth  that 
would  in  ordinary  times  constitute  the  new 
capital  wherewith  to  expand  productive  en- 
terprises. The  thing  that  may  well  cause 
anxiety  is  not  the  system  of  taxation  but  the 
continuing  scale  of  public  expenditure,  which 
requires  the  raising  of  such  huge  sums  by 
taxes  and  such  great  additional  sums  by  the 
further  sale  of  Government  bonds. 

^.       .  ,      It    must   be    remembered,    how- 

Financial  ' 

Relief        cver,  that  peace  has  not  yet  come 
'"  '  in    final    terms.      An    armistice 

means  the  cessation  of  hostilities;  but  until 
a  peace  treaty  is  signed  we  are  legally  at  war. 
We  were  preparing  with  all  our  might  for 
a  war  that  was  to  culminate  in  the  expected 
campaign   of    1919.     The   ending  of   actual 


fighting  in  November,  1918,  found  us  so 
committed  to  military  expenditure — with 
some  4,000,000  men  under  arms — that  it  was 
impossible  to  make  a  sudden  transition  from 
war-time  to  peace-time  expenditures.  Other 
nations — especially  Great  Britain,  France, 
and  Italy — are  in  like  condition.  Victory, 
as  one  must  understand,  brings  with  it  ex- 
pensive responsibilities.  The  conquered 
country  may  be  forced  to  disarm  so  com- 
pletely as  to  be  spared  much  of  the  expense 
of  maintaining  great  armies  and  navies.  One 
of  the  chief  practical  arguments  for  the 
League  of  Nations  is  the  belief  that  it  will 
permit  radical  reduction  of  armaments,  and 
relief  from  the  burdens  of  war  taxation.  But 
such  relief  can  hardly  be  experienced  sooner 
than  the  year  1921.  It  would  be  poor  econ- 
omy, and  bad  foresight,  to  throw  away  all 
of  our  military  experience,  and  to  smash 
forthwith  the  costly  appliances  of  war  that 
we  may  yet  need  in  the  business  of  helping 
the  chaotic  wofld  to  settle  down  under  the 
sway  of  law  and  order. 


Costly 


There  is  always  a  tendency  to 
Retrenchment  wastcful    expenditure    of    public 

money  at  Washington;  but  there 
is  also  a  tendency  to  wasteful  kinds  of  re- 
trenchment. Our  refusal  to  spend  a  reason- 
able amount  of  money  for  the  Army  and 
Navy  in  the  period  following  the  Civil  War, 
when  we  were  paying  off  the  national  debt 
and  developing  the  country,  meant  that  we 
were  carrying  nothing  like  a  sufficient  insur- 
ance policy.  If  our  Navy  had  been  larger, 
our  diplomacy  would  have  liberated  Cuba, 
and  the  war  with  Spain  would  have  been 
avoided.  After  that  war,  our  international 
obligations  were  immensely  increased.  Our 
new  position  required  a  proper  provision  of 
means  by  which  to  use  our  latent  strength — 
not  for  aggression,  but  for  justice  and  safety, 
in  a  world  that  seemed  to  be  approaching  a 
crisis  and  a  turning-point.  There  were  many 
indications  favorable  to  arbitration,  disarma- 
ment, and  the  establishment  of  peace.  There 
were,  on  the  other  hand,  some  very  danger- 
ous tendencies  toward  the  growth  of  mili- 
tarism and  imperialistic  rivalry — tendencies 
especially  seen  in  the  policies  of  Germany. 

-.^^         After    our     experience     in     the 

Immediate     Spanish  War,  with  our  construc- 

Leaaon        ^j^^  ^^  ^j^^  Panama  Canal,  and 

our  new  relationships  to  the  world,  it  would 
have  been  wise  and  prudent  to  increase  our 
Navy  to  a  marked  extent;  to  have  provided 


THE    PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


231 


for  a  system  of  military  training;  and  to  have 
planned  for  a  proper  supply  of  rifles,  machine 
guns,  and  artillery.  If  we  had  made  such 
preparation,  it  is  quite  possible  that  a  large 
part  of  the  anarchy  and  misery  of  Mexico  in 
the  last  seven  or  eight  years  would  have  been 
avoided.  We  should  certainly  have  suffered 
far  less  loss  of  life  and  expenditure  of  re- 
sources in  our  war  with  Germany  (while  also 
saving  still  greater  expenditures  for  our  Al- 
lies), if  we  had  been  prepared  in  advance  for 
self-defense,  and  had  not  left  everything  ex- 
cept our  small  though  admirable  Navy  to  be 
improvised  after  we  had  actually  gone  to  war. 

The  Arm        ^^  shall  now,  in  the  desire  to 
andNavuStni  lessen  our  financial  burdens,  be 

Needed  ^  ^    j  ^  i      . 

tempted  once  more  to  neglect  a 
reasonable  policy  of  preparedness.  The 
League  of  Nations,  and  the  ultimate  escape 
from  huge  military  expenditure,  will  come 
the  more  certainly  if  we  prepare  ourselves  to 
support  our  principles  with  the  argument  of 
efficient  power.  Universal  military  training 
can  now  be  easily  established,  through  a  very 
moderate  use  of  the  training  and  experience 
of  those  young  men,  in  every  neighborhood 
of  the  land,  who  will  have  returned  from  a 
period  of  intensive  drill  and  instruction.  Such 
a  system  need  not  be  very  expensive.  The 
further  naval  preparation  advocated  by  the 
Administration,  and  accepted  by  the  House 
last  month,  ought  to  be  supported  in  view  of 
the  uncertainties  that  lie  in  the  immediate  fu- 
ture. For  some  time  to  come,  the  security 
of  the  oceans  and  perhaps  the  maintenance 
of  peace  throughout  the  world  is  to  depend 
much  less  upon  armies  than  upon  the  joint 
navies  of  Great  Britain  and  America.  The 
other  Allies  will  not  now  have  the  resources 
available  for  much  naval  increase.  Our  air 
service  must  also  be  developed. 


Our  Navy 

for 
Security 


As  events  have  shaped  them- 
selves, the  navies  of  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States 
are  destined  to  work  in  close  cooperation ; 
and  they  are  beyond  all  question  going  to  be 
committed  to  the  support  of  conditions, 
which,  while  securing  the  safety  of  the  Eng- 
lish-speaking world,  must  also  be  beneficial 
to  all  other  peace-keeping  nations.  The  idea 
that  America,  with  her  immense  interests  in 
the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  and  her  guardian- 
ship of  the  Western  Hemisphere,  would  give 
offense  to  Great  Britain  by  building  up  a 
strong  navy  has  nothing  substantial  to  rest 
upon.     We  owe  it  to  ourselves  and  we  also 


HON.   JULIUS   KAHN,  OF  CALIFORNIA 

(Mr.  Kahn,  as  ranking  I^epublican  member  of  the 
Military  Committee  of  the  House,  has  been  one  of  the 
foremost  of  Congressional  leaders  in  the  war  period.  He 
will  be  chairman  of  the  committee  in  the  new  House, 
and  will  endeavor  to  secure  a  system  of  universal  train- 
ing with  brief  terms  of  military  service  intended  at  once 
to  provide  for  the  national  defense  and  to  build  up  the 
young  men  of  the  country  in  physical  vigor  and  valuable 
citizenship) 


owe  it  to  the  world  at  large  to  tafce  a  full 
share  in  the  business  of  patrolling  and  pro- 
tecting the  great  common  domain  of  the  seas, 
which  belongs^ — for  freedom  of  use — alike  to 
all  nations,  and  which  must  ultimately  be 
governed  in  the  full  sense  by  a  League  of 
Nations.  It  is  not  likely  that  such  a  league 
can  enter  upon  its  functions  of  control  over 
the  oceans  for  thirty  years,  and  perhaps  not 
till  fifty  or  sixty  years  have  elapsed.  True 
safety  and  economy  require  that,  meanwhile, 
the  United  States  should  play  its  part  on  the 
seas.  Failure  to  take  our  proper  place  in 
earlier  periods  has  subjected  us  to  unmeasured 
expense  and  loss.  We  should  have  learned 
our  lesson  by  this  time.  And  certainly  we 
have  given 'sufficiently  convincing  proofs  to 
the  British  people  and  also  to  those  of  France 
that  our  naval  expansion  is  to  be  for  their 
welfare  and  in  no  sense  to  their  detriment. 
We  are  not  planning  any  future  that  repu- 
diates the  principles  of  the  great  cause  in 
which  we  have  been  fighting  side  by  side  with 
the  peoples  of  Western  Europe  and  those  of 
the  British  dominions. 


232 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


President 

Wilson  'a 
Mission 


When  these  comments  are 
printed  and  in  the  hands  of  our 
readers,  it  is  likely  that  President 
Wilson  will  have  reached  Washington  in 
order  to  sign  bills  and  to  be  in  contact  with 
Congress  during  the  days  which  not  only 
conclude  the  Session,  but  which  (on  March 
4)  end  the  period  for  which  the  Sixty-fifth 
Congress  was  elected.  So  much  has  been 
happening  that  it  may  be  well  to  set  down  a 
few  significant  dates.  Mr.  Wilson  and  the 
other  members  of  the  Peace  Commission 
sailed  on  the  George  M^ashington,  leaving 
New  York  December  4  and  arriving  at  Brest 
on  December  13.  The  President  imme- 
diately proceeded  to  Paris,  where  he  spoke 
on  the  bonds  of  friendship  between  France 
and  the  United  States.  During  the  next  few 
days  he  was  made  a  citizen  of  Paris ;  visited 
Premier  Clemenceau;  exchanged  visits  with 
King  Victor  Emmanuel  of  Italy  who  had 
arrived  in  Paris;  conferred  with  Premier 
Orlando  and  Foreign  Minister  Sonnino  re- 
garding Italy's  territorial  claims  and  aspira- 
tions. This  first  Parisian  week  culminated 
with  exercises  at  the  Sorbonne,  where  he  re- 
ceived an  honorary  degree  from  the  Uni- 
versity of  Paris  on  December  21. 


PREsIDtXT    WILS(jX    AXU    KIXG    GhURGL    AT 
BUCKINGHAM    PALACE 


Reception      On  Christmas  Day  the  President 
in  reviewed   American   troops   neai 

General  Pershing's  headqwarters 
at  Chaumont  and  made  an  address,  after 
which  he  proceeded  at  once  to  England  and 
was  met  at  the  Charing  Cross  Station  by  the 
King  and  Queen  and  taken  to  Buckingham 
Palace,  along  decorated  streets  and  in  the 
midst  of  great  popular  demonstrations.  The 
following  day,  December  27,  was  spent  in  a 
long  conference  with  the  British  Premier, 
Mr.  Lloyd  George;  and  in  the  evening  a 
notable  banquet  was  given  by  the  King  with 
an  exchange  of  assurances  regarding  the  one- 
ness of  purpose  of  the  British  and  Americans 
and  the  associated  Allies.  On  December  28 
the  city  of  London  entertained  Mr.  Wilson, 
who  spoke  in  advocacy  of  the  League  of  Na- 
tions, while  Mr.  Lloyd  George  announced 
that  his  conferences  with  the  President  had 
resulted  in  agreement  on  fundamental  prin- 
ciples. The  visit  to  England  was  ended  with 
a  quick  trip  to  the  North  in  order  to  spend 
Sunday  at  Carlisle,  the  home  of  his  mother's 
family,  and  to  make  addresses  at  Manchester 
on  the  following  day. 

^  j^i^       The  next  episode  in  the  Presi- 
to  dent's  European  visit  is  the  trip 

to  Rome,  where  he  arrived  on 
January  3 ;  was  welcomed  by  King  Victor 
Emmanuel  and  Queen  Helena;  and  made  aa 
address  before  the  Senators  and  Deputies  ad- 
vocating the  League  of  Nations  as  a  substi- 
tute for  the  discredited  ''balance  of  power." 
The  remainder  of  his  Italian  sojourn  in- 
cluded a  call  at  the  Vatican;  some  glimpses 
of  historic  places ;  stops  at  the  great  northern 
cities  of  Genoa,  Milan,  and  Turin,  with 
speeches  at  all  these  and  at  other  places,  and 
with  the  result  of  a  marvelous  expression  of 
Italian  goodwill  towards  the  United  States. 
There  followed  another  week  or  two  of  pre- 
liminary work  at  Paris  with  informal  but 
serious  discussions  among  the  delegates  of 
America,  France,  Great  Britain,  Italy  and 
other  countries — all  of  which  was  necessary  as 
a  prelude  to  the  formal  work  of  the  Peace 
Conference.  The  Supreme  War  Council 
meanwhile  had  the  armistice  program  to  con- 
sider, and  all  the  complicated  questions  hav- 
ing to  do  with  military  occupation  and  con- 
trol not  only  during  the  period  preceding  the 
peace  settlement,  but  during  a  subsequent 
period  when  Germany's  obligations  were  to 
undergo  fulfillment.  Mr.  Wilson's  own 
especial  attention  was  given  to  the  committee 
that  was   drafting  the   League  of   Nations. 


THE    PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


233 


^^^  At   length,   on  January    18>   the 

Conference  Peacc  Conference  began  its  regu- 
lar sessions  with  Mr.  Wilson  at- 
tending as  an  American  delegate.  The 
President  of  France  made  the  welcoming 
address,  and  Mr.  Wilson  proposed  Premier 
Clemenceau  as  the  permanent  Chairman. 
The  business  of  the  Conference  thereupon 
went  forward  efficiently,  and  the  rules* of 
procedure  were  made  public.  The  delegates 
of  the  five  principal  Allied  powers  were  to 
be  active  in  all  sessions,  while  the  smaller 
Allied  nations  were  to  take  part  in  the  Con- 
ference whenever  their  own  problems  were 
concerned,  and  neutrals  only  when  invited 
for  particular  reasons.  In  the  apportionment 
of  representatives,  the  Great  British  Do- 
minions and  India  were  allowed  delegates 
of  their  own,  apart  from  those  of  Great 
Britain.  Some  of  the  smaller  nations  at  first 
were  disappointed  because  they  were  allotted 
only  one  or  two  delegates ;  but  they  soon 
learned  that  this  put  them  to  no  disadvan- 
tage. Each  country  has  at  Paris  as  many 
advisors  as  it  chooses  to  have;  and  the  Con- 
ference through  its  committee  system  gives 
every  question  the  benefit  of  all  the  wisdom 
available.  Small  powers,  both  belligerent 
and  neutral,  have  their  ablest  men  assisting. 

^.    ...        On  January  20  President  Wilson 

The  Mam  i     i        i  i  •  11 

Issues  Under  attended  a  luncheon  given  by  the 
French  Senate  and  paid  a  tribute 
to  the  qualities  of  France  as  exhibited  in  times 
of  stress  and  difficulty.  The  need  of  some 
kind  of  touch  with  Russia  was  so  generally 
felt  in  the  Conference  that  President  Wilson 
on  January  22  suggested  a  plan  which  was 
adopted.  It  was  agreed  that  the  Allies 
should  send  representatives  to  Princes* 
Islands  in  the  Sea  of  Marmora,  in  order  to 
consult  with  representatives  of  the  different 
regions  and  factions  from  territories  for- 
merly Russian.  The  place  chosen  is  near 
Constantinople,  and  we  shall  refer  to  this 
curious  conclave  more  particularly  next 
month.  Behind  the  scenes,  as  well  as  in  popu- 
lar addresses  there  has  been  constant  discus- 
sion of  the  League  of  Nations ;  but  the  pro- 
posal as  a  formal  matter  in  the  Peace  Confer- 
ence itself  began  on  January  25  with  a  speech 
by  President  Wilson,  who  advocated  the 
League  as  necessary  for  the  settlement  of  ex- 
isting problems  as  well  as  for  maintaining 
peace  in  future  times.  The  next  day  being 
Sunday,  President  Wilson  visited  the  ruined 
cathedral  at  Rheims,  and  had  a  glimpse  of 
battle  scenes  at  and  near  Chateau  Thierry. 


PRESIDENT  WILSON  AT  THE  PEACE  CONFERENCE 

Good  Progress  ^^^  ^^^^  ^eek  in  January  and 
in  the  first  two  weeks  of  February 

*  ''"'^''^  were  devoted  by  President  Wil- 
son to  the  business  of  the  Conference  chiefly 
as  regards  the  more  unsettled  features  of  the 
scheme  for  a  League  of  Nations.  Fortunate- 
ly, before  he  sailed  on  the  15th  for  the 
United  States  most  of  the  sections  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  proposed  league  were 
ready  to  present.  Furthermore,  it  was  fully 
admitted  that  the  leaders  of  the  Conference 
had  made  some  progress  toward  the  adjust- 
ment of  a  number  of  the  crucial  issues  with 
which  the  Conference  must  deal.  Consider- 
ing the  unprecedented  range  of  the  issues 
presented,  affecting  all  the  countries  of  the 
world,  it  is  only  reasonable  to  admit  that 
much  has  been  done  in  a  very  short  space  of 
time.  All  the  great  problems  of  the  universe 
will  be  adjusted  by  the  Peacc  Conference  at 
Paris  in  less  time  than  our  Interstate  Com- 
merce Commission  has  usually  taken  to  de- 
liberate and  decide  in  the  matter  of  a  shift  in 
a  disputed  freight  rate;  and  '\i\  less  time  than 
our  Congress  takes  in  dealing  with  some  of 
the  most  obvious  things  that  come  before  it. 


234 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


Publicity  ^^  ^^^  commeiit  last  month  we 
and  the  Peace  endeavored  to  point  out  the  sig- 
nificant fact  that  the  work  of  the 
Peace  Conference  at  Paris  is  being  carried 
on  with  hundreds  of  millions  of  people  read- 
ing about  it  from  day  to  day,  and  with  public 
opinion  actively  exerting  itself  through  all 
sorts  of  agencies  to  help  shape  the  results. 
Nothing  of  this  kind  has  ever  happened  be- 
fore in  the  history  of  the  world.  For  ex- 
ample, great  meetings  have  been  held  all 
over  the  United  States  under  the  auspices  of 
the  League  to  Enforce  Peace  with  the  object 
of  crystallizing  American  opinion  and  bring- 
ing it  to  bear  upon  the  decisions  of  the 
Peace  Conference  on  the  subject  of  the 
League  of  Natiops.  In  the  Houses  at  Wash- 
ington, particularly  in  the  Senate,  there  have 
been  extensive  debates,  the  object  of  which 
has  been  to  influence  opinion  at  home  and 
also  to  affect  the  course  of  affairs  in  Europe. 
An  immense  volume  of  discussion,  from  the 
pens  of  the  largest  and  ablest  body  of  jour- 
nalists ever  before  assembled,  has  come  to 
America  by  ocean  cables  and  by  wireless  as 
well  as  by  the  slower  movement  of  the  mails. 

All   of   our   newspapers   of   any 
World-wide    character  and  standing  have  been 

Discu$8ion        ,    1,  ,      .  .  ^     J  r    1 

full  or  mterestmg  and  useiul 
dispatches  and  articles  about  the  various 
questions  following  the  Great  War.  These 
matters  in  like  manner  are  being  discussed 
by  the  important  newspapers  of  Great  Brit- 
ain and  of  every  European  country.  South 
America  is  following  the  course  of  affairs 
at  Paris  and  in  Europe  with  close  and  in- 
telligent attention.  This  is  obviously  true  of 
Canada  and  Australasia,  and  the  same  thing 
may  be  said  of  Japan,  India,  and  China. 
Questions  and  issues  which,  only  a  few  years 
ago,  were  not  interesting  to  more  than  one 
American  reader  in  a  thousand,  are  now 
given  sensational  importance  each  day  by 
great  headlines.  Millions  of  Americans  have 
gained  some  real  knowledge  of  geography  and 
international  matters,  and  of  course  the  same 
thing  may  be  said  of  masses  of  readers  in 
other  countries. 

^  .     .,        The  simple  fact  that  the  whole 

Educating  i  i    •  i    •  •         i 

a  Tiiouaand    world  IS  now  engaged  m  a  simul- 

Miiiion  Peopie    ^  ^      i         r   ^u  U1  ^t 

taneous  study  or  the  problems  or 
peace,  and  the  questions  that  affect  particu- 
lar nations,  may  be  very  plausibly  presented 
as  an  argument  justifying  prolongation  of 
the  work  of  the  Conference.  The  world  is 
thinking  and  studying  as  never  before,  and 


there  is  in  process  of  rapid  development  that 
great  fabric  of  international  public  opinion, 
which  more  than  anything  else  is  to  prevent 
future  wars  and  to  make  influential  and  use- 
ful the  proposed  cooperative  society  known 
as  the  League  of  Nations.  A  thousand 
million  people  may  be  said  to  have  entered 
this  great  school  of  world  study.  It  is  not 
merely  that  each  nation  which  has  claims — 
or  which  is  resisting  the  opposing  claims  of 
some  other  nation — brings  its  case  to  the  at- 
tention of  a  small  body  of  diplomats  and 
statesmen  assembled  at  Paris.  The  oppor- 
tunity is  much  more  important  than  that.  It 
is  the  opportunity  to  bring  an  issue  into  the 
limelight,  and  to  secure  for  it  the  attention 
of  the  press  and  the  thinking  public  of  the 
whole  world. 

Many  Appeal,  '^^.^^  the  Irish  question  is  in  a 
for  a  Strict  sense  the  business  of  the 
people  of  the  two  islands  that 
form  the  United  Kingdom.  Nevertheless, 
the  leaders  of  Irish  discontent  are  managing 
to  get  their  subject  aired  in  the  press  of  the 
world ;  and  this  may  help  to  bring  a  settle- 
ment. There  are  issues  pending  between 
Japan  and  China  in  like  manner,  which  are 
forced  upon  the  attention  of  the  world  forum. 
Some  of  the  statesmen  of  Colombia  are  pro- 
posing   to    bring    their    Panama    grievance 


(g)  George  Matthew  Adams 

GETTING    RID    OF    THE    FAMILY    SKELETONS 

[The  practice  of  open  discussion  is  already  bringing 
to  light  many  sources  of  contention,  and  publicity  is 
aiding   prompt    solutions.] 

From  the  Spokesman  Review  (Spokane,  Wash.) 


THE   PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


235 


against  the  United  States  be- 
fore the  Paris  tribunal,  not  so 
much  for  a  specific  settlement 
as  for  a  public  verdict  upon 
the  rights  and  wrongs  of  the 
controversy.  Many  of  the 
leaders  In  India  have  at- 
tempted to  use  the  Confer- 
ence to  help  secure  some  ad- 
vance towards  independence. 
Far  more  immediate,  of 
course,  are  the  questions  af- 
fecting the  boundaries  of  Eu- 
ropean countries.  Of  such 
questions  there  are  a  very 
large  number,  and  every  one 
of  them  is  exciting  the  inter- 
est of  bodies  of  people  re- 
mote from  the  scene,  who  are     ©  western  Newspaper  Union 

trying  to  influence  action  at    the  building  of  the  French  foreign  office  on  the  quai  D'orsay. 
Paris       Societies    have   been    PARIS.  IN  which  the  sessions  of  the  peace  conference  are  held 


||l|lli|i|^^^/                                   <  ''^'^^^'^''^l^ffK^^ 

KMW9MMWt~M~.                                                                                ^^1 

formed  in  the  United  States  to  support  every 
European  claim  imaginable.  This  is  not  a 
bad  thing,  but  on  the  contrary  an  exceed- 
ingly good  sign.  It  shows  that  powerful 
statesmen  and  diplomats  can  no  longer  get 
together  and  determine  (for  their  own  rea- 
sons of  policy)  the  futures  of  waiting  and 
helpless  nationalities.  Every  question  will 
have  to  be  exposed  to  view,  and  discussed 
upon  its  pure  merits  from  every  standpoint. 


while  conferring  constantly  with  their  states- 
men, has  popularized  the  business  of  the 
Peace  Conference  and  helped  to  make  it  the 
affair  of  democracies  rather  than  that  of 
Prime  Ministers  and  ruling  groups,  there 
can  be  no  doubt  whatsoever. 


Good- Will 

to  Be 
Maintained 


A    few    months    ago    there    was 
overwhelming  determination  that 
wars  must  end,  and  that  military 
autocracy  and  commercial  imperialism  must 
not  lift  their  menacing  heads  again.     There 
must  be  no  abandonment  now  of  the  high  re- 
solves of   last  summer.      Germany — perhaps 
alone  of  all  the  nations,  when  the  tide  began 
go,  as  It  Is  now  being  formed.   It  will  cer-      to  turn  at  Chateau  Thierry-;-was  still  pos- 


it IS  easy  to  see  how  important 

Hoiv  Wars  •  n      i-      j-  •  u 

i\/taube       a  bearing  all  this  discussion  has 
Prevented     ypQj^  future  wars.     However  far 
the  League  of  Nations  may  be  permitted  to 


tainly  go  far  enough  to  secure  a  period  of 
discussion  for  every  dangerous  dispute  be- 
fore there  can  be  an  appeal  to  arms.  It  may 
go  so  far  as  to  require,  besides  the  period  of 
discussion  and  the  opportunity  for  concilia- 
tors to  do  their  work,  the  voting  of  war 
declarations  by  legislative  bodies,  and  may 
demand  a  popular  referendum,  before  a  na- 
tion enters  the  arena  of  war. 

,,,.,  In  the  center  of  all  this  useful 

Wilson  as  a  ,  ,  . 

Promoter  of  discussion,  in  the  newspapers  or 
iscussioi^  the  world  and  from  thousands 
of  platforms  and  pulpits,  has  stood  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  Woodrow  Wil- 
son. Precisely  how  much  any  definite  for- 
mulation of  a  Peace  Treaty  or  the  project  for 
the  League  of  Nations  has  been  accomplished 
by  Wilson's  leadership,  we  do  not  know. 
But  that  his  going  to  Europe  and  appearing 
before  the  peoples  of  three  great  countries, 


sessed  of  the  devil  of  arrogance  and  Impelled 
by  tribal  conceit  and  ambition.  Seemingly, 
Germany  has  not  even  yet  been  sufficiently 
chastened  to  become  in  the  Immediate  future 
a  desirable  neighbor.  But  the  German  ob- 
ject lesson  will  not  be  lost  upon  other  na- 
tions. Peace  is  worth  a  great  price ;  and 
friendliness  and  generosity  are  pearls  beyond 
price,  between  nations  as  b^ween  Individuals. 
The  fine  impulses  that  the  Allied  nations 
have  shown  in  many  ways  during  the  period 
of  their  sacrifice  and  trial  are  to  be  cherished 
and  maintained.  It  must  be  tlie  privilege  of 
the  United  States  to  help  support  for  the 
future  the  unselfish  professions  of  the  recent 
past.  To  the  people  of  Europe  President 
Wilson  has  seemed  to  represent  this  high- 
mindedness  of  the  United  States.  What- 
ever influence  helps  to  make  this  kind  of  an 
atmosphere  for  the  peace  negotiations  is  con- 
tributing   greatly    toward    the    best    results. 


236 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


^International  l-"ilin  Service 

PREMIER   CLEMENCEAU,    SEVERELY    WOUNDED    BY    AN 
anarchist's   BULLET  ON   FEBRUARY    19 


It 


\ 


lid    be    rath( 


^.ff  a...    wouia    oe    rather    suspicious 

Differences  .         .^      ,         i-  i 

Not  to  Be  than  Otherwise  it  the  dispatches 
from  Paris  had  brought  nothing 
but  strains  of  brotherly  love  and  heavenh' 
harmony.  The  problems  to  be  adjusted  are 
of  such  a  r^atiire  tliat  it  would  be  quite  im- 
possible to  settle  them  without  many  dif- 
ferences of  opinion  in  the  course  of  the  pro- 
ceedings. It  is  ^icouraging  that  whenever 
any  differences  appear  they  are  megaphoned 
over  seas  and  across  continents.  Surely  no 
sensible  American  supposed  that  President 
Wilson  could  go  to  the  Peace  Conference 
and  dictate  to  it  on  the  one  hand,  or  soothe 
it  on  the  other  hand  into  such  eagerness  to 
make  everything  unanimous  that  real  dif- 
ferences could  have  no  airing.  Mr.  Wilson's 
presence  in  Europe  has  brought  out  demon- 
strations of  good  feeling  towards  America 
that  were  sincere.  His  utterances  in  turn 
have  helped  to  strengthen  the  European  be- 


lief in  America's  continued  reasonableness 
and  sanity.  There  has  been  commendable 
frankness,  and  remarkable  harmony  in  view 
of  all  the  facts.  Mr.  Simonds  shows  us  that 
the  Conference  has  hard  work  ahead ;  but 
differences  will  be  reconciled. 

_,    _       ,     Meanwhile,    it    is    a    mistake    to 

The  French         ,.     ,        ,  ',  , 

Point  of  think  that  the  settlement  of  one 
thing  has  waited  upon  another, 
or  that  Mr.  Wilson's  interest  in  the  League 
of  Nations  has  postponed  the  definitive 
Treaty  of  Peace.  A  hundred  questions  have 
been  under  consideration  at  Paris,  while  each 
of  them  has  been  growing  more  ripe  for  set- 
tlement as  affairs  have  taken  their  course  all 
the  way  from  Finland  to  Mesopotamia.  Re- 
actions in  France  could  not  have  been 
avoided.  The  appalling  realities  of  the  war 
are  better  understood  to-day  than  while  the 
conflict  was  in  progress.  France  is  to  have 
much  sympathy  and  some  assistance ;  but  the 
roseate  future  that  it  is  easy  for  thoughtless 
strangers  to  predict  must  be  attained  through 
painful  effort.  It  is  not  surprising  that  the 
French  press  should  give  emphasis  to  con- 
crete facts.  The  French  are  interested  in 
obtaining  reparation  for  present  losses,  and 
in  having  guaranties  against  another  war. 
They  dread  the  recovery  by  Germany  of  her 
economic  power.  They  are  entitled  to  the 
kind  of  a  peace  treaty  that  will  protect  them 
from  another  German  attack. 

Revenge  ^^^  United  States  and  Canada 
Must  Be  are  good  neighbors  and  will  re- 
oroo  en      j^^j^j  gQ^  ]^^^  along  our  Mexican 

border  we  are  maintaining  a  very  costly  mili- 
tary patrol,  and  there  is  utter  lack  of  neigh- 
borliness  between  Mexico  and  our  country. 
Statesmanship  must  find  a  way  to  allay  Mex- 
ican prejudice  and  to  create  friendship.  In 
like  manner  the  peace  of  Europe  can  only  be 
kept  in  the  long  run  by  getting  rid  of  differ- 
ences, by  accepting  facts,  and  by  exchanging 
enmities  for  relationships  of  mutual  esteem. 
If  Germany  thinks  ''revenge"  in  her  heart, 
there  is  no  prospect  of  lasting  peace.  It  is 
not  likely  that  a  final  treaty  can  be  made  with 
Germany  before  May,  and  it  ma^  be  later. 
Armistice  renew^als  may  require  further  oc- 
cupation of  German  territory.  It  will  be 
fortunate  for  Germany  if  she  can  accept  her 
defeat  in  good  faith.  If  she  is  to  be  kept 
from  building  up  armaments  in  future  to 
menace  her  neighbors,  she  must,  of  course, 
have  reasonable  assurance  that  she  will  be 
protected   in   turn   from   assaults  by   Russia, 


THE   PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


237 


Poland,  or  other  neighbors.  It  would  seem 
that  the  only  way  to  give  such  assurance  is 
to  create  the  League  of  Nations,  and  in  due 
time  to  admit  her  along  with  her  neighbors 
as  members  of  such  an  association.  She  must, 
of  coiarse,  convince  the  world  of  her  good 
faith,  and  pay  her  bills  without  flinching. 

_   .,  Sensible    people    in    the    Allied 

The  New  .       f  •  i      i 

German  countries  have  not  wished  to  see 
Government  Germany  torn  to  pieces  by  the 
criminal  conduct  of  anarchists,  and  the 
fanaticism  of  Bolshevist  groups.  The  order- 
liness of  the  assemblage  at  Weimar  made  a 
good  impression.  The  delegates  had  been 
chosen  seemingly  in  honest  elections,  and  by  a 
broad  franchise.  It  was  an  unexpected  mark 
of  coherence  that  the  constitution  as  pre- 
viously drafted  by  the  temporary  government 
of  Herr  Ebert  should  have  been  unanimously 
adopted  by  a  convention  composed  of  so  many 
different  parties  and  elements.  This  instru- 
ment, adopted  on  February  10,  is  called  a 
"provisional"  constitution.  Herr  Frederich 
Ebert  was  elected  President  of  Germany,  re- 
ceiving a  total  of  277  votes  out  of  379.  It 
was  announced  that  the  new  ministry  would 
have  fourteen  members  and  that  Philipp 
Scheidemann  had  been  named  as  Chancellor. 
In  this  new  cabinet  the  Socialists  have  seven 
seats,  the  Democrats  three,  and  the  Centrists 
have  two  besides  their  leader,  Erzberger. 
Count  von  Brockdorff-Rentzau  continues  to 
be  Foreign  Minister. 


Some    reports    rrom    Germany, 
Germanu'8    credited  to  American  and  British 

Condition  „  .      ,.  i  i 

officers,  mdicate  a  general  paraly- 
sis of  business  activity  and  serious  lack  of 
food.  The  French  military  leaders  have  de- 
clared that  Germany  could  put  three  million 
men  in  the  field  within  a  few  weeks,  and  use 
such  warnings  as  a  basis  for  their  demand 
that  large  Allied  armies  remain  permanently 
in  France.  A  British  authority,  in  reply,  de- 
clares that  Germany  could  not  possibly  feed 
a  large  army  for  more  than  a  week  or  two; 
that  means  of  transport  are  now  totally  lack- 
ing in  Germany;  and  that  military  material 
has  been  so  largdy  surrendered  that  Ger- 
many could  not,  for  a  long  time  to  come,  con- 
tend with  nations  having  ready  at  hand  their 
supplies  of  artillery,  aircraft,  and  the  like. 
Evidently,  however,  the  Germans  have  not 
looked  the  situation  frankly  in  the  face.  Ebert 
and  other  leaders  have  been  making  unwar- 
ranted criticisms,  in  threatening  tones.  They 
cannot  be  permitted  to  evade  the  Armistice 


terms.  There  are  said  to  be  800,000  German 
prisoners  still  in  France.  No  day  should  be 
allowed  to  pass  without  witnessing  the  work 
of  restoration  in  Northern  France  and  Bel- 
gium advancing  at  the  rate  of  one  good  day's 
work  for  each  of  800,000  men. 


The  King      '^^^     "^^     British     Parliament 
and  the  New    elected    in    December   began   its 

Parliament  •  •  t->   i  i  i 

openmg  session  on  rebruary  11. 
King  George  made  an  address  summarizing 
general  conditions.  He  declared  that  the  dis- 
cussions at  the  Peace  Conference  had  been 
''marked  by  the  utmost  cordiality  and  by  no 
disagreement."  He  praised  the  agreement  at 
Paris  ''to  accept  the  principle  of  the  League 
of  Nations,  for  it  is  by  progress  along  that 
road  that  I  see  the  only  hope  of  saving  man- 
kind from  a  recurrence  of  the  scourge  of 
war."  He  referred  to  the  enthusiastic  wel- 
come accorded  to  the  President  of  the  United 
States  by  all  sections  of  the  British  people. 
He  expressed  his  especial  satisfaction  that 
the  self-governing  Dominions,  and  India, 
were  directly  represented  in  the  Paris  Con- 
ference. He  spoke  for  the  program  of  social 
reform  in  England,  saying  among  other 
things:  "We  must  stop  at  no  sacrifice  of  in- 
terest or  prejudice  to  stamp  out  unmerited 
poverty,  to  diminish  unemployment  and  miti- 


H^^^^^^^^hm^^^^^^Ikv  ^^^^^^^^^^^h 

Vii--  ■                      g| 

W^^K^m  -               '^V^^^^^l 

^^ 

^^^^^I^^^B^^^^^^H 

mL 

Ik^K^  '^^^2 

IlKKK    PHILIP    SCHEIDEMANN 
(The  new  Chancellor  of  ("icniiaiiy  in  tho  Rovernment  pro- 
vidcd  at  Weimar  last  mouth  by  the  constituent  assembly) 


238 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


(^  :  1  &  Unfierwocd,  New  V<  iK 

PREMIER    LLOYD    GEORGE,    WHO    ADDRESSED    LAST 
MONTH    THE   NEW   BRITISH    PARLIAMENT 

gate  its  sufferings,  to  provide  decent  homes, 
to  improve  the  Nation's  health,  and  to  raise 
the  standard  of  well-being  throughout  the 
community."  He  referred  to  the  decision  to 
create  a  new  ministry  of  Public  Health  and 
also  a  Ministry  of  Ways  and  Communica- 
tions, and  to  various  other  measures  such  as 
the  housing  problem,  agricultural  improve- 
ment, and  land  settlement.  Never  has  a  king 
made  a  broader  or  a  more  democratic  appeal. 


The  Premier    ^^-     ^loyd     Gcorgc's    Opening 
Expounds     speech  to  the  new  Parliament  ex- 

to  the  House  j  ^.^11  e 

pressed  regret  at  the  absence  or 
Mr.  Asquith,  who  had  lost  his  seat  after 
thirty  years  of  continuous  service  in  the 
House  of  Commons.  He  did  not  think  it 
the  right  moment  to  discuss  the  work  of  the 
Peace  Conference,  but  assured  Parliament 
that  everything  would  be  laid  before  it  in  due 
time.  He  referred  to  the  vast  range  of  the 
problems  which  this  Conference  had  to  settle. 
He  said  that  an  able  commission  representing 
all  the  great  powers  was  considering  the  re- 
sponsibility of  individuals  for  starting  the 
war;  and  also  that  "a  singularly  able  Com- 
mission" was  dealing  with  the  question  of  the 
indemnity  to  be  exacted  from  enemy  coun- 
tries. He  said  that  the  League  of  Nations 
was  an  experiment  ^*full  of  hope  for  the 
future  and  it  will  be  tried  with  the  full  assent 
of  the  nations,  great  and  small."  The  most 
important  part  of  Lloyd  George's  speech  had 
to  do  with  labor  unrest  in  Great  Britain.  He 
regarded  the  intense  strain  of  four  and  a  half 
years  as  sufficient  to  produce  an  unsual  frame 
of  mind.  He  pointed  out  various  legitimate 
causes  of  social  unrest.  He  proceeded  with  an 
elaborate  discussion  of  the  labor  situation^ 
advocating  public  improvements  to  give  em- 
ployment. On  the  other  hand,  he  denounced 
the  strike  tendencies,  and  declared  that  Eng- 
land would  not  submit  to  mob-rule  by  strik- 
ing bodies  making  unreasonable  demands  and 
claims. 

^    In  England  more  than  in  Amer- 

Labour  and      ....  ,,  , 

Reform  ica  it  IS  the  generally  accepted 
in  England  ^jo^trine  that  social  reforms  fol- 
lowing the  war  are  to  be  so  sweeping  as  to 
constitute  something  like  a  revolution ;  but 
political  and  industrial  leaders  are  determined 
to  accomplish  the  transformation  by  lawful 
and  peaceful  methods  and  not  by  storm  and 
strife.  Most  of  the  labor  claims  as  set  forth 
in  the  recent  platform  of  the  British  Labor 
movement  have  to  do  with  broad  national 
policies.  Military  conscription  is  opposed ;  a 
League  of  Nations  is  favored ;  Home  Rule 
for  Ireland  and  for  other  parts  of  the  King- 
dom and  the  Empire  is  advocated ;  and  there 
is  a  large  program  covering  such  subjects  as 
tax  reform,  land  nationalization,  public  own- 
ership of  mines  and  the  means  of  transporta- 
tion, the  rehousing  of  the  people,  improved 
education,  equal  opportunity  for  women,  and 
popular  control  of  the  liquor  traffic.  These 
are  the  outstanding  demands.  Much  more 
immediate,  however,  are  the  claims  for  short 


THE    PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


239 


hours,  high  wages,  and  the  practical  control 
of  industry  by  the  trades  unions.  First  in  im- 
portance last  month  was  the  demand  of  the 
Miners'  Federation,  which  has  800,000  mem- 
bers, for  shorter  hours  and  larger  pay.  A 
six-hour  day  and  a  30  per  cent,  increase  over 
war  wages  constitute  the  claim  of  the  coal 
miners.  It  is  held,  on  the  other  hand,  that 
cheap  coal  is  so  necessary  to  other  industries 
that  the  full  claim  of  the  miners  cannot  be 
granted. 

striffes  Historically,  the  miners  have  had 
and  Radioed  a  hard  struggle  for  decent  con- 
ditions.  I  hey  are  probably  ask- 
ing more  just  now  than  can  be  granted,  but 
they  are  sure  to  make  gains.  The  National 
Union  of  Railwaymen  (400,000  members) 
ask  a  forty-eight  hour  week  and  a  voice  in  the 
control  of  the  railways;  while  the  transport 
workers  (250,000  men)  ask  a  forty-four- 
hour  week  and  a  20  per  cent,  wage  advance. 
These  claims  are  typical  of  the  existing  labor 
situation  in  England.  Many  unions  are  de- 
manding a  seven-hour  day,  with  favorable 
conditions  of  various  kinds.  Such  trades  as 
those  of  shipbuilders  and  carpenters  are  in- 
volved, and  even  Government  employes,  like 
the  postal  workers.  All  over  the  United 
Kingdom  in  January  and  February  there 
were  labor  disturbances  indicative  of  the  re- 
action that  was  to  have  been  expected  with 
the  ending  of  the  war,  while  also  showing 
the  clear  determination  of  labor  to  establish 
something  like  a  universal  eight-hour  day, 
and  to  make  all  the  conditions  of  industrial 
life  more  favorable  for  the  social  advance- 
ment of  the  people  as  a  whole.  Some  of  the 
largest  strikes  were  in  face  of  agreements,  and 
were  opposed  by  labor  leaders ;  but  the  move- 
ments were  spontaneous  and  hard  to  restrain. 
The  great  shipbuilding  towns  of  Belfast  and 
Glasgow  have  been  through  experiences  that 
were  serious  enough  to  divert  the  attention 
of  the  British  Government  for  a  time  from 
Paris  war  adjustments  to  domestic  turmoil. 

Shorter  Hours    I"  .^hc  United  States,  from  the 
for  Textile     social   Standpoint,    the   most   sig- 

Workers  -r  mi  i  i 

nihcant  strikes  have  been  those 
among  the  New  York  garment  workers  and 
in  the  Eastern  textile  mills.  Scores  of  thou- 
sands of  people  who  make  the  clothes  for 
American  men,  women,  and  children  have 
gone  back  to  work  after  winning  their  de- 
mand for  a  forty-four-hour  week.  This 
means  eight  hours  for  five  days  and  four 
hours  for  Saturday.     Only  a  few  years  ago 


HON.    OLE    HANSON,    MAYOR    OF    SEATTLE 

(Who  does  not  permit  constituted  authority  to  be  usurped 
by  law-breakers) 


the  majority  of  these  garment  workers  were 
taking  their  bundles  from  the  manufacturers 
to  the  sweat-shops,  and  working  sometimes 
sixteen  hours  a  day.  They  now  work  with 
good  light  and  ventilation,  in  fireproof  build- 
ings, and  their  gain  of  the  forty-four-hour 
week  is  to  be  deemed  a  triumph  for  Ameri- 
can civilization.  It  follows,  however,  that 
with  more  leisure  these  clothing  workers 
throughout  the  country  must  be  held  to 
higher  standards  of  citizenship.  Most  of 
them  are  recent  comers  to  America,  and 
those  who  are  not  already  naturalized  should 
be  made  to  meet  real  tests  as  to  their  ability 
to  speak,  read,  and  write  the  English  lan- 
guage, their  knowledge  of  our  institutions, 
and  their  personal  fitness  for  citizenship.  In 
the  textile  industries  the  demand  in  general 
has  been  for  a  forty-eight-hour  week,  with 
ar  obvious  tendency  to  acceptance  of  this 
basic  principle  all  along  the  line. 

^.     ^  ,.       The  great  strike  of  some  25.000 

Firm  Action  ,  •         %         i  •  i  i^ 

in  the         workcis  Ml  the  shipyards  at  ^eat- 

Northwest        ^i  r    ii  i    i        „    1  .^„I    ,,..», 

tie  was  tollowed  by  a  local  s\m- 
pathetic  strike  on  February  6  which  for  a 
brief  period  paralyzed  the  activities  of  the 
city.  Ma>or  HaFison  arose  to  the  emergency 
and,  with  an  enlarged  police  force  aided  by 


240 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEM^    OF   REVIEWS 


©  Harris  &  Ewing,  Washington 

THE  COUNCIL  OF  NATIONAL  DEFENSE  AT  y^ASHINGTON.  ENGAGED  WITH  THE  PROBLEMS  OF  RECONSTRUCTION 

(From  left  to  right,  are:  Grosvenor  Clarkson,  Director  of  the  Council;  David  F.  Houston,  Secretary  of  Agricul- 
ture; Josephus  Daniels,  Secretary  of  the  Navy;  Newton  D.  Baker,  Secretary  of  War;  Franklin  K.  Lane,  Secretary 
of  the  Interior;  William  C.  Redfield,  Secretary  of  Commerce;  and  William  B.  Wilson,  Secretary  of  Labor) 


soldiers  from  Camp  Lewis,  he  quickly  demon- 
strated his  ability  to  vindicate  public  au- 
thority. He  announced  his  determination  to 
maintain  such  public  services  as  light  and 
transit;  and  the  sympathetic  strike  came  to 
an  end  in  a  vtry  short  time.  The  I.  W.  W. 
element  had  become  assertive,  many  of  its 
members  in  Seattle  being  foreigners.  ^  Their 
attitude  was  that  of  lawless  revolutionaries; 
but  Mayor  Ole  Hanson  armed  his  thousand 
extra  policemen  and  defied  the  anarchists. 
He  made  a  statement  on  February  8  from 
which  we  quote  the  following  sentences: 

The  labor  unions  must  now  cleanse  themselves 
of  their  anarchistic  element  or  the  labor  unions 
must  fall.  They  are  on  trial  before  the  people 
of  this  country.  I  take  the  position  that  our  duty 
as  citizens  stands  ahead  of  the  demand  of  any 
organization  on  the  face  of  the  earth.  The  union 
men,  the  business  men,  the  churchmen,  must  first 
of  all  be  citizens.  Any  man  who  owes  a  higher 
allegiance  to  any  organization  than  he  does  to 
the  Government  should  be  sent  to  a  Federal 
prison  or  deported. 

The  labor  movement  when  properly  con- 
ducted is  entitled  to  due  consideration.  Every 
thoughtful  citizen  desires  to  see  the  economic 
and  social  condition  of  workers  improved  as 
rapidly  as  possible;  but  the  people  of  the 
United  States  will  not  tolerate  Bolshevist 
methods,  and  there  is  universal  applause  for 
the  firmness  and  vigor  of  the  mayor  of  Seat- 
tle. Resolute  action  in  Seattle  was  followed 
by  the  collapse  of  a  general  strike  that  had 
also  been  called  io  the  neighboring  city  of 
Tacoma.  At  the  great  mining  center  of 
Butte,  Montana,  the  I.  W.  W.  are  a  power- 


ful influence,  and  they  encouraged  a  strike 
which  became  extensive  last  month  and  which 
led  to  the  employment  of  soldiers  for  the 
protection  of  the  mines. 


Unemployment,  ^t  the  beginning  of  February  the 
and  Secretary  of  Labor,  Mr.  Wilson, 
reported  262,000  unemployed 
men  in  123  industrial  centers  as  compared 
with  235,000  the  previous  week.  He  urged 
before  Congress  committees  the  passage  of 
legislation  to  furnish  immediate  employment 
as  a  "buffer'*  measure,  and  as  a  protection 
against  the  spread  of  what  he  called  ''the 
philosophy  of  force"  in  the  United  States.  It 
is  the  general  opinion  of  experienced  men  that 
useful  public  works  ought  to  be  entered  upon 
promptly  throughout  the  country.  The 
Council  of  National  Defense,  which  includes 
six  members  of  the  Cabinet  with  Secretary 
Baker  as  chairman,  has  taken  on  fresh  vigor 
and  is  directing  its  energies  towards  the  prob- 
lems of  reconstruction  under  the  leadership 
of  Mr.  Grosvenor  B.  Clarkson,  who  was  for- 
merly its  secretary,  and  now  holds  the  posi- 
tion of  director.  It  has  been  studying  de- 
mobilization and  unemployment. 


Work 


The  Council  serves  as  a  focus  or 
of  the  Defence  a  clearing  house  for  many  Gov- 
Councii  ernment  departments  and  agen- 
cies in  their  relation  to  such  subjects.  It  is 
revivifying,  for  the  new  period,  the  local 
Councils  of  Defense  which  were  organized 
for  war  work  in  States,  counties,  and  towns, 
and  which  now  comprise  184,000  units.  Its 
methods  include  appeals  to  public  opinion,  as 


THE   PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


241 


well  as  endeavors  to  secure  timely  legislation. 
Thus  on  February  14  Mr.  Clarkson  issued 
a  statement  on  behalf  of  the  Council  advising 
the  country,  for  several  good  reasons,  to  buy 
commodities  at  once  that  are  to  be  needed 
in  the  near  future.  Across  the  country  the 
Council  has  spread  the  injunction,  "Buy  only 
what  you  need,  but  buy  it  now  I"  The  buying 
power  of  consumers  is  ample,  and  the  general 
resumption  of  purchasing  activity  would  put 
quick  life  into  many  industries  and  help  to 
tide  over  a  period  of  restlessness  and  unem- 
ployment. The  Council  of  National  Defense 
has  transmitted  to  the  local  councils  a  series 
of  very  valuable  suggestions  regarding  the 
duty  of  every  community  towards  returning 
soldiers.  There  has  also  been  sent  out  what 
is  called  the  ** Program  for  an  Organized 
Community" — a  comprehensive  scheme  that 
is  very  stimulating  iij  its  proposals. 

T,    ,  In  terse  and  characteristic  fash- 

The  Lane  •  n  t  c 

Policies  in      ion,    Secretary    Lane    states    for 

Congress  i  •       ^u  •  u  t.  • 

our  readers,  m  this  number,  his 
policies  of  land  improvement  and  public  work 
for  home-coming  soldiers.  So  well  consid- 
ered a  program  as  that  which  is  set  forth  in 
his  statement  and  in  the  more  extended  article 
which  follows  by  Dr.  Elwood  Mead,  has  sel- 
dom been  brought  forward  in  a  moment  of 
opportunity  and  need.  It  has  been  difficult 
to  teach  the  country  to  understand  the  waste 
and  loss  due  to  lack  of  a  sound  system  of 
rural  economy.  Congress  has  become  awake 
ito  the  need  of  encouraging  the  building  of 
good  roads ;  but  land  improvement  is  an  even 
more  fundamental  thing,  and  the  greater 
project  would  naturally  involve  the  lesser. 
Congress  seems  practically  to  have  decided 
upon  a  compromise  measure  in  the  matter  of 
the  leasing  of  public  lands  containing  petro- 
leum, coal,  and  phosphate,  and  as  respects  the 
development  of  hydro-electric  power  on  the 
public  domain  and  the  navigabfe  rivers  under 
Federal  control.  For  five  or  six  years  Sec- 
retary Lane  has  tried  to  get  such  bills  passed ; 
and  the  compromise  measures  are  not  precise- 
ly what  he  would  have  preferred.  Yet  they 
■are  perhaps  better  than  nothing,  although 
Mr.  Pinchot  and  other  conservationist  lead- 
ers are  disturbed  by  some  of  the  clauses  in- 
sisted upon  by  the  Senate. 


A  d justing 

the 
Soldiers 


As    the    soldiers    return    in    in- 
creasing  numbers   from    France, 
and  as  the  great  camps  at  home 
have  been  rapidly  discharging  their  men,  tlie 
practical  business  of   fitting   them   to  places 
Mar.— 2 


Harris  &  Evving,  Washington,  D.   C 


COL.     HENRY    D.    LINDSLEY,    DIRECTOR    OF    THE    WAR 

RISK    INSURANCE    BUREAU 

(Colonel  Lindsley,  before  entering  the  army,  was  Mayor 
of  Dallas,  Texas,  and  a  very  successful  man  of  affairs, 
who  had  also  been  head  of  an  insurance  company.  He 
took  the  Plattsburg  training  at  forty-six,  was  commis- 
sioned a  Major,  and  was  ordered  abroad,  where  he  be- 
came head  of  the  war  insurance  work.  He  has  recently 
returned  from  France  to  take  charge  of  the  immense 
war  insurance  office  at  Washington) 

in  civil  life  becomes  more  urgent  each  week. 
Experience  now  shows  that  the  dismissal  of 
the  men  in  the  Atlantic  ports  rather  than  in 
their  home  neighborhoods  has  many  draw- 
backs. The  plan  of  having  men  discharged 
in  custody  of  the  draft  boards  which  enrolled 
them  and  selected  them,  is  growing  in  favor. 
The  best  place  to  send  returning  soldiers  who 
were  enlisted  or  drafted  from  a  given  county 
in  Maine  or  Ohio  or  Texas  is  to  the  very 
county  from  which  they  entered  the  Army. 
The  problem  of  readjusting  the  great  sys- 
tem of  soldiers'  insurance  and  allotments  is 
a  difficult  one,  and  Col.  Henry  D.  Lindsley, 
now  at  the  head  of  that  Bureau  in  Washing- 
ton has  no  light  task  before  liim. 

Our     task     of     caring     for     the 

Welcome  ,  ,      ,        .  , .  ,         ... 

Visitors  from  maimed  and  the  mvalid  soldiers 
England  j^  ^^^  cxtcnsive  wheii  compared 
with  that  of  England  or  France  because  of 
their  longer  period  of  fighting.  Hut  it  is  to 
be  feared  that  we  are  not  as  yet  doing  as  much 
for  the  invalided  solch'ers  as  shoiiKl  be  done. 
AVe  have  much  to  k'arn  from  the  European 
experiences,  particularly   from   the  successful 


242 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


MR.    JOHN    GALSWORTHY,   BRITISH    MAN   OF  LETTERS 
AND   WORKER   FOR   INVALID    SOLDIERS 

methods  employed  in  England.  Mr.  John 
Galsworthy,  who  arrived  in  the  United 
States  last  month  as  a  literary  celebrity,  has 
been  so  absorbed  at  home  in  efforts  to  pro- 
mote what  is  called  the  ''re-education"  of 
maimed  soldiers,  to  fit  them  for  new  careers, 
that  he  has  gained  for  himself  a  second  place 
of  honor  and  esteem  almost  equal  to  that 
which  he  had  so  worthily  won  as  a  man  of 
letters.  Such  visitors  as  Mr.  Galsworthy  and 
Sir  Arthur  Pearson  can  do  more  than  the 
statesmen  to  touch  chords  of  sympathy  be- 
tween the  two  great  peoples.  The  arrival  of 
Mr.  Philip  Gibbs  at  the  same  time  with  Mr. 
Galsworthy  brings  to  our  side  of  the  At- 
lantic a  war  correspondent  whose  descriptions 
of  British  fighting  gave  readers  in  America  as 
well  as  in  England  a  daily  thrill  of  pleasure 
and  surprise,  in  their  mastery  of  an  epic  style 
that  lifted  cable  letters  above  the  ephemeral 
into  a  place  as  permanent  literature. 

SM^sand  Shipping  and  foreign  trade  are 
Reuivino  topics  that  are  demandmg  the 
^'''^'^*  keenest  attention  in  British  and 
American  business  circles.  Mr.  Hurley,  head 
of  our  Shipping  Board,  has  returned  from 
Europe,  where  he  was  occupied  with  several 
questions.  First,  he  was  arranging  to  secure 
a  large  amount  of  German  tonnage  to  help 


bring  home  American  soldiers ;  second,  he 
was  gaining  information  to  aid  in  dealing 
with  the  subject  of  the  operation  of  our  new 
merchant  marine.  He  is  asking  Chambers 
of  Commerce  and  business  bodies  to  help  find 
answers  to  several  of  the  questions  that  arise 
relating  to  ships  and  foreign  trade.  The 
British  people  are  far  more  dependent  than 
we  in  America  upon  exports  and  imports,  and 
it  is  vital  to  British  prosperity  that  a  large 
volume  of  peacetime  commerce  should  suc- 
ceed the  war  business  that  monopolized  ship- 


MR.    PHILIP   GIBBS,    LONDON    NEWSPAPER    MAN    AND 
FAMOUS    WAR    CORRESPONDENT 

ping.  Some  temporary  British  policies 
adopted  in  the  re-establishment  of  foreign 
trade  have  been  strongly  criticized  in  our 
Congress  at  Washington;  but  the  embargoes 
are  to  be  considered  as  merely  transitional, 
following  the  restrictions  of  war. 


Free  Tradert 
to  the 
Front 


Meanwhile  those  Americans  who 
have  long  advocated  the  merits 
of  free  trade  are  now  presenting 
their  formulated  views  to  the  statesmen  at 
Paris.  They  believe  that  there  must  be  great 
mitigation  of  economic  rivalry,  if  the  League 
of  Nations  is  to  attain  full  success.  There 
is  much  to  be  said  in  support  of  the  view  that 
protectionist  policies  have  now  been  largely 
outgrown,    and   that   the   movement   toward 


THE    PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


243 


^  Harris  &  Ewing,  Washington,  D.   C. 

SIMEON  D.   FESS  NICHOLAS   LONGWORTH  JAMES    R.    MANN  FREDERICK   H.  GILLETT 

FOUR  REPUBLICAN  LEADERS  WHO  WILL  BE  PROMINENT   IN  THE  NEW  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES 


greater  freedom  of  business  intercourse  among 
nations  ought  henceforth  to  advance  rapidly. 
Some  of  the  chief  arguments  for  protection- 
ist policies  belonged  to  times  and  conditions 
that  lie  in  the  past.  It  does  not  follow  that 
there  should  be  an  unduly  rapid  or  radical 
abandonment  of  existing  tariff  schedules. 
But  surely  the  League  of  Nations,  and  the 
economic  situation  following  the  Great  War, 
must  call  for  free-trade  or  low  tariffs,  rather 
than  for  prohibitive  customs  rates. 

.  During   the   half   of   his   second 

Republican     term  that  remains   (dating  from 

Congress      ^^^^^    4^^     President    Wilson 

will  have  to  deal  with  a  Congress  that  is  Re- 
publican in  both  houses,  although  the  ma- 
jority in  the  Senate  will  be  very  slight.  He 
has  had  the  advantage  of  being  supported 
hitherto  by  party  majorities  in  three  succes- 
sive Congresses.  While  certain  members  of 
the  minority  have  been  active  in  legislative 
work,  the  chairmanships  of  committees  have, 
of  course,  all  been  held  by  Democrats,  whose 
names  have  been  kept  prominent.  The  life 
of  the  expiring  Congress  has  coincided  with 
the  war  period.  Most  of  the  great  war 
measures  have  been  supported  by  the  Repub- 
lican minority  on  patriotic  grounds.  The 
ending  of  the  war  restores  the  freedom  of 
discussion  that  had  been  temporarily  checked. 
It  is  now  to  be  seen  to  what  extent  President 
Wilson  and  the  members  of  his  administra- 
tion can  obtain  Congressional  support  for 
their  measures  in  the  reconstruction  period, 
witli  Republicans  in  control  of  both  branches. 


c   ..      .      As  these  comments  were  made,  it 

Ending  of  .  j-  1         1 

Present  was  impossible  to  predict  the  date 
of  the  calling  of  the  new  Con- 
gress in  special  session.  Under  ordinary  con- 
ditions, it  would  meet  on  the  first  Monday 
of  next  December,  but  in  these  times  it  will 
not  be  possible  to  carry  on  the  Government 
without  the  aid  of  the  legislative  branch. 
There  have  been  pending,  in  the  appropria- 
tion bills,  matters  of  the  most  extraordinary 
importance ;  and,  as  these  words  were  writ- 
ten, there  remained  a  little  more  than  two 
legislative  weeks.  The  House  of  Represen- 
tatives will  have  sent  to  the  Senate  a  com- 
pleted program.  The  great  tax  bill,  which 
we  explain  at  length  in  subsequent  pages, 
will  have  become  a  law.  The  Naval  bill, 
however,  carries  a  large  program  of  new  con- 
struction specially  urged  by  President  Wil- 
son. It  passed  the  House  by  an  overwhelm- 
ing majority,  but  the  Senate  may  not  be 
ready  for  a  final  vote  before  the  fourth  of 
March.  It  is  probable  that  the  legislation 
providing  for  sustaining  the  guaranteed  price 
of  wheat  may  be  completed,  and  this  carries 
an  appropriation  of  a  round  billion  dollars. 
But  there  are  other  measures  of  importance 
that  the  Senate  may  not  be  able  to  complete. 
In  that  case,  it  would  seem  necessary  to  call 
the  new  Congress  in  the  near  future.  The 
President  will,  doubtless,  have  given  to  the 
present  Congress  an  account  of  the  progress 
made  at  Paris.  But  later  in  the  season  it  will 
be  necessary  to  lay  before  the  Senate  tin* 
completed  agreement  fornr'ng  the  League  of 
Nations,  and  also  the  Treaty  of  Peace,  which 


244 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


must  be  ratified  before  the  war  can  be  con- 
sidered as  ended  in  a  legal  sense. 

,i/  ,1*^  The  Republicans,  under  the  har- 
Republicans  monizuig  intiuence  or  Chairman 
armonize.  j|^yg  qj.  ^\^q  National  Commit- 
tee, are  endeavoring  to  forget  past  antag- 
onisms and  act  as  a  unified  party.  It  re- 
mains to  be  seen  whether  this  can  be  done. 
Behind  the  scenes,  even  more  than  in  the 
open,  there  remain  differences  of  principle 
and  conviction,  as  well  as  unhealed  personal 
feuds.  The  Progressive  elements  demand  the 
disregard  of  seniority  traditions  in  the  selec- 
tion of  chairmen  for  important  committees. 
It  is  not  yet  determined  who  will  be  Speaker 
of  the  House.  Mr.  Mann  of  Illinois,  Mr. 
Gillett  of  Massachusetts,  and  Messrs.  Fess 
and  Long^vorth  of  Ohio  are  the  names  most 
commonly  mentioned.  In  the  Senate,  Mr. 
Lodge  will  by  full  party  consent  be  chairman 
of  the  Foreign  Relations  Committee;  but 
some  of  the  Republicans  who  have  more  lib- 
eral tariff  views  are  not  willing  to  support 
Mr.  Penrose  as  chairman  of  the  Finance 
Committee.  Senator  Cummins  will  lead  in 
dealing  with  the  critical  railroad  question  as 
chairman  of  the  Commerce  Committee. 


The  tendency  to  rally  about  the 
cwSSSf    late  Colonel  Roosevelt  as  leader 

of  the  reunited  Republican  forces 
had  been  strong,  and  it  had  been  generally 
conceded  in  political  circles  that  he  would  be 
nominated  for  the  Presidency  in  the  conven- 
tion that  will  be  held  in  June  of  next  year. 
His  death  has  left  the  party  with  a  sense  of 
great  loss  and  in  a  mood  of  doubt  and  un- 
certainty. It  is  possible  that  the  Republican 
primaries  may  not  be  very  influential  in  the 
finding  of  a  candidate  next  year,  and  that  the 
convention  itself  will  select  the  ticket  from 
a  number  of  names  to  be  presented  as  "fav- 
orite sons."  Thus  Ohio  will  probably  name 
Senator  Harding;  Illinois  is  likely  to  rally 
around  Governor  Lowden ;  Pennsylvania 
may  send  a  delegation  for  Senator  Knox ; 
New  York  may  again  favor  Judge  Hughes; 
there  may  be  a  large  call  for  ex-President 
Taft  on  the  part  of  his  hosts  of  admiring 
friends;  California  may  bring  forward  the 
name  of  Senator  Hiram  Johnson;  Washing- 
ton may  wish  to  present  Senator  Poindexter; 
strength  from  other  parts  of  the  country  be- 
sides his  own  mountain  State  may  manifest 
itself  for  Senator  Borah ;  the  American  pas- 
sion for  military  heroes  may  bring  General 
Pershing  or  General  Leonard  Wood  into  the 


foreground  as  candidates;  and  so  the  list 
might  be  considerably  extended,  for  there  are 
other  men,  such  as  ex-Governor  Whitman, 
and  Senator  Weeks  of  Massachusetts,  whose 
friends  still  have  them  in  mind.  Issues  be- 
tween the  two  parties  are  not  as  yet  very 
clearly  defined.  Business  and  labor  questions 
are  likely  to  be  foremost.  Railroads,  shipping, 
control  of  the  wire  services — these  words 
suggest  some  of  the  great  topics  that  will  fig- 
ure in  the  next  campaign.  The  transition 
from   war  to  peace   brings   many   problems. 

Congress      ^"  February  13  the  new  revenue 
Passes  the     bill,  as  amended  first  by  the  Sen- 

Rtvenue  Bill  j     ^u  \^       ^i^  l 

ate  and  then  by  the  conferees, 
passed  the  Congress  by  an  almost  unanimous 
vote.  The  measure  is  designed  to  raise 
through  taxation  a  greater  sum  of  money 
than  has  ever  been  demanded  before  in  any 
country.  The  exact  estimate  is  $6,070,000,- 
000  for  1918  and  $4,000,000,000  for  1919. 
The  long  consideration  of  the  bill  by  the 
Senate  Finance  Committee  led  to  its  im- 
provement in  many  respects  in  the  direction 
of  clarity  and  equity.  Most  of  these  im- 
provements were  retained  in  the  final  bill  as 
reported  by  the  conference  of  Senate  and 
House.  The  conferees  from  the  Senate  gave 
way  to  Mr.  Kitchin  and  his  associates  in  the 
matter  of  higher  rates  on  corporation  incomes 
for  the  so-called  ''excess  profit"  tax.  The 
amendment  inserted  by  the  Senate,  repealing 
the  unpopular  zone  system  of  second  class 
postage  rates,  was  also  relinquished  before 
the  insistent  demands  of  the  House  conferees. 
The  major  portion  of  the  great  sum  the  bill 
is  designed  to  raise  comes  from  very  heavy 
taxation  of  large  incomes  of  individuals  and 
corporations.  It  is  true,  however,  that  while 
the  new  law  grasps  eagerly  for  the  millions 
of  dollars,  it  does  not  neglect  the  pennies.  A 
person  able  to  pay  ten  cents  for  a  glass  of 
soda  water  must  pay  one  cent  additional 
under  this  measure.  The  bill  makes  a  most 
voluminous  document.  It  would  require 
nearly  the  whole  of  this  magazine  to  print  it 
in  full. 

.,     .  .•  :    ,  While  it  is  true  that  the  bulk  of 

New  Individual      .  i  •      i  i  i 

income  Tax  the  money  to  be  raised  under  the 
^"^^^  -X  new  law  comes  from  large  in- 
comes and  profits,  it  is  also  true  that  the  rate 
of  increase  in  taxation  for  1918  over  previous 
years  is  much  higher  for  the  smallest  taxable 
incomes  than  for  the  greater  ones.  This  was 
inevitable  because  by  1917  the  rates  of  taxa- 
tion   on    the    larger    incomes    had    already 


THE   PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


245 


reached  a  height  which  prevented  doubling  or 
trebling  them  without  asking  for  more  than 
the  whole.  To  show  how  the  present  bill 
has  increased  the  tax  burden  of  people  with 
smaller  incomes :  A  single  man,  who  last 
year  paid  a  tax  of  $40  on  an  income  of 
$3000,  will  this  year  face  a  tax  of  $120, 
being  6  per  cent,  of  his  net  income  in  excess 
of  $1000,  which  is  exempted.  This  great 
difference  results  from  the  radical  increase 
of  the  normal  tax  over  previous  years.     In 

1917  the  normal  tax  was  2  per  cent,  on  an 
income  over  $4000  and  2  per  cent,  additional 
on  an  incojne  above  $20,000,  the  surtax  be- 
ginning at  $5000.  For  1918  the  normal 
tax  has  been  increased  to  6  per  cent,  on  in- 
comes up  to  $4000  and  to  12  per  cent,  oh 
incomes  in  excess  of  that  figure. 

Under  the  new  measure  surtaxes 
-TheincontM     begin   on   incomes    above   $5000 

Surtaxes  ,  i  i     i  c 

and  are  graduated  by  zones  or 
$2000  each  of  income  up  to  the  final  surtax 
of  65  per  cent,  on  that  part  of  an  income 
in  excess  of  one  million  dollars.     Thus,  for 

1918  a  man  with  a  net  income  of  $50,000 
must  pay  a  normal  tax  of  $5520  and  a  sur- 
tax of  $5510,  a  total  of  $11,030.  In  the 
first  three  years  of  the  operation  of  the  in- 
come tax  law  (1913,  1914  and  1915),  such 
a  married  person  with  $50,000  income  paid 
only  $760,  less  than  one-fifteenth  of  the 
sum  he  must  contribute  to  the  Government 
under  the  present  bill.  In  1916  his  tax  bill 
was  $1320  and  in  1917  it  was  $5180.  Thus, 
the  moderately  rich  family  in  the  United 
States  will  be  asked  to  give  up  from  a  fifth 
to  a  fourth  of  their  year's  income.  With 
the  very  wealthy  the  proportion  is  much 
greater — an  income  of  one  million  dollars 
must  pay  $694,030  taxes,  or  nearly  70  per 
cent. 

Corporations,  too,  must  pay  a 
Corporation     normal  tax  of   12   per  cent,   for 

the  year  1918  on  the  amount  of 
net  income  in  excess  of  the  credits  allowed. 
In  addition  they  must  pay  excess  profits  and 
war  profits  if  there  are  any.  If  a  corpora- 
tion has  earned  for  1918  only  10  per  cent, 
on  its  invested  capital,  or  less,  it  has  only  tlic 
normal  tax  to  pay.  If  it  has  earned  more 
than  10  per  cent,  but  less  than  20  per  cent., 
it  pays  30  per  cent,  tax  on  the  amount  over 
the  exempted  10  per  cent.  If  it  has  earned 
more  than  20  per  cent.,  it  pays  65  per  cent, 
tax  on  the  excess  income.  Then  if  the  net 
income  for  1918  exceeds  the  average  earnings 


of  the  corporation  for  the  '"pre-war"  years 
1911,  1912  and  1913  by  a  sum  larger  than 
the  total  of  excess  profits  taxes  just  described, 
an  additional  and  final  war  profits  tax  of  80 
per  cent,  is  levied  on  the  excess  sum. 

,  The  present  bill  provides  for  the 

Lower  f     1  1  r    iin-in 

Figures  for  federal  taxes  of  1919  as  well  as 
the  previous  year.  For  1919  a 
sum  of  four  billion  dollars  is  aimed  at  as 
the  total  of  taxes.  The  chief  difference  in 
the  schedules  of  the  two  years  effecting  a 
reduction  for  1919  comes  in  the  rates  on 
corporation  incomes.  For  1919  the  12  per 
cent,  normal  tax  on  corporation  incomes  will 
be  reduced  to  10  per  cent.  The  1918  excess 
profits  taxes  of  30  per  cent,  on  net  incomes 
between  10  and  20  per  cent,  of  invested 
capital  will  be  reduced  to  a  tax  of  20  per 
cent.,  and  the  65  per  cent,  on  income  ex- 
ceeding 20  per  cent,  of  invested  capital  will 
be  reduced  to  40  per  cent.  The  war  profits 
lash  of  the  whip  will  be  confined,  for  1919, 
to  such  portions  of  the  corporation's  income 
as  have  resulted  from  Government  con- 
tracts. 


Th6 


On  February  10,  Secretary  of 
Corning  the  Treasury  Glass  asked  Con- 
cnd  Issue     gj-^gg  {qj-  sweeping  powers  in  his 

management  of  the  coming  issue  of  ''Victory'* 
bonds.    Secretary  Glass  requests  virtually  un- 
limited authority  to  fix  the  interest  rate  and 
other    terms,    and    also    an    increase    of    the 
amount  of  the  issue  that  he  may  at  his  dis- 
cretion  ofifer   to   the   public,   from   the   five 
billion  dollars  already  authorized  to  ten  bil- 
lion.    His  letter  to  Chairman  Kitchin  of  the 
House   Ways    and    Means   Committee    also 
asks  permission  to  issue  Treasury  notes  ma- 
.  turing  within  five  years  up  to  an  amount  of 
ten    billion    dollars.    This    new    legislation 
which  the  Secretary  seeks  would   give  him 
entire    authority    to   determine    the    tax   ex- 
emption features  of  the  new  loan,  and  also 
to  enlarge  the   tax   exemption   privileges  of 
existing  Liberty  bonds.     Secretary  Glass  ex- 
plained his  request  for  such  unusual  powers 
by    calling    attention    to    the    rapid    current 
changes  in  the  country's  commercial  and  in- 
dustrial readjustment  which  make  it  impos- 
sible for  him  to  decide  wisely  and  finally  the 
proper  terms  of  a  loan  to  be  floated   nearly 
two    months    after    CoFigress   will    have    ad- 
journed.     The    Secretary   said    bluntly    and 
truly   that   the    new    loan    cannot    be    issued 
successfully,  now  that  the  war  is  over,  within 
the  limitations  imposed  by  existing  laws. 


246 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


^,   „  .,         The  necessity  of  deciding  prompt- 

The  Railway      .  ^  •  ^  c 

Probitm       ly  on  somc  constructive  plan  tor 
Preaaing       ^^^  futurc  of  our  railroads  has 

been  emphasized  by  the  results  recently  pub- 
lished of  the  first  year  of  Government  con- 
trol and  operation.  In  spite  of  Mr.  Mc- 
Adoo's  increase  of  passenger  rates  by  no  less 
than  50  per  cent,  and  his  horizontal  increase 
.of  freight  rates  by  about  25  per  cent.,  the 
Railroad  Administration  closed  the  year  1918 
with  a  net  deficit  of  two  hundred  million 
dollars,  after  allowing  for  the  guaranteed 
"standard  return"  aggregating  nine  hundred 
and  fifty  million  dollars  paid,  or  to  be  paid, 
to  the  owners  for  the  use  of  the  properties. 
The  increase  in  rates  put  into  effect  by  Mr. 
McAdoo  yielded  about  six  hundred  million 
dollars  in  earnings,  although  they  were  in  ef- 
fect only  during  the  last  half  of  the  year. 
The  most  important  factor  in  producing  the 
deficit  that  resulted  even  after  this  large  in- 
crease in  rates,  was  the  raising  of  wages,  by 
the  Railroad  Wage  Commission,  of  which 
Secretary  of  the  Interior  Franklin  K.  Lane 
was  chairman,  and,  later  in  the  year,  by  two 
other  boards  composed  of  railway  officers  and 
employees.  The  first  commission  provided 
advances  of  wages  aggregating  three  hundred 
million  dollars  a  year.  The  later  advances 
aggregated  five  hundred  million  dollars  a 
year.  But  the  end  is  not  yet.  Director-Gen- 
eral Hines  is  now  confronted  with  further 
demands  from  the  men  in  train  service  for 
wage  increases  that  are  estimated  to  total  at 
least  one  hundred  million  dollars  a  year.  At 
the  same  time  there  are  many  calls  from  ship- 
pers for  a  reduction  of  the  higher  rates  in- 
stituted by  Mr.  McAdoo.  There  has  been 
a  marked  increase  of  unionism  among  rail- 
road employees  since  the  Government  took 
charge  of  the  roads.  When  they  were  taken 
over,  the  Director-General  prevented  any  in- 
terference with  efforts  of  employees  towards 
further  organization,  and  today  there  is  a 
strong  possibility  of  a  single  railway  union 
representing  the  entire  body  of  two  million 
employees. 

During     the     past     month     the 

Neu)  Plana       ^  ^^  .'  t 

for  benate  Committee  on   Interstate 

Railroads  Commerce  has  continued  assidu- 
ously to  obtain  the  views  of  those  who  have 
special  knowledge  of  the  railway  problem  or 
w^ho  are  importantly  interested  in  it.  Promi- 
nent among  the  plans  suggested  in  the  hear- 
ings of  the  Committee  during  the  month  were 
those  of  Director-General  Hines,  those  of 
the  representatives  of   the   railroad  brother- 


hoods and  those  of  spokesmen  for  the  holders 
of  railroad  securities.  Mr.  Hines'  recom- 
mendations were  given  with  clearness  and 
force.  He  opposes  Government  ownership 
and  made  an  able  plea  for  Mr.  McAdoo's 
plan  for  an  extension  of  Government  con- 
trol until  1924 — a  plan  which,  in  spite  of  his 
strong  advocacy,  does  not  seem  to  be  gaining 
favor.  Mr.  Hines  wants  a  radically  recon- 
structed private  ownership  with  such  close 
Government  supervision,  including  Govern- 
ment representation  on  the  Boards  of  Direc- 
tors, as  would  virtually  give  the  public  and 
labor  the  benefits  of  public  ownership,  while 
preserving  the  incentive  of  self-interest  and 
avoiding  political  difficulties.  The  counsel 
for  the  railroad  employees'  brotherhoods 
favored  the  purchase  of  the  railroads  out- 
right by  the  Government  and  turning  them 
over  to  a  single  operating  corporation,  two- 
thirds  of  the  directors  to  be  elected  by  the 
employees  and  the  other  third  appointed  by 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  with 
earnings  of  the  corporation  divided  from 
time  to  time  among  the  employees.  Mr.  S. 
D.  Warfield,  head  of  an  association  of  own- 
ers of  railroad  securities,  recommended  a 
plan  of  private  ownership  with  the  Govern- 
ment guaranteeing  a  fixed  return  of  6  per 
cent,  on  capital  invested,  and  providing  that 
one-third  of  all  profits  beyond  that  should  be 
distributed  among  the  employees.  Another 
third  would  be  used  for  improvements  and 
the  final  third  would  be  returned  to  the  roads 
as  a  reward  for  efficiency. 

^^  ^   ^  .    The  House  Committee  on  Agri- 

The  Coat  of  ,  .  ,     ,  '^ 

Guaranteeing  culture  has  prepared  the  measure 
meat  Prices  ^j^-^j^  ^^  ^^^^^^  ^^^  Govern- 
ment to  make  good  its  guarantee  of  a  price 
of  $2.26  per  bushel  for  the  wheat  crops  of 
1918  and  1919.  It  is  a  costly  proceeding. 
A  "revolving  fund"  of  one  billion  dollars  is 
to  be  appropriated  for  the  President's  use  in 
filling  the  gap  between  the  guaranteed  price 
of  wheat  and  the  price  which  the  grain  will 
normally  command  under  the  conditions  of 
supply  and  demand  in  the  post-war  period. 
Already  the  release  of  shipping  made  pos- 
sible by  the  cessation  of  war  has  brought 
Australia's  surplus  into  the  world's  markets. 
It  is  estimated  that  there  are  200,000,000 
bushels  of  Australian  wheat  for  export,  con- 
trolled by  the  British  Government  at  a  price 
of  $1.05  per  bushel  at  the  port  of  export. 
In  a  single  week  of  January  fifty-five  vessels 
started  for  Australia  to  bring  food  stuffs, 
to  England,  India,  and  other  countries. 


(^  Committee  on  Public  Information 

SOME  OF  THE  5.000  MOTOR  TRUCKS  SURRENDERED  BY  GERMANY.  UNDER  THE  TERMS  OF  THE  ARMISTICE 
(American  gfuards,  as  well  as  the  German  drivers,  may  be  seen  in  the  picture) 


RECORD  OF  CURRENT  EVENTS 


{From  January  ly  to  February  14,  igig) 


THE  PEACE  CONFERENCE  AT  PARIS 

January  18. — The  peace  congress  (without  dele- 
gates from  the  defeated  powers  and  Russia)  meets 
at  Paris  in  the  Ministry  of  Foreign  Affairs ;  Presi- 
dent Poincare  delivers  an  address  of  welcome; 
President  Wilson  proposes  Premier  Clemenceau 
as  permanent  chairman,  and  the  delegates  unani- 
mously elect  him. 

January  19. — Regulations  are  adopted  for  gov- 
erning the  sessions  of  the  conference;  the  five 
belligerent  powers  (United  States,  British  Empire, 
France,  Italy,  and  Japan)  are  to  take  part  in  all 
meetings  and  commissions;  other  belligerent  and 
associated  powers  are  to  take  part  only  in  sittings 
at  which  questions  concerning  them  are  discussed  ; 
neutrals  may  be  invited  to  appear  when  their 
interests  are  directly  affected. 

January  22. — The  Supreme  Council  of  the 
Peace  Conference  announces  that  a  proposal  of 
President  Wilson  has  been  approved,  inviting 
every  organized  group  in  Russia  to  send  repre- 
sentatives to  Princes'  Islands,  Sea  of  Marmora, 
to  confer  with  representatives  of  the  associated 
powers  with  a  view  to  establishing  order;  mean- 
while aggressive  military  actions  must  cease. 

January  23. — The  Chinese  agency  at  Washing- 
ton states  that  the  Peace  Conference  will  be  asked 
to  revise  the  China-Japanese  treaties  of  1915,  as 
inconsistent  with  the  free  development  of  China. 

January  24. — A  "solemn  warning"  is  issued 
against  the  use  of  armed  force  in  many  parts  of 
Europe  and  the  East  to  gain  possession  of  terri- 
tory  in   support  of  claims   before   the   Conference. 


January  25. — A  full  session  of  the  conference 
declares  for  the  creation  of  a  League  of  Nations, 
"to  promote  international  obligations  and  provide 
safeguards  against  war";  there  are  to  be  period- 
ical conferences  and  a  permanent  organization; 
membership  should  be  open  to  "every  civilized 
nation  which  can  be  relied  upon  to  promote  its 
objects";  a  committee  is  appointed  to  work  out 
the  details. 

January  26. — Premier  Clemenceau,  as  chair- 
man, appoints  committees  on  Responsibility  for 
the  War;  Reparation;  International  Labor  Leg- 
islation; and  Regulation  of  Ports,  Waterways, 
and  Railroads. 

January  30. — A  committee  investigating  the 
frontier  controversy  between  Poles  and  Czecho- 
slovaks, over  the  Teschen  coal  fields,  obtains  a 
cessation  of  hostilities,  with  the  temporary  occu- 
pation of  the  disputed  zone  by  the  Allies. 

"Satisfactory  provisional  arrangements"  are 
reached  for  dealing  with  the  German  colonies 
and  the  occupied  territory  in  Asiatic  Turkey — 
according  to  an  official   statement. 

February  3. — The  League  of  Nations  Commis- 
sion, with  President  Wilson  presiding,  holds  Its 
first  meeting  in   Colonel   House's  apartments. 

February  11. — The  principal  French  member  of 
the  Commission  on  a  Society  of  Nations,  Leon 
Bourgeois,  proposes  the  creation  of  an  interna- 
tional military  body  to  enforce  decisions. 

The  Jugoslav  delegates  request  President  \\'il- 
son  to  act  as  arbitrator  in  the  dispute  with  Italy 
regarding  the  eastern  coast  of  the  Adriatic. 

'\\\Q  Japanese   delegation    is   reported    as   iiisist- 

247 


248 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


ing  upon  Japan's   retention  of  the   Marshall  and 
Caroline  Islands,  taken  from  Germany. 

February  14. — The  draft  of  a  constitution  for 
the  League  of  Nations  is  read  and  explained  to 
the  Conference  by  President  Wilson,  as  chairman 
of  the  commission  which  formulated  it;  the  plan 
provides  for  an  international  secretariat  and  an 
executive  council  consisting  of  representativ^es  of 
nine  states;  decisions  rendered  will  be  enforced, 
if  necessary,  by  "the  prevention  of  all  financial, 
commercial,  or  personal  intercourse"  between  the 
covenant-breaking  state  and  any  other. 

PRESIDENT  WILSON  IN  EUROPE 

January  18, — As  one  of  five  delegates  from  the 
United  States,  the  President  begins  regular  at- 
tendance at  the  sessions  of  the  Peace  Conference. 

January  20. — At  a  luncheon  tendered  by  the 
French  Senate,  the  President  pays  a  tribute  to 
French  character  in  the  face  of  national  danger. 

January  25. — Discussion  of  a  League  of  Na- 
tions, in  the  Peace  Conference,  is  opened  by 
President  Wilson;  he  declares  such  a  league  nec- 
essary both  to  make  present  settlements  and  to 
maintain  the  future  peace  of  the  world. 

January  26. — The  President  visits  Rheims  and 
the   battle   area   around   Chateau-Thierry. 

February  3. — Addressing  the  members  of  the 
French  Chamber  of  Deputies,  the  President  dwells 
upon  America's  long  standing  "comradeship" 
with  France;  the  old  menace  to  the  eastward  will 
be  eliminated  by  the  proposed  Society  of  Nations, 
rendering  it  unnecessary  in  the  future  to  main- 
tain  burdensome   armaments. 

February  11. — President  Wilson  is  formally 
requested  by  the  Jugoslav  delegates  to  act  as 
arbitrator  in  the   territorial   dispute  with  Italy. 

February  14. — President  Wilson  reads  and  ex- 
plains to  the  Peace  Conference  the  plan  for  a 
League  of  Nations,  and  later  leaves  Paris  to  attend 
the  closing  sessions  of   Congress   at  Washington. 

PROCEEDINGS  IN  CONGRESS 

January  24. — The  Senate,  after  several  days 
of  bitter  debate,  passes  a  bill  appropriating  $100,- 


AN  AMERICAN  CONTRIBUTION  TO  THE  SCIENCE  OF  WAR 
(Mounted  on  the  caterpillar-belt  tractor  made   familiar  by  the   "tank,"   this 
heavy  field  piece  moves  quickly  and  surely  over  obstacles.    The  scene  is  at  the 
Aberdeen  proving  grounds,  the  gun  not  having  seen  actual  service) 


000,000  for  relief  of  famine  conditions  in  Europe 
— excluding  the  Central  Empires  but  including 
the  non-Turkish  peoples  of  Asia  Minor. 

January  28. — In  the  House,  the  Immigration 
Committee  reports  a  bill  prohibiting  immigration 
to  the  United  States  (with  specified  minor  excep- 
tions) for  a  period  of  four  years;  the  Committee 
on  Post  Offices  votes  in  favor  of  returning  the 
telegraph  and  telephone  systems  to  their  owners 
on  December  31,   1919. 

January  31. — In  the  Senate,  Republican  mem- 
bers denounce  the  possibility  of  American  parti- 
cipation in  control  of  former  German  colonies, 
as  reported  in  unofficial  press  dispatches  from 
Paris. 

The  House  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs  reports 
the  Naval  appropriation  bill,  authorizing  $600,- 
000,000  for  new  construction — providing,  however, 
for  cancellation  in  the  event  of  international 
limitation  of  armaments. 

February  6. — In  the  House,  the  War  Revenue 
bill  is  submitted,  as  agreed  upon  by  a  conference 
committee  of  both  branches;  the  measure  is  esti- 
mated to  raise  $6,000,000,000  in  taxes  for  the  cur- 
rent fiscal  year,  and  $4,000,000,000  annually 
thereafter. 

February  8. — The  Senate  adopts  the  Post  Office 
appropriation  bill  carrying  $400,000,000  and  au- 
thorizing $200,000,000  additional  for  construction 
of  roads  during  the  next  three  years. 

The  House  Committee  on  Agriculture  intro- 
duces a  bill  providing  $1,000,000,000  to  sustain 
the  Government's  guarantee  to  farmers  of  $2.26 
a  bushel  for  wheat,  in  the  face  of  a  much  lower 
price  which  will  obtain  in  the  world's  markets, 
.  .  .  The  conference  report  on  the  Revenue  bill 
is  adopted,  310  votes  to  11. 

February  10. — In  the  Senate,  a  resolution  pro^ 
viding  for  woman  suffrage  by  federal  Constitu- 
tional amendment  fails  for  the  second  time  by 
a  single  vote  to  obtain  the  necessary  two-thirds; 
opposition   is  chiefly   among   Southern   Democrats. 

In  the  House,  the  Army  appropriation  bill  is 
reported,  carrying  $1,117,290,000. 

February  11. — The  House  passes  the  Naval 
appropriation  bill,  accepting 
the  Administration's  building 
program  by  vote  of  194  to  142. 

February  13. — The  Senate, 
without  roll  call,  adopts  the 
conference  report  on  the  Rev^ 
enue  bill. 

February  14. — The  Senate, 
with  the  Vice-President  cast- 
ing, the  deciding  vote,  refuses 
to  consider  a  resolution  of  Mr. 
Johnson  (Rep.,  Cal,),  who  de- 
mands withdrawal  of  Ameri- 
can troops  from  Russia. 


AMERICAN  POLITICS  AND 
GOVERNMENT 

January  17. — The  legisla- 
tures of  Minnesota  and  Wis- 
consin complete  ratification  of 
the  prohibition  amendment  to 
the  federal  Constitution. 

January  20. — The  Interstate 
Commerce    Commission    de- 


RECORD   OF  CURRENT  EVENTS 


249 


@  Committee  on  Public  Information 

THE  BRITISH  COMMANDER  OF  THE  ARCHANGEL  EXPEDITION  REVIEWS  AN  AMERICAN  CONTINGENT 


clares  itself  in  authority  to  overrule  rates  estab- 
lished by  the  Director-General  of  Railroads. 

New  telephone  rates  go  into  effect  throughout 
the  United  States,  under  direction  of  Postmaster- 
General  Burleson;  restraining  orders  are  issued 
or  sought  in  the  courts  by  public  service  com- 
missions in  a  number  of  States. 

January  23. — The  New  York  Assembly  rati- 
fies the  federal  prohibition  amendment,  81  votes 
to  66. 

January  24. — Walker  D.  Hines,  the  new  Di- 
rector-General of  Railroads,  asks  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  for  $750,000,000  with  which  to 
finance  the  railroads  to  the  end  of  1919,  sup- 
plementing the  original  "revolving  fund"  of 
$500,000,000. 

The  War  Department  adopts  a  policy  which 
would  enable  individual  enlisted  men  to  stay 
in  the  service  until  they  can  secure  civil  em- 
ployment. 

January  25. — The  Chief  of  Staff  of  the  Army 
reports  that  when  the  war  ended  on  November 
11,  1918,  the  United  States  had  the  second  largest 
army  on  the  Western  front,  1,950,000  men;  France 
had  2,559,000  and  the  British  (including  Portu- 
guese)   1,718,000. 

January  27. — The  War  Department  reports 
that  on  January  9  there  were,  in  hospitals  in 
France,  33,111  cases  of  wounds  and  injuries  and 
72,642  cases  of  disease. 

January  28. — The  Food  Administration  and  the 
Department  of  Agriculture  submit  to  Congress 
a  measure  appropriating  $1,250,000,000  for  the 
purpose  of  carrying  out  the  Government's  guar- 
antee of  $2.26  a  bushel  to  wheat  producers. 

January  29. — The  Secretary  of  State  certifies 
that  the  prohibition  amendment  has  been  ratified 
by  three-fourths  of  the  States  and  has  become 
a  part  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
effective  January,   1920. 

February   3. — Director-General    Hines   explains 


to  the  Senate  Committee  on  Interstate  Commerce 
his  proposal  to  reorganize  the  railroads  into  from 
six  to  twelve  regional  operating  corporations. 

February  4. — The  Connecticut  Senate  rejects  the 
federal  prohibition  amendment. 

February  6. — American  casualties  In  northern 
Russia  to  the  end  of  January  are  officially  re- 
ported as  409  killed,  out  of  a  force  slightly  in 
excess  of  5000. 

February  10. — The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
appeals  to  Congress  for  legislation  modifying 
present  restrictions  on  the  amount  and  interest 
rate  of  forthcoming  bond  issues. 

February  12. — In  the  three  months  since  the 
signing  of  the  armistice  (according  to  an  official 
statement  issued  at  Washington),  287,000  Ameri- 
can troops  overseas  embarked  for  home  and 
1,130,000  men   in   home  camps  were  demobilized. 

February  14. — The  resignation  of  William  G. 
Sharp,    as   Ambassador   to    France,   is    announced. 

FOREIGN  POLITICS  AND  GOVERNMENT 

January  16. — Dr.  Karl  Liebknecht,  the  Radical 
Socialist  leader  (the  Spartacus  or  anti-Govern- 
ment faction),  is  shot  dead  while  attempting  to 
escape  after  arrest  in  Berlin;  his  companion, 
Rosa  Luxemburg,  is  killed   by  a  mob. 

January  17. — Polish  leaders  reach  an  agree- 
ment whereby  Ignace  Jan  Paderewski  becomes 
Premier,  with  General  Pilsudski  as  Foreign  Min- 
ister; M.  Demoski,  former  Polish  leader  in  the 
Russian   Duma,    is   to   be   President, 

January   19. — Throughout  Ciermany   the   people 

^vote   for   members   of   a    National    Assembly,    the 

party    of    Premier    Ebert     (Majority    Socialists) 

electing  164  members   out  of  421,   the   remainder 

being  divided   among  five  other  parties. 

The  Italian  cabinet  is  reorganized,  the  King 
accepting  resignations  of  four  members  in  the 
absence  of  Premier  Orlando  at  the  Peace  Con- 
ference. 


250 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


January  20. — A  monarchist  revolution  breaks 
out  in  Portugal,  with  the  avowed  object  of  re- 
storing King  Manuel  to  the  throne. 

January  21. — The  German  Government  decides 
that  the  national  convention  shall  meet  at  Wei- 
mar (on  February  6),  in  order  to  be  removed 
from  the  influence  of  the  old  Prussian  spirit. 

The  Sinn  Fein  members  elected  to  .the  British 
Parliament  meet  at  Dublin,  read  a  declaration 
of  independence,  and  proclaim  an  Irish  Republic. 

French  "effectives"  at  various  periods  in  the 
war  are  officially  stated  to  have  been  3,872,000 
on  August  15,  1914,  increasing  to  approximately 
five  million  by  February,  1915,  and  remaining  at 
nearly  5,200,000  from  January,  1916,  to  the  end 
of   the  war. 

January  25. — The  Portuguese  Government  re- 
ports numerous  successes  over  insurgent  forces 
in  the  north  and  around  Lisbon. 

February  2. — A  monarchist  government  is  con- 
stituted at  Oporto,  Portugal. 

February  4. — The  newly-elected  British  Par- 
liament assembles. 

February  5. — The  British  Government  invokes 
the  Defense  of  the  Realm  Act  against  electrical 
workers  who  threaten  to  deprive  London  of  light 
— making   such    a    move    a    punishable    offense. 

February  6. — The  first  German  National  As- 
sembly is  opened  in  the  theater  at  Weimar;  in 
his  address.  Chancellor  Ebert  protests  against 
the  "ruthless"  armistice  conditions  enforced  by 
the   Allies. 

February  8. — Dr.  Eduard  David  is  chosen 
president  of  the   German   National   Assembly. 

February  11. — Premier  Lloyd  George  deals 
with  the  labor  crisis  in  an  address  before  the 
House  of  Commons;  he  recites  Government  ef- 
forts to  remedy  legitimate  reasons  for  unrest, 
but  declares  that  every  power  will  be  used  to 
combat  anarchy  or  Prussianism  in  the  industrial 
world. 

The  German  National  Assembly  elects  Fried- 
rich  Ebert  as  first  President  of  the  German 
State,    after    adopting    a    provisional    constitution. 

Official  statistics  show  that  the  civilian  popu- 
lation of  France  decreased  750,000  during  the 
war,  besides  1,400,000  deaths  among  soldiers. 

INTERNATIONAL  RELATIONS 

January  17. — Marshal  Foch,  in  an  interview 
with  American  newspaper  correspondents,  de- 
clares that  "it  is  on  the  Rhine  that  the  French 
must  hold  the  Germans"  to  avoid  future  wars; 
he  is  understood  to  imply  not  annexation  of  Ger- 
man territory,  but  rather  restriction  of  German 
fortifications    and    army    bases. 

January  25. — The  Allied  expedition  in  the 
Archangel  region  of  northern  Russia  (14,000  Brit- 
ish, Americans,  French,  and  Russians)  is  forced 
to  retire  by  the  Bolshevists,  operating  in  large 
numbers   and    equipped   with   artillery. 

January  29. — The  American  Secretary  of  State, 
acting  in  the  name  of  the  President  (both  officials 
being  in  Paris),  extends  formal  recognition  to  the 
provisional  Polish  Government. 

January  31. — The  Allied  expedition  in  Russia 
is  forced  to  retire  further  northward,  along  the 
Vaga  and  Dvina  rivers. 


OTHER  OCCURRENCES  OF  THE  MONTH 

January  21. — A  general  strike  among  dress  and 
waist  makers  in  New  York  City  (mostly  young 
women)  involves  35,000  workers,  who  demand  a 
forty-four  hour  week  and  a  15  per  cent,  advance 
in  wages. 

January  27. — Labor  unrest  throughout  Great 
Britain  assumes  serious  proportions,  with  strikes 
in  numerous  trades  brought  about  by  varying 
causes;  it  is  estimated  that  200,000  persons  have 
quit  work. 

February  1. — Troops  arrive  in  Glasgow,  after 
a  day  of  rioting  by  shipyard  strikers. 

February  3. — Transit  in  London  is  crippled  by 
a  strike  of  "tube"  employees. 

February  6. — A  general  strike  in  Seattle,  grow- 
ing out  of  disaffection  among  shipyard  workers, 
causes  practical  cessation  of  industry;  soldiers 
from  Camp  Lewis  operate  the  municipal  lighting 
systems. 

February  8. — Unemployment  throughout  the 
United  States,  according  to  official  announcement 
of  the  Department  of  Labor,  has  increased  to 
290,000  from  12,000  on  December   3. 

Mines  in  the  Butte  (Montana)  district  are 
closed  by  a  strike  called  by  the  Industrial  Work- 
ers of  the  World. 

February  9. — Memorial  services  for  Theodore 
Roosevelt  are  held  throughout  the  United  States, 
in  London  and  Paris,  and  among  American 
troops  in  France  and  Germany. 

February  10. — The  general  strike  in  Seattle  is 
ended,  principally  through  firm  measures  taken 
by  the  Mayor,  Ole  Hanson. 

OBITUARY 

January  18. — Prince  John,  youngest  son  of  King 
George  of  England,  13. 

January  21. — Yi  Hiung,  who  abdicated  the 
throne  of  Korea  in  1907,  68. 

January  22. —  George  T.  Oliver,  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, who  acquired  successive  prominence  as 
lawyer,  steel  manufacturer,  newspaper  publisher, 
and  United  States  Senator   (1909-'17),  71. 

January  27. — Rear-Adm.  French  E.  Chadwick, 
a  distinguished  naval  veteran  of  the  Civil  and 
Spanish  Wars,  75.  .  .  .  Ismail  Kemal  Bey,  head 
of  the  provisional  government  of  Albania,  1912- 
'14,  76. 

January  29. — Bishop  Arthur  L.  Williams,  of  the 
Episcopal  diocese  of  Nebraska,  63.  .  .  .  Harri- 
son E.  Gawtry,  for  many  years  president  of  the 
Consolidated   Gas  Company  of  New  York,  78. 

January  30. — Major-Gen.  Sir  Samuel  Steele, 
of  the  Canadian  Army,  70.  .  .  .  Ermete  Novel- 
la, a  famous  Italian  actor,  68. 

January  31. — Nathaniel  C.  Goodwin,  the 
famous   American    comedian,    61. 

February  1. — Brig.-Gen.  John  Moulden  Wil- 
son, U.  S.  A.,  retired,  81. 

February  3. — Prof.  Edward  Charles  Pickering, 
director  of  the  Harvard  Observatory,  72.  .  .  . 
Xavier  Leroux,  the  French  composer  of  operas, 
55.  .  .  .  Maria  Theresa,  recently  Queen  of  Ba- 
varia, 70. 

February  11.— Read-Adm.  John  Hood,  U.  S.  N., 
retired,  59. 


I 


WORLD  HISTORY  IN  CARTOONS 


THE  MOD,f:RN  MOSES— BUT  WILL  HIS  COMMANDMENTS  BECOME  LAW  ? 

From  Nebelspalter  (Zurich,   Switzerland) 


*V0ILA,     MONSIEUR    LE    PRESIDENT!" 
From  the  PVoHd  (New  York) 


THE    ARCTIITECTS     HAVE    IT    AM.    WORKED    OUT 

From   the   Journal    (, Sioux   City,    Iowa) 

251 


252 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


HITCHING  THEIR  WAGON  TO  A  STAR 

From  News  of  the  World  (London) 


PLASTERED ! 
From   the   News    (Dayton,    Ohio) 


SPLASH  !   AND  GOODBYE  TO   SECRET  TREATIES 
From  the  News   (Dayton,  Ohio) 


WORLD    HISTORY   IN   CARTOONS 


253 


IN    FOR    A    TRIMMING 
From    the   Evening   Telegram    (New   York) 


ENVOYS    EXTRAORDINARY 
From  the  Herald  (New  York) 


A   FIGHT   FOR  LIFE 
From  News  of  the   World   (London) 


THE  BOLSHEVIK  COMES  DOWN  FROM  HIS  HIGH  HORSE 
From  the  World  (New  York) 


A    DANGEROUS    DERELICT 
From   the  Eagle    (Brooklyn,    N.   Y.) 


RUSSIA  LISTENS  FOR  THE  VOICE  OF  PRESIDENT  WILSON 
From  the  Star  (St.  Louis,  ^To.) 


254 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


THE    WATCH    ON    THE   RHINE 
From  Amsterdammer  (Amsterdam,  Holland) 

INTERNATIONAL  affairs  still  keep  the 
cartoonists,  like  the  editors,  very  busy. 
On  the  three  preceding  pages  President  Wil- 
son,   the   League   of    Nations,    and    Russian 


THE    NEW    PADEREWSKI    MINUET 
From  the  Republic  (St.  Louis,  Mo.) 

Bolshevism  are  featured.  On  this  page  the 
Allied  Watch  on  the  Rhine,  Paderewski's 
leadership  in  Poland,  and  the  L  W  W. 
claim  attention. 

The  opposite  page  carries  a  group  of  car- 
toons picturing  such  domestic  topics  as  the 
attitude  of  Congress  towards  President  Wil- 
son, the  proposition  to  provide  land  for  sol- 
diers, the  railroad  problem,  prohibition,  and 
our  old  friend  the  H.  C.  of  L. 


"on    the   side   of   THE  ANGELs" 

Mr.  Lloyd  George:  "But,  my  dear,  we  must  be  chari- 
table.   I  believe  I  can  see  little  wings  sprouting  already!" 
From  the  Passing  Show  (London) 


git! 

From  the   World   (New  York) 


WORLD    HISTORY    IN    CARTOONS 


255 


Qj  George  Matthew  Adams 

HERE  COMES  TEACHER  ! 
From  the  Citizen  (Brooklyn,  N.  Y.) 

Many  cartoons  have  to  do  with  Uncle 
Sam's  railroad  predicament.  Our  selection 
this  month  is  from  the  Baltimore  American. 
It  pictures  the  national  uncertainty,  dismay, 
and  wonder.  Nobody  seems  prepared  to  tell 
Uncle  Sam  where  to  ^et  off. 


LAND    FOR    SOLDIERS 
From  the   News   (Dallas,   Texas) 


"how  dry  I  AM  !" 
From  the  Journal  (Jersey  City,  N.  J.) 


WILL    SOMEONE   TELL    HIM    WHERE    HE   GETS   OFF? 
From  the  American  (Baltimore,  Md.)   ' 


K\\\ 


CARRYINC.    ON 
From   the  American   (New   York) 


THE  NAVY'S  NEW  TASK 

BY  HON.  JOSEPHUS  DANIELS 

(Secretary  of  the  Navy) 

I  confess  to  a  feeling  of  gratification  that  the  first  Marines  brought  back  from 
France — those  "Devil  Dogs/'  as  the  Prussians  called  theni — came  in  the  transport 
"North  Carolina/'  the  first  ship  in  the  war  to  be  fitted  as  an  aviation  ship. 

Nothing  was  further  from  the  thought  of  the  constructors  who  designed  the  ships 
of  the  American  Navy ,  than  that  they  zvould  be  converted  into  transports  for  the 
carrying  of  troops.  Since  the  beginning  of  this  war,  there  has  not  been  any  service  the 
country  wishes  rendered  that  the  Navy  has  not  been  ready  to  render,  even  along  lines 
not  regarded  as  coming  within  the  province  of  the  naval  service. 

When  the  war  terminated  so  suddenly,  the  first  call  vjas  for  ships  to  bring  back 
our  soldiers,  as  during  the  war  the  demand  had  been  insistent  for  ships  to  take  the 
soldiers  across.  We  immediately  began  to  get  ready  all  the  ships  that  could  be  utilized 
for  this  purpose,  and  already  we  are  bringing  back  20,000  a  month  in  naval  vessels. 

We  have  been  most  happy  to  receive  letters  from  officers  and  men  of  the  Army, 
voicing  their  appreciation  of  the  comforts  and  consideration  shown  them  on  these  ships. 
We  shall  continue  to  use  naval  vessels  as  long  as  they  will  be  needed  to  aid  in  bringing 
the  soldiers  home  as  fast  as  they  can  be  detnobilized. 

My  OTily  regret  is  that  we  have  not  enough  ships  to  bring  them  more  rapidly. 


THE  BATTLESHIP 


256 


•SOUTH  DAKOTA"  ARRIVING  AT  THE  PORT  OF  NEW  YORK  WITH  A  NEW  ENGLAND 
REGIMENT  FROM  OVERSEAS-THE  56TH  COAST  ARTILLERY 


BACK  FROM  THE  WAR  ON  A 

BATTLESHIP 

An  Officer's  Tribute  to  the  Navy's  New  Service 

[An  officer  who  returned  to  the  United  States  last  month  after  a  period  of  service  with  the  Ameri- 
can Expeditionary  Forces  happened  to  come  back  on  a  warship.  His  experiences  are  set  forth  in  a 
letter  to  the  editor  of  this  Review,  and  he  bears  pleasant  testimony  to  the  manner  in  which  the 
navy  is  performing  its  new  task,  as  described  by  Secretary  Daniels  on  the  preceding  page. — The 
Editor.] 


IF  your  soldier  relative  or  friend  has  not 
already  returned  from  overseas,  do  by  all 
means  hope  that  he  may  get  transportation 
on  board  a  United  States  battleship.  At  the 
moment  of  putting  these  observations  on 
paper,  thirty-seven  army  officers,  including 
myself,  and  917  enlisted  men  are  living  a 
most  luxurious  and  comfortable  life  on  the 

high  seas  on  board  the  U.  S.  S. . 

Our  ship  was  once  a  noted  member  of  the 
American  fleet  that  made  its  voyage  around 
the  world. 

In  order  to  provide  accommodations  for 
transporting  soldiers,  the  ship's  personnel  has 
been  reduced  from  65  officers  to  24,  and  from 
1,185  men  in  the  crew  to  600. 

Practically  all  of  the  army  officers  on  board 
have  separate  staterooms — small,  but  well 
equipped,  well  ventilated,  and  extremely  com- 
fortable. The  ship's  crew  have  made  certain 
readjustments  in  their  sleeping  arrangements 
in  order  to  make  it  just  as  comfortable  as 
possible  for  the  soldiers.  Some  of  the  soldiers 
sleep  in  cots  and  others  in  the  regulation 
sailor's  hammock.  The  first  night  out  the 
soldiers  were  falling  to  the  ground  like 
autumn  leaves,  but  they  did  not  take  long  to 
learn  the  right  way  to  turn  over. 

There  is  practically  no  sickness  on  board, 
although  I  cannot  imagine  a  safer  place  to  be 
sick.  There  is  a  well-equipped  dispensary,  an 
operating  room,  and  a  hospital  ward,  with  a 
surgeon  and  medical  attendants. 

As  for  food,  it  is  the  most  delicious  that  I 
have  ever  eaten,  and  we  have  never  had  the 
same  thing  twice.  While  dinner  is  being 
served,  the  ship's  orchestra  plays  a  variety  of 
excellent  selections,  and  every  evening  there 
are  "movies."  One  warm  evening  the  mov- 
ing pictures  were  shown   out  of   doors,   on 


the  upper  deck,  under  a  beautiful  starlit  sky. 

The  ship's  captain  insists  that  everyone 
shall  spend  as  much  time  in  the  air  as  pos- 
sible, with  a  certain  amount  of  exercise  daily. 
There  are  deck  sports — such  as  boxing,  medi- 
cine ball,  and  quoits.  "Abandon  ship"  drills 
are  held  frequently  and  at  unusual  times. 

The  captain  had  issued  the  following 
orders  to  his  men : 

While  engaged  in  transporting  troops,  it  is  the 
desire  of  the  Commanding  Officer  that  the  great- 
est cordiality  shall  exist  between  the  ship's  crew 
and  the  army.  This  spirit  must  be  cultivated 
and  practised  by  every  officer  and  man  on  board. 

Our  men  must  understand  that  the  troops  have 
had  hard  service  for  some  time;  also  that  living 
conditions  on  board  ship  are  entirely  different 
from  what  they  have  been  accustomed  to  and 
that  everything  will  be  new  and  strange. 

In  order,  therefore,  that  the  troops  may  be  as 
comfortable  as  possible  and  that  they  may  leave 

the  with  pleasant   recollections  of  the  ship, 

in  particular,  and  of  the  Navy,  in  general,  from 
their  personal  contact  with  our  branch  of  the 
service,  every  effort  must  be  made  by  all  on  board 
to  make  their  stay  with  us  pleasant. 

The  men  of  the  ship's  crew,  not  to  be  out- 
done by  their  commanding  officer,  printed 
and  circulated  this  greeting  to  their  soldier 
passengers : 

We  of  the  Navy  deem  it  a  great  privilege  to 
carry  home,  men  who  have  stood  the  test  a' 
the  front.  All  honor  to  you,  men  of  July  18th  aiid 
19th  and  other  historic  days.  You  are  now  in 
the  U.  S.  A.,  at  least  this  is  your  country — U.  S. 

S.  .     We   wish  to  make  your   last   experience 

in  the  service  happy;  to  connect  France  and 
America  with  a  fortnight  of  comradeship,  sports, 
and  pleasant  memories.  God  speed  to  you  all. 
Our  Country  needs  every  man  of  us,  to  carry  our 
spirit  of  good  fellowship  and  sacrifice  into  the 
heart  of  American  thought  and  idealism.  Let 
us    make    reconstruction,    real    construction. 


AMERICA  AND  THE  ALLIES  AT 
THE  PEACE  TABLE 

BY  FRANK  H.  SIMONDS 

[It  is  now  four  and  a  half  years  since  Mr.  Simonds  began  to  write  for  each  issue  of  this  mag- 
azine his  articles  upon  the  World  War  and  its  cognate  problems  of  international  politics.  He 
made  two  rapid  visits  to  the  war  fronts  during  the  conflict,  one  early  in  1916,  and  the  second  some 
two  \ears  ago.  He  has  now  been  in  France  for  several  weeks  after  a  few  days  in  London,  and  he 
is  to  continue,  month  by  month,  to  discuss  for  our  readers  the  international  situation  as  it  develops. 
He  is  also  busily  studying  the  later  battles  in  order  to  complete  his  "History  of  the  World 
War,"  three  volumes  of  which  the  Review  of  Reviews  Company  has  issued,  while  two  are  yet  to 
be  written.  As  he  sailed  in  January,  there  came  the  agreeable  announcement  that  he  had  been 
decorated  by  the  French  Government  as  a  Chevalier  of  the  Legion  of  Honor.  At  the  end  of  this 
article,  we  publish  Mr.  Simonds'  cable  describing  the  Peace  Conference  situation  at  the  date  of  Presi- 
dent Wilson's  departure  from  Paris. — The  Editor.] 


I.    Prestdext  Wilson's  Presence 

IN  the  present  article  there  are  three  specific 
questions  which  I  desire  to  discuss,  re- 
serving until  the  April  article  a  more  general 
discussion  of  the  Peace  Conference.  But 
before  entering  into  an  examination  of  these 
three  matters  I  desire  to  warn  my  readers 
against  placing  too  great  credence  in  any 
rumors  of  rivalries,  jealousies  or  bitternesses 
between  the  great  powers  w^hich  might 
threaten  to  break  up  the  Conference  or  cre- 
ate permanent  bad  feeling.  In  my  judgment 
all  the  evidence  here  points  towards  substan- 
tial and  growing  harmony.  Divergent  views 
are  expressed  not  alone  by  the  representatives 
of  some  of  the  nations,  but  by  various  repre- 
sentatives of  each  nation,  but  this  is  a  gain 
and  not  a  loss,  since  it  leads  to  frank  dis- 
cussion. 

Nothing  seems  clearer  than  that  all  na- 
tions here  represented  are  determined  that 
peace  shall  be  made  at  Paris,  that  a  just 
and  durable  peace  shall  be  made;  and  there 
is  every  reason  to  believe  that  the  more  ex- 
treme of  nationalistic  aspirations  and  fron- 
tier claims  of  various  nations,  like  the  eco- 
nomic and  industrial  ambitions  of  others,  will 
be  properly  curbed  in  the  interests  of  world 
harmony. 

From  time  to  time  rumors  of  every  sort 
originate,  reports  of  international  disagree- 
ment and  threats  of  ultimatums,  but  upon  the 
slightest  examination  they  disappear.  A 
world  Peace  Conference  is  a  huge  and  un- 
w  ieldy  party.  Americans  will  find  a  good 
parallel  for  it  in  their  own  national  political 

258 


convention.  The  same  difficulties  of  organi- 
zation and  of  agreement  are  here,  but  just 
as  the  National  Convention  must  in  the  na- 
ture of  things  nominate  a  ticket  and  adopt 
a  platform,  and  to  win  the  election  must 
choose  a  good  candidate  and  frame  a  strong 
platform,  so  the  representatives  of  the  world 
at  Paris  are  laboring  under  the  ever-present 
necessity  of  making  peace  and  making  a  just 
peace  to  escape  the  unfavorable  judgment  of 
their  fellow-countrymen. 

The  first  aspect  which  I  desire  to  discuss 
Is  that  of  the  President's  presence  in  Eu- 
rope, Its  meaning  and  Its  Importance.  Be- 
fore I  came  to  Europe  I  was  one  of  those 
who  doubted  the  wisdom*  of  the  adventure 
and  saw  In  it  great  possibilities  for  harm  anil 
no  real  compensating  benefits.  This  was  the 
American  point  of  view,  and  It  was  matched 
afhong  the  official  and  diplomatic  people  in 
Europe  by  an  apprehension  that  if  the  Presi- 
dent should  come  he  would  come  as  a  dicta- 
tor rather  than  as  a  conferee,  and  that  he 
would  demand  the  surrender  by  the  nations 
associated  with  the  United  States  of  things 
which  it  would  be  impossible  for  them  to 
surrender. 

As  It  turned  out  both  of  these  views  seem 
to  have  been  wrong.  In  the  first  place,  the 
President's  coming  had  an  instant  and  an 
enormous  appeal,  not  to  governments  or  offi- 
cial worlds,  but  to  great  masses  of  the  people 
In  all  the  countries  which  Mr.  Wilson  vis- 
ited. The  testimony  from  London,  from 
Paris,  from  Rome,  is  the  same.  In  each  case 
although  everything  which  could  be  done  by 
the  official  world  to  make  the  visit  a  success 


AMERICA   AND    THE  ALLIES  AT   THE   PEACE    TABLE 


259 


was  done,  in  all  instances  the  peoples  of  the 
various  capitals  themselves  went  out  and  wel- 
comed the  President  in  a  fashion  unknown 
in  European  history. 

In  a  rather  inexplicable  way  the  President 
of  the  United  States  became  for  the  peoples 
of  the  countries  which  had  fought  the  war 
and  made  the  great  sacrifice  the  symbol,  a 
guarantee  that  the  settlement  of  this  supreme 
tragedy  would  be  of  a  new  sort.  Mr.  Wil- 
son was  almost  a  mystical  figure  for  the 
masses  of  these  people.  They  expected  of 
him  a  miracle ;  they  expected  of  him  a  League 
of  Nations  which  would  make  a  war  im- 
possible in  the  future  while  curing  all  the 
evils  of  this  latest  war. 

For  them  he  was  a  physical  expression  of 
a  boundless  hope,  and  in  the  first  weeks 
of  his  visit  the  President  did  nothing  which 
did  not  strengthen  rather  than  weaken  this 
universal  impressive  popular  expectation.  He 
was  accepted  as  a  saviour  of  society;  his  po- 
sition was  exceedingly  difficult  and  danger- 
ous, but  in  the  midst  of  the  difficulties  and 
dangers  he  avoided  mistakes. 

Now  the  permanent  gain  as  contrasted 
with  the  temporary  expectation  seems  to  me 
twofold.  In  the  first  place,  the  President, 
by  his  presence,  loosed  great  waves  of  ideal- 
ism and  of  aspiration.  I  do  not  pretend  to 
say  that  any  man  coming  as  the  President  of 
the  United  States  in  the  present  circum- 
stances might  not  have  done  the  same  thing, 
but  what  I  am  trying  to  explain  is  that  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  coming  at 
this  time,  and  in  this  way,  has  created  condi- 
tions atmospheric  and  spiritual  which  are 
bound  to  be  registered  in  the  final  peace 
terms. 

In  the  second  place,  in  England  particu- 
larly the  President  gave  a  new  direction  and 
a  new  vitality  to  Anglo-American  relations. 
I  do  not  mean  official  or  diplomatic  relations, 
but  I  mean  friendly  relations  between  the 
two  peoples.  Mr.  Wilson  seemed  to  millions 
of  English  men  and  women  to  represent  a 
principle  which  they  believed  in  and  desired 
to  serve.  His  presence  seemed  the  assurance 
that  masses  and  millions  of  American  people 
were  animated  by  precisely  the  same  prin- 
ciples and  shared  the  same  aspirations.  This 
consciousness  and  belief  in  a  common  pur- 
pose and  a  common  belief  in  the  present  and 
in  the  future  seemed  in  England  to  give  a 
promise  of  a  durable  basis  of  friendly  rela- 
tions. I  talked  to  many  scores  of  English- 
men, with  not  a  few  Americans  in  London. 
The  testimony  was  the  same.     It  was  that 


the  President's  visit  had  opened  a  new  period 
in  Anglo-American  relations,  that  as  a  re- 
sult misunderstanding  would  be  avoided  and 
the  b? triers  between  the  two  countries  would 
be  abolished.  It  is  difficult  to  analyze  the 
emotion  and  the  conviction,  but  it  is  equally 
impossible  to  exaggerate  it. 

Viewed  close  to  the  event  and  with  all 
proper  qualifications  necessary  in  the  prem- 
ises, the  great  thing,  the  very  greatest  thing, 
about  President  Wilson's  visit  was  that  it 
created  the  belief  that  there  could  be  present 
and  future  cooperation  between  the  United 
States  and  Great  Britain,  because  there  was 
a  solid  basis  for  such  cooperation.  Millions 
of  men  and  women  found  in  the  presence 
and  in  the  words  of  Mr.  Wilson  evidence 
of  a  contemporary  community  of  thought,  of 
aspirations  and  of  ideals.  I  came  to  London 
wholly  skeptical  of  the  Wilson  visit.  I  found 
unanimous  testimony  to  its  success,  including 
that  of  the  Americans  in  London  who  would 
naturally  be  least  reserved  in  criticizing  an 
American  to  an  American. 

It  is  patent  that  no  man — since  all  men 
are  human — could  achieve  the  results  ex- 
pected of  Mr.  Wilson,  and  yet  I  am  satisfied 
that  the  results  of  his  visits  to  England,  to 
France,  and  also  to  Italy,  where  perhaps  the 
popular  demonstration  was  the  greatest  of 
all,  will  be  beneficial  immediately  and  for  the 
long  future.  I  am  satisfied  that  the  peace 
that  is  made  at  Paris  will  be  more  satisfac- 
tory to  the  world  because  Mr.  Wilson's  visit 
and  the  kind  of  appeal  which  his  presence 
made  generated  forces  which  will  operate 
upon  the  delegates  at  the  Peace  Conference 
and  which  will  directly  influence  and  shape 
their  decisions  in  the  direction  of  justice  and 
liberalism. 

I  do  not  think  that  Mr.  Wilson  has  been 
over  successful  in  the  mere  mechanics  of  the 
Conference.  I  do  not  think  that  he  has 
shown  himself  particularly  happy  in  the  selec- 
tion of  his  agents  or  inspired  in  many  of  his 
dealings  with  various  nations.  There  are 
limitations  and  obvious  limitations  to  any 
man  and  Mr.  Wilson's  limitations  are  as 
patent  in  Paris  as  they  are  unmistakable  in 
Washington.  The  thing  that  1  am  trying 
to  say  is  that  Mr.  Wilson's  visit  had  an  im- 
personal or  non-personal  aspect ;  that  it  had 
an  effect  that  neither  he  nor  anyone  else 
could  perhaps  have  calculated  and  that  effect 
was  good  and  convinced  me  as  it  convinced 
most  of  the  Americans  '\n  Europe  who  like 
me  were  opposed  to  his  going  that  his  jour- 
ney was  thoroughl)'  justified  by  the  event. 


260 


THE   AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


II.    The  English  Program 

The  second  point  which  I  wish  to  examine 
at  this  time  is  the  purpose  of  Great  Britain 
as  it  is  expressed  at  this  Conference,  recog- 
nizing that  in  the  larger  way  the  Peace 
Treaty  will  be  framed  by  America,  France 
and  Great  Britain.  What  then  is  the  main 
purpose  of  the  British  Empire  as  it  is  revealed 
at   Paris? 

The  answer  seems  to  me  very  clear.  The 
British  delegates  have  come  to  Paris  resolved 
that  no  matter  what  else  is  decided  here  that 
as  a  consequence  of  mutual  cooperation  and 
association  Anglo-American  relations  will  be 
better  and  more  intimate  in  the  future.  To 
this  end  I  am  convinced  the  British  are  will- 
ing to  make  any  reasonable  and  almost  any 
unreasonable  concession. 

The  burden  of  British  comment  here  as 
in  England  seems  to  be  this.  Through  the 
President  and  elsewhere  America  has  ex- 
pressed certain  ideals,  has  voiced  her  belief 
in  certain  duties  which  must  be  undertaken 
by  all  the  great  Powers  of  the  world  if  we 
are  to  avoid  another  general  war.  Since 
America  is  sincere  in  advocating  these  prin- 
ciples America  is  necessarily  ready  to  share 
in  the  obligations.     This  point  is  vital. 

Now  nothing  is  more  surprising  to  the 
Americans  in  London  or  in  Paris  than  the 
calm  fashion  in  which  the  British  assign  to 
America  specific  duties,  specific  obligations. 
It  is  for  America  in  their  mind  to  grasp  each 
of  the  thorny  problems  which  European 
rivalries  and  complications  make  impossible 
for  any  European  nation.  For  example, 
there  is  Constantniople.  The  English 
would  not  consent  to  the  occupation  of  Con- 
stantinople by  the  French  nor  the  French  to 
a  British  occupation.  The  French  and  the 
British  are  agreed  that  Italy  should  not  oc- 
cupy Constantinople,  but  since  someone  must 
occupy  Constantinople  it  is  the  belief  of  the 
English  that  it  should  be  the  United  States, 
not  as  a  matter  of  territorial  or  economic  ag- 
grandizement but  as  a  moral  obligation. 

And  Constantinople  does  not  mean  merely 
the  shores  of  the  Straits  and  the  Sea  of  Mar- 
mora. It  means  really  attacking  the  Turk- 
ish problem  from  both  ends.  It  means  deal- 
ing with  the  Armenian  question,  perhaps  the 
Syrian  question.  Quite  in  the  same  way 
there  are  the  German  Colonies  in  Africa. 
Someone  must  take  them.  The  English  are 
unwilling  that  the  Germans  should  sit  down 
again  on  the  road  to  India.  The  South 
Africans  are  determined  that  Germanv  shall 


not  have  German  Southwest  Africa  a  base 
for  any  propaganda  among  the  Boers  leading 
to  another  revolution.  Why  not  have  Amer- 
ica administer  them? 

Now  the  thing  would  seem  absurd  to  the 
mass  of  my  American  readers  but  I  hasten 
to  assure  them  that  it  does  not  seem  in  the 
least  absurd  to  the  English  mind.  To  Eng- 
lish policy  and  English  purpose  the  Peace 
Conference  is  to  persuade  America  if  pos- 
sible to  undertake  the  solution  of  many  of 
the  most  complex  problems  of  the  whole 
world.  This  purpose  is  defended  by  quota- 
tions from  President  Wilson's  various 
speeches,  by  quotations  from  various  Ameri- 
can statesmen  and  thinkers  and  by  the  frank 
assertion  that  no  country  save  America  pos- 
sesses the  resources  commensurate  with  the 
task  or  is  free  from  those  limitations  mutual 
jealousies  imposed  upon  European  powers. 

I  think  it  is  of  the  utmost  importance  that 
America  should  understand  how  real  and 
general  is  the  British  belief  that  the  time  has 
come  when  the  United  States  must  accept  a 
portion  of  the  responsibilities  incident  to  her 
great  strength  as  disclosed  in  the  war.  It 
is  the  view  of  the  British  m  large  numbers 
that  America  should  become  in  a  certain 
sense  the  agent  of  the  League  of  Nations  in 
many  of  the  lost  regions  of  the  earth,  not  to 
raise  the  American  flag,  not  to  become  a  com- 
petitor in  a  new  imperialism  but  to  under- 
take a  task  of  civilization  and  liberation  so 
colossal  as  to  demand  American  resources  to 
the  utmost.  * 

Now  with  this  fact  in  mind  it  is  not  dif- 
ficult to  see  the  British  representatives  at 
work  in  Paris.  They  are  ready  to  cooperate 
with  Mr.  Wilson  and  the  Americans  in 
practically  every  question  that  comes  up. 
Precisely  in  the  same  way  and  :n  the  little 
differences  of  opjuion  in  the  world  of  jour- 
nalism British  journalists  at  Paris  stand 
shoulder  to  shoulder  with  Americans.  I  can 
conceive  of  no  poHcy  uttered,  no  purpose  de- 
clared by  Americans  at  Paris  which  would 
lead  the  British  to  separate  themselves  from 
us,  however  considerable  the  cost  to  them. 
In  any  event  this  is  the  spirit  of  Britain  in 
Paris. 

I  do  not  find  anywhere  any  British  ap- 
petite for  territory.  Rather  I  find  the  Brit- 
ish reluctantly  compelled  to  champion  cer- 
tain demands  made  by  their  Colonies — no- 
tably Australia  and  South  Africa — with  re- 
spect to  the  German  Colonies,  but  doing  it 
without  enthusiasm  or  great  conviction.  I 
do  not  find  the  British  eager  to  extend  their 


AMERICA   AND    THE  ALLIES  AT   THE  PEACE   TABLE 


261 


frontiers  or  add  to  their  Empire  but  rather 
apprehensive  of  the  greatness  of  the  burden 
already  laid  upon  their  shoulders. 

And  this  leads  me  to  another  observation. 
It  is  impossible  to  mistake  the  effect  of  the 
war  upon  the  English  people.  It  has  had  a 
chastening  and  a  saddening  effect.  The  last 
year  of  the  war,  with  its  defeats  and  its 
disasters,  which  in  the  end  involved  the  phy- 
sical interposition  of  America  to  save  the 
day,  has  changed  the  whole  outlook  of  many 
English  upon  the  world  and  upon  the  Em- 
pire. The  shock  of  the  events  of  last  spring 
is  still  easily  to  be  detected  and  there  is  a 
frank  and  not  unmoving  confession  to  be  had 
from  Englishmen  that  the  events  of  the  war 
have  changed  the  whole  world  and  the  posi- 
tion of  England  in  that  world. 

And  in  this  situation  England's  policy  is 
not  to  be  mistaken.  There  is  a  resolution 
undisguised  and  inescapable  to  preserve  and 
to  expand  the  sympathies  and  the  cooperation 
which  had  their  origin  in  a  community  of  ac- 
tion against  the  common  enemy.  I  do  not 
believe  that  Lloyd  George  with  his  recently 
won  election  and  his  enormous  majority 
could  endure  a  direct  disagreement  with  Mr. 
Wilson  or  the  American  Government,  and 
I  am  satisfied  that  the  British  Government, 
like  the  British  people,  are  resolved  that  there 
shall  be  no  such  disagreement. 

So  much  for  the  British  policy  at  Paris 
which  I  think  is  easy  to  understand  when 
thus  translated. 

III.    French  Purpose 

As  contrasted  with  British  purpose  at 
Paris,  French  policy  must  deal  with  many 
points,  all  dangerous.  These  grow  without 
exception  out  of  the  peculiar  situation  of 
France.  She  alone  of  the  great  Western  na- 
tions has  been  invaded.  This  war  has  been 
fought  upon  her  soil  for  the  purpose  of  de- 
stroying her  as  a  world  influence  and  of 
making  her  a  German  vassal.  In  victory  the 
German  destroyed  such  of  French  cities  and 
wealth  as  he  did  not  mean  to  annex  or  could 
not  remove.  In  defeat  he  completed  the  de- 
struction and  turned  all  of  industrial  North- 
ern France  into  a  waste.  I  do  not  know 
words  that  could  describe  the  Flanders  and 
Artois  regions  as  I  saw  them  them  a  few 
weeks  ago,  when  through  the  courtesy  of  the 
British  Government  I  had  a  chance  to  jour- 
ney through  Lens  and  over  what  was  once 
the  Hindenburg  Line. 

Therefore  the  first  thought  and  the  first 


concern  in  the  French  mind  is  that  France 
shall  be  guaranteed  so  far  as  is  humanly  pos- 
sible against  a  return  of  the  destruction  from 
the  North.  Above  all  else,  if  the  League 
of  Nations  shall  fail,  if  the  hope  that  Ger- 
many will  transform  itself  proves  idle,  that 
the  next  war  shall  begin  on  German  and  not 
on  French  soil. 

Four  times  in  a  hundred  years  the  Ger- 
mans have  come  down  from  the  North  into 
France,  each  time  bringing  destruction  and 
three  times  carrying  away  a  portion  of 
French  territory.  In  this  last  invasion  their 
object  was  greater  than  ever  before  and  they 
had  marked  out  for  annexation  the  fairest  of 
French  industrial  regions. 

Therefore  with  recent  history  and  smoking 
ruins  in  full  view  France  comes  to  the  Con- 
ference at  Paris  asking  first  guarantees 
against  any  new  German  aggression.  Viewed 
with  reference  to  her  recent  agony  this 
French  demand  seems  reasonable,  and  yet  to 
many  Americans  unfamiliar  with  the  facts 
they  have  already  taken  upon  the  appear- 
ance of  chauvinistic  demands.  They  had 
already  become  evidence  of  a  revival  of  ' 
French  imperialism.  And  yet  upon  exami- 
nation I  can  find  no  warrant  for  such 
comments. 

What  the  French  ask  in  substance  is  this: 
the  return  of  Alsace-Lorraine,  which  requires 
no  comment  since  it  is  a  settled  thing;  the 
return  also  of  the  Saar  coal  districts,  France's 
before  1815,  not  merely  because  of  an  an- 
cient claim,  but  because  the  Germans  have 
deliberately  and  wantonly  destroyed  the  Lens 
coal  district  of  the  North  for  the  precise 
purpose  of  making  France  dependent  upon 
German  coal. 

And  if  this  last  wrong  be  not  righted  Ger- 
many will  have  lost  the  war  politically  but  in 
this  respect  have  won  it  economically. 

In  addition  they  will  ask,  I  am  sure,  that 
the  Germans  be  prevented  by  adequate  guar- 
antees from  maintaining  armies  or  fortresses 
or  any  military  establishments  on  the  left 
bank  of  the  Rhine  in  that  territory  north 
of  the  new  French  frontier  which  will  be 
that  substantially  of  France  before  the 
French  Revolution.  This  last  demand  means 
that  the  next  time  Germany  undertakes  to  as- 
sail France,  if  she  shall,  the  war  will  begiji, 
not  in  the  heart  of  Northern  France,  but  on 
German  territory,  and  it  will  begin  between 
the  Saar  and  the  Rhine,  and  not  between  the 
Meuse  and  the  Marne.  France  asks  the 
world,  which  tardily  discovered  that  the 
French  frontier  was  the  frontier  of  ci\iliza- 


262 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEM'    OF    REVIEWS 


tion,  that  for  the  future  this  frontier  shall  bo 
made  safe  against  new  inroads. 

Argument  for  the  Saar  coal  district  is  not 
based  merely  or  mainly  upon  ancient  title. 
Last  year,  when  the  Germans  found  they 
were  not  going  to  be  able  permanently  to 
hold  the  French  coal  district  of  Lens,  they 
systematically  and  completely  wrecked  mines 
and  machinery,  they  dynamited  houses,  and 
they  transformed  the  whole  district  into  an 
almost  hopeless  desert.  Their  purpose  was 
to  make  France  dependent  upon  Germany 
for  coal,  to  cripple  French  industry  to  ^the 
profit  of  Germany ;  and  if  the  treaty  of  Paris 
fails  to  award  France  compensation  in  the 
shape  of  coal,  the  German  object  will  have 
been  achieved. 

France  asks,  therefore,  the  frontiers  of 
1814,  rather  than  those  of  1870,  as  an  act  of 
justice,  both  because  of  ancient  stealing  and 
of  contemporary  destruction,  and,  so  far  as 
I  know  there  is  no  criticism  of  her  purpose 
among  the  British  or  among  Americans  in 
France. 

So  much  for  the  European  phase  of  the 
French  purpose.  I  repeat  that  they  do  not 
think  of  imperialistic  purposes.  They  are 
anxious  to  prevent  a  repetition  of  the  past.  It 
is  very  hard  to  give  to  Americans  who  have 
lived  in  peace  and  with  no  accurate  picture 
of  devastated  France,  real  understanding  of 
French  emotion  at  the  present  time.  France 
has  just  escaped  a  terrible  disaster,  which 
would  have  meant  approximate  national  de- 
struction. For  nearly  half  a  century  the 
French  people  have  existed  under  the  shadow 
of  German  threat. 

It  still  seems  only  yesterday  that  German 
shells  were  falling  in  Paris  and  the  sky  was 
lighted  at  night  with  the  flame  of  German 
guns.  It  is  only  a  few  months  since  the  ar- 
rival of  German  troops  in  Paris  was  believed 
inevitable.  The  greatest  apprehension  is  over, 
but  not  easily  do  men  and  women  forget 
perils  so  recent,  which  are  again  only  repe- 
titions of  past  history.  It  is  this  element 
which  influences  French  idealism  and  French 
aspiration  at  the  present  hour. 

It  is  this  grim  fact  that  compels  the  mass 
of  thoughtful  Frenchmen  to  examine  the 
League  of  Nations  with  a  suspicion  that  is 
easily  interpreted  as  hostility,  which  it  is  not. 
The  rest  of  the  world  can  well  afford  to 
gamble  in  the  matter  of  the  League  of  Na- 
tions. The  French  cannot  afford  to  take  any 
chance,  and  the  limitations  imposed  upon 
them  by  their  recent  history  and  by  all  their 
historv  are  easilv  translated  into  a  revival  of 


chauvinism,  thereby  doing  France  very  great 
injustice. 

And  this,  so  far  as  I  can  find  it,  is  the 
whole  spirit  of  France  at  the  present  hour,  a 
passionate  determination  to  prevent  a  repeti- 
tion of  the  recent  horrors  in  France,  not  a 
desire  to  annex  German  territory  nor  Ger- 
man subjects.  I  do  not  believe  any  French 
Government  could  stand  an  hour  which  was 
convicted  in  the  eyes  of  the  French  people  of 
leaving  open  the  Northern  gateway. 

For  the  United  States,  for  England,  even 
for  Italy,  now  that  Austria  has  disappeared, 
the  League  of  Nations  remains  a  possible 
experiment.  It  may  succeed  or  it  may  fail, 
but  its  failure  would  carry  no  immediate  and 
vital  peril,  but  far  France  the  case  is  quite 
different.  A  Germany  of  seventy  millions 
of  people  will  survive  any  rearrangement  of 
territory  that  may  be  made  with  a  shadow 
of  recognition  of  the  principles  which  arc 
going  to  prevail  at  Paris.  If  France  is  left 
without  guarantees  against  such  a  Germany 
and  Germany  chooses  to  regard  the  League 
of  Nations  as  she  treated  her  Belgian  "scrap 
of  paper,"  it  will  be  France  and  France  alone 
vvhich  will  bear  the  immediate  shock.  The 
League  of  Nations  might  ultimately  conquer 
Germany  again  as  the  present  Alliance  has, 
but  meantime  another  desert  might  be  cre- 
ated in  Northern  France. 

This  French  frame  of  mind  has  seemed  to 
many  hostile  to  the  League  of  Nations.  I 
do  not  think  it  is  that.  I  think  most  of  all 
people  the  French  would  benefit  by  a  real 
League  of  Nations  and  a  successful  League 
of  Nations,  and  that  as  the  most  intelligent 
people  in  the  world  they  see  this  clearly, 
but  France  cannot  afford  to  take  the  chance 
and  France  will  not  take  the  chance,  and 
therefore  on  the  question  of  guarantees 
France  is  adamant,  while  England  is  ready 
and  willing  at  all  times  to  make  almost  any 
concession. 

IV.    Summary 

Thus  briefly  and  in  a  somewhat  cursory 
manner  I  have  sought  to  set  forth  three 
phases  of  the  present  situation  in  Paris — I 
do  not  believe  there  is  any  reason  to  think 
that  territorial  questions  as  between  the  great 
Powers  will  lead  to  differences  of  opinion. 
On  the  contrary,  I  think  all  the  great  Powers 
are  approaching  an  agreement  save  with  re- 
spect of  two  things,  the  Italian  demands  m 
Dalmatia  and  the  Eastern  Adriatic  and 
Egean    and    the    Russian    situation.     As    to 


AMRktCA   AND    THE  ALLIES  AT   THE  PEACE   TABLE 


263 


Italy,  all  indications  point  to  an  agreement 
among  all  other  nations  that  Italy  surrender 
claims  which  are  unjust  and  have  no  warrant 

fc  other  than  that  of  force  and  possession.  The 
view  in  Paris  is  that  Dalmatia  certainly  and 
Fiume  probably  will  go  to  the  Jugo-Slavs  and 

■  the  Greek  Islands  be  returned  to  Greece.  Nor 
is  there  a  less  firm  conviction  that  the  mass  of 
the  Italian  people  will  accept  such  a  decision 
even  though  their  government  opposes  it. 

As  to  Russia,  it  is  hopeless  to  make  any 
comment  now.  In  its  early  days  the  Paris 
Conference  considered  sending  a  joint  Allied 
force  to  Russia  to  suppress  Bolshevism,  but 
upon  examination  it  was  discovered  that  no 
government  would  undertake  to  send  any 
considerable  force  of  its  own  troops.  It  was 
discovered  further  that  the  people  of  no  one 
of  the  great  countries  w^ould  consent  to  such 
a  use  of  their  troops.  Therefore  the  single 
logical  course  had  to  be  abandoned. 

In  the  next  place  there  was  consideration 
of  sending  some  help  to  the  nations  in  the 
process  of  emergence  in  the  circle  about  Rus- 
sia, notably  Esthonia,  Lithuania,  and  Poland, 
but  again  the  same  discovery  was  made. 
There  remained,  therefore,  only  the  possi- 
bility of  persuasion,  of  moral  force  and  it 
was  proposed  that  representatives  of  the  Bol- 
sheviks should  be  invited  to  Paris ;  but  at 
this  point  the  French  struck.     It  was  pro- 


posed that  they  should  be  invited  to  meet  at 
Stockholm  or  Copenhagen  but  the  Swedish 
and  Danish  people  manifested  the  same  lack 
of  enthusiasm  which  characterized  the 
French.  To  invite  red-handed  murderers 
to  a  Peace  Conference  was  going  it  a  little 
strong,  so  finally  the  Conference  agreed  to 
invite  the  Bolsheviks  under  certain  conditions 
to  meet  in  a  forgotten  Island  in  the  Sea  of 
Marmora  practically  inaccessible  for  the 
Western  Powers  and  totally  so  for  the  Rus- 
sians. 

This  is  an  obvious  subterfuge.  It  means 
that  since  they  were  able  to  do  nothing  prac- 
tical and  compelled  to  do  something  promptly 
the  representatives  of  the  Paris  Conference 
took  a  course  which  leaves  the  question  as 
far  as  possible  from  the  scene  of  their  labors 
and  left  it  substantially  where  it  stood.  It 
meant,  as  I  can  see  it,  the  resignation  by 
Western  Europe  and  America  of  the  task  of 
restoring  Russia  by  arms.  It  meant  substan- 
tially leaving  Russia  to  her  own  fate,  but 
what  remains  to  be  seen  is  whether  it  means 
the  total  abandonment  of  the  little  nations 
on  the  outside  fringe  of  Russia. 

In  the  next  article  I  shall  endeavor  to  dis- 
cuss in  something  of  the  same  fashion  the 
situation  with  respect  to  the  smaller  people 
and  the  developments  of  the  Conference  it- 
self in  its  opening  phases. 


THE  FIRST  STAGE  COMPLETED 

(By  Parts  cable  to  the  Review  of  Reviews  from  Mr.  Simonds) 


^ I  ^HE  date  of  filing  of  this  dispatch  prac- 
-/  tically  coincides  with  the  completion  of 
the  League  of  Nations  program  and  the  de- 
parture of  President  Wilson  for  America. 
We  have,  therefore,  come  to  the  end  of  the 
first  natural  and  logical  division  in  the  labors 
of  the  Peace  Conference,  and  it  is  possible 
to  give  some  summary  of  what  has  been  ac- 
complished in  this  period. 

In  the  first  place,  the  coming  of  President 
Wilson  had  an  effect  unforeseen  either  iji 
America  or  in  Europe.  What  was  a  dubious 
experiment  in  the  minds  of  his  own  country- 
men was  transformed  by  the  character  of  his 
reception  into  a  real  and  unmistakable  con- 
tribution to  the  making  of  a  just  peace.  The 
mass  of  the  peoples  of  Italy,  France,  and 
Great  Britain  welcomed  the  American  Presi- 
dent not  merely  personally  and  in  his  repre- 
sentative  capacity,   but  also   as  a  symbol   of 


profnise  of  deliverance  fro?Ji  the  tragedy 
which  the  war  had  made. 

After  jjiore  than  two  months  of  his  stay  in 
Europe  President  Wilson  can  still  count  on 
the  right  side  of  the  balance ;  and  I  think  he 
has  complete  justification  for  his  journey  in 
the  forces  and  aspirations  stirred  by  his  com- 
ing. Mr.  Wilson  has  also  succeeded  in  per- 
suading the  Peace  Conference  to  adopt  his 
view  that  the  League  of  Nations  program 
should  not  only  be  included  in  the  Treaty  of 
Peace,  but  that  it  should  be  made  the  first 
ivork  of  the  Peace  Conference. 

Before  this  article  is  in  the  hands  of  the 
reader  the  character  of  the  program  of  the 
League  of  Nations  already  agreed  upon  7rill 
be  fully  knoicn.  It  ivill  carry  icith  it  disap- 
pointment to  those  who  hoped  for  more  ri(fid 
and  final  settlement  of  the  machinery  of  in- 
ternational relations.      It  irill  arouse  skepti- 


264 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEIV    OF    REVIEJTS 


cism.  It  must  depend  upon  the  developments 
of  the  future  for  attainment  of  its  highest 
possibilities.  And  yet  it  represents  something 
real,  tangible,  and  definite  in  the  direction  of 
making  it  easier  to  preserve  peace  in  the 
world. 

The  President  did  not  frame  the  League 
of  Nations.  The  contribution  of  the  British 
to  its  actual  language  was  very  great.  But  the 
President  did  carry  through  his  determina- 
tion that  the  first  thing  settled  should  be  the 
League  of  Nations. 

Now  it  is  impossible  to  disguise  the  fact 
that  while  there  has  been  substantial  progress 
made  in  the  matter  of  the  League  of  Nations, 
there  has  been  no  actual  solution,  no  approxi- 
mate solution — no  substantial  beginning,  in 
the  way  of  solving  of  the  more  practical  and 
material  questions.  And  there  has  been 
marked  development  of  anxiety  and  restless- 
ness, particularly  in  France,  as  a  result  of  the 
prolongation  of  the  Peace  Conference  with- 
out the  attempting  of  any  material  results. 

The  real  test  of  Mr.  Wilsons  service  to 
America  and  to  the  world  must  be  hereafter 
in  the  machinery  with  which  to  cooperate 
ivith  the  French  and  with  the  British,  and 
in  the  pro?npt  settlement  of  the  great  terri- 
torial and  financial  questions  which  still  re- 
main clamoring  for  adjustment . 

We  have  in  the  past  months  seen  Germany 
reorganize  herself  and  arise  almost  from 
ashes.  In  Paris,  as  in  London,  there  has  been 
a  distinct  realization  that  the  new  Germany 
is  the  old  Germany,  with  different  labels  but 
unchanged  principles.  We  have  conscious- 
ness here  in  Europe  of  the  renewal  of  old 
German  propaganda.  We  have  a  growing 
feeling  that  a  great  blunder  was  made  in  not 
fixing  the  terms  of  peace  with  Germany  soon 


after  the  armistice,  while  Germany  was  stilt 
incapable  of  resistance;  and  there  is  a  growing 
pressure  on  all  sides  that,  in  so  far  as  possible, 
that  mistake  should  be  remedied  without 
undue  delay. 

In  sum,  the  first  two  months  of  the  Peace 
Conference  have,  under  Mr.  Wilson  s  com- 
pulsion, been  consumed  in  the  formation  of 
principles  of  a  League  of  Nations.  That  task 
has  been  substantially  accomplished.  In  that 
ti?ne  all  other  great  problems  have  been  more 
or  less  neglected.  Germany  has  recovered 
from  the  moral  consequence  of  her  defeat,  and 
is  preparing  to  resist  in  every  way  except  by 
arms  the  just  demands  of  her  conquerors. 
France  has  felt  the-  new  menace,  and  French 
opinion  has  been  disturbed  by  American  in- 
sistence on  solving  ffioral  problems  before  the 
material  questions,  which  mean  life  or  death 
to  France,  have  been  adjusted. 

The  American  policy  has  tended  to  make  a 
firm  alliance  with  the  British.  Probably  never 
in  history  have  the  governments  of  America 
and  England  been  drawn  so  closely  together. 
But,  unhappily,  this  has  been  accomplished  to 
some  extent  by  a  te?idency  towards  separation 
between  the  Anglo-Saxon  nations  and  their 
French  Ally. 

We  have,  therefore,  to  face  certain  unmis- 
takable anxieties  and  difficulties  during  the 
next  few  months.  We  have  still  to  face  and 
settle  all  the  great  historical  problems.  We 
have  inade  a  very  bad  beginning  by  surre?ider- 
ing  Russia  first  to  Bolshevism  and  perhaps  ul- 
timately to  Germany.  But,  on  the  other 
hand,  there  is  a  spirit  of  moderation  and  jus- 
tice disclosed  here  in  the  purposes  and  de- 
mands of  most  of  the  nations,  and  the  greatest 
danger  now  to  be  feared  is  long  delay  rather 
than  permanent  discord. 


EUROPE'S  MINOR  FRICTIONS 

BY  LOTHROP  STODDARD 


EARLY  in  the  year  1918  the  German 
generalissimo  Ludendorff  remarked 
in  an  expansive  mood:  "Many  chimneys  will 
continue  long  to  smoke,  but  the  Great  War 
will  be  over  this  year."  Subsequent  events 
have  proven  Ludendorff  a  true  prophet. 
The  Great  War  did  end  in  1918— albeit 
not  In  the  way  the  doughty  Prussian  prob- 
ably had  in  mind. 

The  first  part  of  his  prophecy  was  equally 
correct.  Many  political  chimneys  are-  still 
smoking — smoking  furiously  and  creating  an 
intolerable  smudge  that  shows  few  present 
signs  of  abatement.  These  smoke-belching 
chimneys  are  dotted  thickly  all  over  the  east 
end  of  Europe,  stretching  In  a  broad  band 
from  the  Baltic  Sea  and  the  Arctic  Ocean 
right  across  to  the  Black  Sea  and  the  Medi- 
terranean.^ 

Peace  may  have  descended  upon  Western 
Europe  since  the  armistice  of  last  Novem- 
ber. But  in  Eastern  Europe  there  is  no 
peace.  No  sooner  had  the  Great  War  ended 
than  a  new  war  began — or,  rather,  a  whole 
series  of  little  wars  waged  by  the  various 
elements  which  make  up  the  population  of 
this  vast  area.  Race  has  risen  against  race, 
and  in  some  instances,  quickened  by  the 
Bolshevist  leaven,  class  has  risen  against 
class  within  the  same  race. 

Up  to  date  no  less  than  sixteen  little  wars 
have  broken  out,  not  counting  In  this 
astounding  figure  either  the  various  cam- 
paigns in  progress  between  the  Russian  Bol- 
sheviki  and  the  Russian  Conservatives  with 
their  Allied-American-Czechoslovak  backers, 
or  the  various  purely  class-struggles  going 
on  within  particular  race-groups.  And,  be 
it  noted,  these  wars  are  termed  "little"  only 
by  comparison  with  the  "Great"  War  which 
Is  just  oven  Before  1914  some  of  them 
would  have  been  considered  respectable  con- 
tests worthy  of  world-wide  attention. 

Since  last  November,  Europe's  eruptive 
east  end  has  seen  many  a  pitched  battle  with 
thousands  of  casualties,  the  total  casualty 
list  probably  running  far  up   Into  the  tens 


'The  reader  who  may  wish  to  refer  to  ma[»s  will  find 
them  in  Dr.  Talcott  Williams'  article  on  "The  Rattle  of 
the  Boundaries,"   beRinninK  on   page  281. 


of  thousands,  while  the  suffering  imposed 
upon  the  wretched  civilian  population  already 
worn  down  by  four  and  one-half  years  of 
Great  War  is  beyond  calculation.  The  only 
way  to  visualize  the  present  appalling  situa- 
tion of  Eastern  Europe  Is  to  take  a  bird's- 
eye  view  of  the  whole  field,  noting  in  turn 
the  various  areas  of  political  friction  or 
armed  strife. 

Armed  Strife  in  Finland 

Beginning  our  survey  from  the  north,  the 
first  little  war  which  comes  to  our  notice 
Is  that  being  waged  between  the  White 
Guard  government  of  Finland  and  the  Rus- 
sian Bolshevikl.  True,  there  is  another  war 
raging  still  further  to  the  north,  in  the  Arch- 
angel forests  abutting  on  the  Arctic  Ocean, 
where  American  and  British  troops  are  sup- 
porting a  Russian  Conservative  government 
against  Bolshevik  attacks ;  but  the  several 
campaigns  being  fought  in  Russia  proper  and 
Siberia  are  not  to  be  here  discussed,  so  we 
will  begin  our  survey  with  Finland. 

Finland  has  been  independent  since  1917, 
when  the  breakdown  of  the  Czarist  regime 
by  the  Russian  Revolution  enabled  the  Finns 
to  throw  off  the  hated  Russian  yoke.  Short- 
ly afterwards  the  Finns  fought  a  most  des- 
perate class-war  among  themselves,  the  Con- 
servative "White  Guards"  calling  in  the 
Germans,  and  the  Social-Revolutionist  "Red 
Guards"  summoning  the  Russian  Bolshevikl. 
In  the  end  the  White  Guards  triumphed  and 
established  throughout  Finland  a  strongly 
conservative  regime.  Such  a  brazenly 
"bourgeois"  government  so  near  Petrograd, 
the  Russian  capital,  naturally  roused  the  ire 
of  the  Bolshevikl,  and  desultory  fighting  has 
been  going  on  between  the  two  governments. 
Recently  large  White  Guard  detachments 
have  crossed  the  Gulf  of  Finland  into  Es- 
thonia,  to  aid  the  Esthoniiins  against  the 
Bolshevik  invasion  of  that  country. 

The  Baltic  Provinces  Fight  for  Independence 

Esthonia,  Livonia,  nnd  Courland  together 
form  the  so-called  Baltic  Provinces,  stretch- 
ing from  the  Gulf  of  I'inland  to  Prussia. 
The  Baltic  Provinces  arc  inhabited  by  two 

2«S 


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THE   AMERICAN  REVIEW   OF   REVIEWS 


distinct  native  races — the  Esths  in  Esthonia 
and  northern  Livonia  (a  people  of  Finnish 
blood )  and  the  Letts  in  southern  Livonia  and 
Courland.  The  Letts  are  often  erroneously 
called  Slavs.  In  reality  they,  together  with 
their  Lithuanian  kinsmen  to  the  south- 
ward, form  a  distinct  branch  of  the  Aryan 
race  which  has  dwelt  around  the  southeast 
corner  of  the  Baltic  Sea  since  immemorial 
times. 

Besides  these  two  native  races,  the  situa- 
tion in  the  Baltic  Provinces  is  complicated 
by  the  presence  of  a  strong  German  element 
which  has  formed  the  upper  class  since 
medieval  times.  The  Baltic  Provinces  have 
long  been  under  Russia,  which  oppressed 
them  sorely.  Therefore,  in  1917,  the  Baltic 
Provinces,  like  Finland,  expelled  the  Czarist 
officials  and  set  up  autonomous  governments 
of  their  own — Esth  in  the  north,  Lett  in  the 
south.  These  governments  were  Radical 
but  not  Bolshevik.  Then,  in  early  1918,  the 
German  armies  came  in,  overthrew  the 
native  governments,  and  set  up  a  very  con- 
servative regime,  run  by  the  upper-class 
Baltic   Germans. 

When  Germany  collapsed  at  the  end  of 
1918,  the  German  armies  began  to  withdraw 
and  the  Esth  and  Lett  regimes  came  back 
again.  Then  the  Russian  Bolsheviki  took  a 
hand.  Declaring  these  governments  ''bour- 
geois/^ the  Bolshevik  Government  sent  its 
"Red  Guard"  armies  into  the  Baltic  Prov- 
inces to  Bolshevize  them.  The  Esths  and 
Letts  have  put  up  a  plucky  fight,  the  Esths 
winning  a  notable  victory  at  Narva  last 
January.  They  have  been  assisted  by  the 
Finnish  White  Guards  previously  mentioned, 
by  Swedish  volunteer  legions,  and  by  a  British 
fleet  which  has  kept  off  the  Russian  navy  and 
rendered  other  valuable  services.  The 
fighting  has  been  bitter  and  the  Russians 
have  committed  great  excesses  upon  the 
population.  The  worst  sufferers  have  per- 
haps been  the  Baltic  Germans,  since  all 
parties  have  gotten  after  them — the  Letts 
and  Esths  because  they  were  Germans,  the 
Russian  Bolsheviks  because  they  were 
bourffeois. 

A  ''Red"  Blight  In  Lithuania 

Lithuania,  just  to  the  southward  of  the 
Baltic  Provinces,  is  in  a  similar  plight.  The 
Lithuanians,  as  already  stated,  are  not 
Slavs,  but  during  the  Middle  Ages  Lith- 
uania was  united  to  Slavic  Poland,  and  the 
upper-classes  are  to-day  Poles,  just  as  the 
upper-classes    in    the    Baltic    Provinces    are 


Germans.  Russia  owned  Lithuania  in  1914, 
and  was  cordially  detested  by  both  Poles  and 
Lithuanians.  In  1915  the  Germans  con- 
quered Lithuania  and  held  it  until  their 
breakdown  at  the  end  of  1918.  The  Ger- 
mans of  course  maintained  a  strong,  mili- 
tary government.  Since  then  there  has  ap- 
parently been  no  government.  When  Ger- 
man authority  lapsed,  the  Lithuanians  set 
about  establishing  an  independent  Lith- 
uanian state,  but  the  influential  Polish  ele- 
ment at  once  proclaimed  the  revival  of  the 
historic  connection  between  Poland  and 
Lithuania.  Both  sides  raised  ill-armed  mili- 
tias between  whom  there  was  sporadic 
bloodshed. 

Soon  the  newly  established  Polish  State 
to  the  southward  sent  in  Polish  troops  to 
rtenforce  the  Lithuanian  Poles.  But  just 
then  the  Russian  Bolsheviki  appeared.  De- 
claring that  the  Lithuanians  must  be  pre- 
served from  bourgeois  Polish  rule,  the 
Petrograd  government  sent  in  its  Red 
Guards  precisely  as  it  was  doing  in  the 
Baltic  Provinces.  The  Russians  have  made 
considerable  progress,  and  a  great  part  of 
Lithuania  is  now  in  their  hands.  One 
reason  for  their  success  is  the  inability  of 
Poles  and  Lithuanians  to  combine  against  the 
common  enemy.  Meanwhile  the  Russian 
Bolshevik  troops  regard  both  Poles  and  Lith- 
uanians as  bourgeois,  with  consequent  whole- 
sale excesses  and   destruction  of  property. 

Poland  Wages  War  on  All  Sides 

Coming  now  to  Poland  proper,  we  find 
a  most  extraordinary  situation.  The  new 
Polish  State,  though  scarcely  born,  is  fight- 
ing with  all  its  neighbors.  It  is  waging  reg- 
ular wars  with  the  Russians  on  the  east, 
the  Ukrainians  on  the  southeast,  the  Czecho- 
slovaks on  the  south,  and  the  Germans  on 
the  west  and  north.  And  these  wars  are  no 
child's-play.  They  are  desperate  conflicts, 
probably  the  bloodiest  in  the  whole  East 
European   area. 

The  struggle  with  the  Russian  Bolsheviki 
is  being  waged  both  in  Lithuania  and  the 
region  directly  east  of  Poland.  This  region, 
known  as  White  Russia,  is  claimed  by  the 
Poles  as  having  belonged  to  the  Medieval 
Polish  State.  Like  Lithuania,  it  contains  a 
Polish  upper-class.  The  peasantry,  of  Rus- 
sian blood,  are  rising  against  their  Polish 
landlords  and  are  being  aided  by  Bolshevik 
Red  Guards  who  have  occupied  a  great  part 
of    the   country. 

The  struggle  between  Poles  and  Ukrain- 


EUROPE'S   MINOR    FRICTIONS 


267 


ians  is  bitter  and  bloody.  Western  Ukrainia, 
comprising  both  eastern  Galicia  and  the  ad- 
jacent Russian  provinces  as  far  east  as  the 
river  Dnieper  about  the  city  of  Kiev,  be- 
longed to  Medieval  Poland,  and  here  as 
in  Lithuania  and  White  Russia,  a  Polish 
upper-class  has  persisted  to  the  present  day. 
The  race-hatred  between  Poles  and  Ukrain- 
ians has  always  been  intense  and  is  en- 
venomed by  differences  of  religion,  the  Poles 
being  Roman  Catholics  while  the  Ukrainians 
are  Orthodox  or  Uniat'es. 

Accordingly,  now  that  they  have  been 
given  free  rein,  the  old  antipathies  have 
flamed  up  with  all  their  ancient  bitterness. 
In  the  Kiev  region  the  Polish  element,  being 
very  small,  has  been  simply  overwhelmed. 
In  Eastern  Galicia  the  Poles,  reenforced  by 
troops  from  Poland  proper,  are  putting  up  a 
desperate  fight.  Cities  like  Lemberg  and 
Przemysl  rise  like  Polish  islands  out  of  the 
angry  Ukrainian  peasant  sea. 

The  conflict  between  Poles  and  Czecho- 
slovaks arose  over  the  possession  of  Austrian 
Silesia,  a  region  inhabited  by  a  mixed  pop- 
ulation of  Poles,  Czechs,  and  Germans. 
Though  small  in  extent,  Austrian  Silesia 
is  valuable,  containing  some  rich  coal  mines. 
Both  the  contending  parties  concentrated 
large  bodies  of  troops  in  Austrian  Silesia 
and  one  reguhir  pitched  battle  was  fought  in 
January  at  Oderberg  in  which  the  Poles 
were  beaten,  the  victorious  Czechoslovaks 
occupying  the  country.  Recently  the  Ver- 
sailles Peace  Conference  sent  commissioners 
to  Austrian  Silesia  charged  with  orders  to 
both  Poles  and  Czechoslovaks  to  call  off 
their  war  and  await  the  adjudication  of  the 
Great  Powers. 

The  struggle  between  Poles  and  Germans 
is  far-reaching.  The  Poles  claim  the  whole 
or  parts  of  the  four  Prussian  provinces  of 
Posen,  West  Prussia,  East  Prussia  and  Si- 
lesia, which  are  inhabited  by  both  races  in 
varying  proportions.  Strong  armed  forces 
have  taken  the  field  on  both  sides  and  there 
has  been  much  rioting  by  the  civilian  ele- 
ments. As  yet  the  bloodshed  has  been  less 
than  that  in  Austrian  Silesia  or  Ukrainia. 

Chaos  in  Ukrainia 

Ukrainia  is  truly  a  disturbed  area.  Be- 
sides the  war  with  the  Poles  already  de- 
scribed, the  Bolsheviki  are  rateking  serious 
inroads  and  are  reported  to  have  occupied 
the  eastern  part  of  the  country.  The  Con- 
servative native  government  which  main- 
tained itself  hirgely  by  German  bayonets  has 


apparently  been  crumbling  ever  since  the 
Germans  evacuated  the  country.  Indeed, 
judging  by  the  scanty  and  contradictory 
press-reports,  Ukrainia  to-day  has  no  real 
government,  but  is  torn  by  contending  fac- 
tions, Conservative,  Radical,  and  Social- 
Revolutionist,  with  Don  Cossacks  and  some 
French  troops  pushing  up  from  the  Black 
Sea  ports  adding  their  contribution  to  the 
tangle. 

The  Ukrainians  have,  however,  found 
time  to  quarrel  with  Rumania  over  the  prov- 
inces of  Bukovina  and  Bessarabia.  The 
northern  portions  of  these  provinces  are  in- 
habited by  Ukrainians.  By  last  reports  the 
Rumanians  were  still  holding  all  Bessarabia 
but  had  retired  under  Ukrainian  pressure 
from  Bukovina. 

Rumania's  War  Legacy 

Rumania  is  having  her  troubles,  though 
her  claims  have  a  more  legal  standing,  being 
based  upon  a  secret  treaty  concluded  with 
the  Allied  Powers  just  before  Rumania 
joined  them  against  the  Teutonic  Empires 
in  the  autumn  of  1916.  By  this  treaty 
Rumania  was  promised,  among  other  things, 
Transylvania  and  a  large  slice  of  the  Hun- 
garian plain-country  to  the  westward,  includ- 
ing the  Banat  of  Temesvar.  The  Banat,  a 
square  block  of  territory  abutting  on  the 
north  bank  of  the  Danube,  Is  inhabited  by 
an  extraordinary  medley  of  peoples,  rival- 
ing even  Macedonia.  Rumanians,  Jugo- 
slavs, Magyars,  and  Germans  live  here  in 
inextricable  confusion,  with  one  or  two 
minor  races  throw^n  in  for  good  measure. 

The  trouble  Is  that  the  Jugoslavs  also 
claim  the  Banat  and  are  furious  at  the 
secret  treaty  of  1916,  the  Serbian  Govern- 
ment, as  spokesmen  for  the  Jugoslavs,  hav- 
ing declared  itself  not  bound  by  an  agree- 
ment to  which  it  was  not  a  party  and  of 
which  it  was  officially  ignorant.  The  up- 
shot was  that,  as  soon  as  Austria- Hungar\ 
collapsed  last  November,  Rumanian  and 
Serbian  troops  simultaneously  invaded  the 
Banat  and  quickly  came  to  blows.  Serious 
fighting  w'ds,  averted  by  the  appearance  of 
French  troops  from  Macedonia  who  thrust 
themselves  between  the  contending  armies 
and  have  since  kept  them  apart. 

Aspirations  of  the  Czechoslovaks 

Before  discussing  the  somewhat  thorn\ 
question  of  the  Jugoslavs  It  nu'ght  be  well 
to  complete  our  survey  of  Czechoslovakia, 
whose  conflict   with    the   Poles   we   have   al- 


268 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


ready  noted.  Czechoslovakia  (consisting  of 
Bohemia,  Moravia,  and  the  Carpathian 
mountain  country  to  the  eastward)  is  large- 
ly enveloped  by  Germanic  territories.  It 
also  has  considerable  minorities  of  Germans, 
particularly  in  Bohemia  and  Moravia,  who 
desire  to  detach  themselves  from  Czecho- 
slovakia and  join  the  projected  Federated 
Germany.  All  this  reenforced  by  traditional 
race-antipathies,  has  not  made  for  har- 
monious Czecho-German  relations.  In  fact 
numerous  regrettable  frontier  incidents  have 
occurred,  together  with  considerable  rioting 
between  the  civilian  popidations. 

However,  the  bloodshed  has  been  relative- 
ly small,  the  Czechoslovaks  having  concen- 
trated their  military  energies  mainly  against 
the  Poles.  In  the  Carpathian  region  the 
Slovaks  have  had  a  certain  amount  of  trouble 
with  the  Magyars,  the  Slovak  country  hav- 
ing of  course  formed  part  of  Hungary.  The 
Czechoslovaks  also  claim  as  part  of  their 
state  the  mountainous  territory  just  east  of 
Slovakia  proper.  This  region  is  mainly 
inhabited  by  an  Ukrainian  population,  though 
separated  from  the  main  body  of  their  kins- 
men by  the  mountain-wall  of  the  Carpa- 
thians. The  Czechoslovaks  call  these  people 
Uhro-Rusins  and  assert  that  they  desire  to 
join  the  Czechoslovak  state.  The  exact 
truth  of  the  matter  is  obscure. 

Jugoslav  versus  Italian 

Jugoslavia  presents  a  highly  composite 
picture.  The  various  branches  of  the 
"Yugo"  or  "South"  Slavs  spring  from  the 
same  race-stock  and  are  fundamentally  one 
in  blood,  and  speech.  Nevertheless,  they 
have  been  politically  separated  for  so  many 
centuries  and  have  been  subjected  to  so  many 
foreign  influences  that  they  have  developed 
strong  particularist  divergencies  of  religion, 
culture,  and  viewpoint  which  have  hitherto 
kept  them  apart  and  are  to-day  making  re- 
union difficult.  The  chief  thing  which 
keeps  their  internal  dissentions  down  is  the 


necessity      for      solidarity      against      hostile 
neighbors. 

The  old  feud  between  Serb  and  Bulgarian 
has  of  course  ceased  to  press,  for  the  time 
at  least,  since  Bulgaria  has  surrendered  un- 
conditionally to  Serbia's  Allies.  The  same 
is  largely  true  of  the  Magyars  and  Austrian 
Germans,  though  there  has  been  some  civilian 
rioting  in  the  frontier  regions.  Jugoslav 
attention  is,  however,  intently  focused  upon 
the  conflict  with  Italy.  This  conflict  i*'  one 
of  the  most  serious,  and  perhaps  the  most 
pressing,  which  to-day  threatens  the  peace 
of  Europe.  The  debated  zone  between  Jugo- 
slavs and  Italians  stretches  almost  the  whole 
length  of  the  eastern  Adriatic  coast. 

Public  opinion  in  both  Italy  and  Jugo- 
slavia is  highly  inflamed  and  shows  a  regret- 
table disposition  to  fight  rather  than  com- 
promise. Armed  clashes  have  already  taken 
place,  and  actual  warfare  would  probably 
have  been  already  under  way  if  the  Western 
Powers — England,  France  and  the  United 
States — had  not  sent  warships  and  troops 
into  the  disputed  area.  It  is  interesting 
to  note  that  American  doughboj/s  are  patrol- 
ling more  than  "one  especially  volcanic  point 
on  the  east  Adriatic  shore. 

A  Field  for  International  Police 

Such,  in  brief,  is  the  present  situation  of 
eastern  Europe.  Our  survey  has  been  sum- 
mary, touching  only  the  high-lights,  and 
passing  over  many  interesting  details.  But 
enough  has  been  said  to  show  the  absolute 
necessity  of  an  effective  international  police- 
power  for  this  whole  region.  Its  peoples  are 
unable  to  compose  their  feuds  and  settle  down 
as  peaceable  neighbors.  In  a  few  short 
months  they  have  already  reduced  eastern 
Europe  to  a  cross  between  a  bear-garden  and 
a  bedlam.  If  unrestrained,  they  may  sink 
into  a  common  welter  of  anarchy  and  ruin. 
One  of  the  first  jobs  of  the  League  of  Na- 
tions will  be  the  strict  policing  of  Europe's 
eruptive  east  end. 


WORK  AND  HOMES  FOR 
RETURNING  SOLDIERS 

BY  HON.  FRANKLIN  K.  LANE 

(Secretary  of  the  Interior) 

\Sccre/ary  Lane's  statement  hcrenjuith  for  our  readers  summarizes  his  program  for  the  nation's 
material  progress,  and  points  the  v:ay  to  immediate  employment  of  many  returning  soldiers  ivho 
^vnuld  like  to  become  farm  producers.  The  article  by  Mr.  El^ood  Mead,  ijuhich  folloivs,  has  the 
complete  endorsement  of  Secretary  Lane,  and  sets  forth  the  best  plans  for  rural  development  that 
have  been  ivorked  out  through  practical  experience.  Mr.  Mead  himself  is  our  highest  authority  on 
land  settlement. — The  Editor.] 


C'*  ONGRESS  has  much  on  its  hands 
^  these  days — problems  of  far-reaching 
foreign  poh'cy,  wise  methods  of  laying  new 
taxes,  the  determination  of  a  railroad  policy, 
investigations  of  many  kinds.  There  is  no 
other  body  of  men,  it  is  safe  to  say,  working 
so  insistently  and  under  such  compelling 
strain  as  our  two  Houses  of  Congress.  Mat- 
ters which  the  necessities  of  war  had  com- 
pelled Congress  to  cast  upon  the  Executive 
Departments  have  now  come  back  into  the 
hands  of  the  National  Legislature — suddenly, 
unexpectedly.  And  for  these  reasons  it  is 
not  to  be  wondered  at  that  a  full-rounded 
and  matured  policy  of  readjustment  has  not 
been  thus  far  evolved  and  enacted  into  law. 
There  is  one  matter  of  emergency,  how- 
ever, which  should  demand  the  attention  of 
Congress  at  once  and  to  which  I  believe  that 
body  will  give  thought  and  as  to  which  it 
will  act  before  the  4th  of  March.  Our  men 
are  returning  from  France.  Our  war  indus- 
tries have  been  broken  up.  This  means  that 
there  will  be  a  temporary  problem  of  unem- 
l)loyment  during  the  transition  period  from 
full  war  speed  to  full  peace  speed. 

Resume  Public  Work  at   Once! 

To  meet  this  situation  the  Government 
cannot  act  too  swiftly.  There  should  be  a 
planned  cooperation  between  our  industries," 
the  cities,  the  States  and  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment, to  keep  men  at  work.  I  do  not 
mean  that  work  should  be  made  for  men,  but 
that  work  that  is  needed  should  now  be  done. 

The  fact  is  not  generally  noted,  but  this 
country  has  almost  stood  still  for  the  past 
four  years  except  in  the  promotion  of  those 
things  needed  to  supply  an  immediate  war 
demand  in  Europe  or  America.  We  liave 
put  into  our  railroad*^  for  their  maintenance 


only  enough  to  keep  them  in  condition  to 
run.  Our  building  program  has  been  lim- 
ited to  daily  housing  requirements.  No  large 
enterprises  of  any  kind  have  been  entered 
upon  excepting  the  construction  of  something 
that  would  sell  to  someone  at  war.  There- 
fore, in  the  larger  view  of  material  progress, 
these  years  have  been  wasted,  though  they 
have  made  sure  a  greater  material  progress 
in  the  future.  We  now  need  to  carry  for- 
ward the  projects  and  plans  which  for  a  time 
we  laid  aside,  and  out  of  what  we  have 
learned  through  the  war  of  the  world's  needs 
and  of  our  ability  to  meet  them,  we  can  gain 
a  new^  assurance  as  to  our  future. 

Resources   Awaitinff   Development 

But  while  we  are  viewing  with  apprecia- 
tion those  things  which  we  did  during  the 
war,  't  is  proper  now  that  we  should  give 
ourselves  concern  as  to  those  things  in  which 
we  found  ourselves  delinquent.  Our  roads 
were  poor;  they  broke  to  pieces  under  the 
strain  of  heavy  motor  traffic.  Our  rivers 
were  clogged ;  they  had  been  abandoned  for 
so  many  years  that  there  were  no  boats  avail- 
able to  relieve  the  traffic  of  congested  rail- 
roads. Why  not  now  make  good  roads  and 
clear  rivers?  Falling  water  we  had  which 
could  be  converted  into  power,  but  capital 
had  feared  to  develop  these  hydro-electric  op- 
portunities because  of  short-sighted  laws. 

We  became  alarmed  m  the  midst  ot 
the  war  lest  our  oil  supply  should  fall  short, 
and  gasless  Sundays  resulted.  Yet  we  have 
seven  million  acres  of  unexplored  oil  lands 
withdrawn  from  public  entry.  Why  not  re- 
lease these  opportunities?  The  world  was 
crying  aloud  for  bread,  and  we  suddenly  real- 
ized that  the  farm  population  of  the  IJ^nited 
States  wa'<  gradually  declining  '\n  proportion 

269 


270 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF   REVIEW'S 


to  the  city  population ;  that  now  less  than  50 
per  cent,  of  our  people  are  on  the  land.  All 
these  things  point  toward  work  that  should 
be  done.  The  difficulty  now  is  that  private 
capital  is  trying  to  find  into  what  safe  chan- 
nels it  can  be  led,  while  public  credit  is  em- 
barrassed by  the  large  war  calls  that  have 
been  made  upon  it.  Once  confidence  has 
come  back  we  shall  carry  on,  and  this  is  the 
time  that  tests  the  thoroughbred. 

Putting  Soldiers  Upon  Farms 

My  suggestion  as  to  the  solution  of  our 
immediate  problem  is  a  plan  for  putting  sol- 


diers upon  farms.  This  I  proposed  as  an 
expression  of  gratitude  to  the  soldier,  as  a 
means  of  reclaiming  great  bodies  of  our  un- 
used lands,  and  as  an  opportunity  to  demon- 
strate that  farm  life  can  be  made  not  only 
profitable  but  enjoyable  by  careful  planning. 
Congress  is  considering  the  creation  of  a 
fund  of  one  hundred  million  dollars  out  of 
which  we  can  make  farm  homes  for  return- 
ing soldiers  and  sailors.  This  will  not  be 
enough  to  guarantee  against  great  labor  dis- 
content, but  it  will  show  how  some  who  are 
willing  to  work  may  find  both  work  and 
homes  w^ithout  being  the  subjects  of  bounty. 


FARM  SETTLEMENTS  ON  A 

NEW  PLAN 

BY  ELWOOD  MEAD 

(Chairman   of  the  California  Land   Settlement    Board) 


THOSE  who  believe  in  a  planned  rural 
development  start  with  the  assumption 
that  land  settleilient  is  a  subject  of  great  pub- 
lic importance ;  that  the  creation  of  stable 
and  efficient  communities  is  a  task  worthy  of 
the  ablest  minds,  and  that  there  is  in  the 
Government  service  and  in  the  State  Agri- 
cultural Colleges  a  large  body  of  trained  men 
who  should  be  mobilized  for  this  service. 

A  planned  rural  development  is  needed  to 
meet  the  conditions  of  the  20th  century. 
These  are  entirely  different  from  those  which 
confronted  the  pioneers  who  opened  their 
way  through  the  wilderness  with  wagon,  axe, 
and  gun,  or  who  pushed  further  west  across 
the  trackless  prairie  where  in  the  arid  and 
semi-arid  sections  a  pitiless  nature  bedeviled 
them  with  heat  and  cold  and  insect  pests. 
The  struggle  to  survive  made  them  hardy 
and  self-reliant  but  left  them  neither  time 
nor  opportunity  to  study  problems  affecting 
the  general  welfare.  Free  or  cheap  land 
made  them  hopeful,  confident  and  independ- 
ent -but  they  did  not  realize  that  the  Gov- 
ernment could  be  made  a  useful,  helpful 
agency  to  lessen  the  hardship  and  risk  of  their 
struggle,  nor  that  they  were  laying  the  foun- 
dations of  a  civilization  to  last  for  unnum- 
bered generations. 

Now  the  free  land  is  gone.  To  buy  and 
equip  a  farm  is  a  costly  undertaking.  The 
percentage  of  our  population  which  attempts 
it    is    rapidly    decreasing.      Yet    every    year 


thousands  of  young  men,  who  lack  capital 
but  love  farm  life,  reach  the  age  when  they 
ought  to  marry  and  settle  down  to  their  life 
work.  Something  is  needed  to  give  them  the 
opportunity  formerly  afforded  by  free  or 
cheap  land,  and  the  best  way  to  create  that 
opportunity  is  for  the  Government  to  give 
financial  aid  and  expert  direction  to  rural 
development. 

The  experts  of  the  Government  depart- 
ments and  State  agricultural  and  engineering 
departments  should  be  the  responsible  plan- 
ners. They  should  be  called  from  the  side 
lines  to  take  part  in  the  game.  They  would 
bring  to  the  task  not  only  their  own  but 
the  world's  accumulated  knowledge  and  ex- 
perience. No  more  inspiring  opportunity 
could  be  given  to  men  of  ability  and  con- 
structive minds  than  a  field  in  which  to 
demonstrate  the  practical  value  of  their 
knowledge  in  helping  industrious  men  se- 
cure a  fair  opportunity  to  enjoy  landed  in- 
dependence and  to  induce  men  and  women 
of  intelligence  and  ability  to  perform  the  im- 
portant work  of  the  country  with  satisfac- 
tion to  themselves.  They  would  select  areas 
large  enough  to  create  a  definite  community 
life  and  make  cooperative  activities  possible ; 
determine  how  the  soil,  climate,  and  market 
facilities  of  these  areas  could  be  best  utilized ; 
fix  the  size  of  farms  needed  to  give  employ- 
ment and  a  comfortable  living  for  families ; 
determine    the    kind    of    agriculture    which 


FARM    SETTLEMENTS    ON   A    NEW   PLAN 


271 


would  maintain  soil  fertility  and  the  form  of 
tenure  which  would  lessen  speculation  in 
and  non-resident  ownership  of  land. 

Communities  Should  Be  Organized 

These  planners  would  realize  at  the  outset 
that  the  success  of  these  settlers  would  de- 
pend on  getting  the  farms  fully  developed 
in  the  shortest  possible  time;  that  the  care- 
less cultivation  of  the  pioneers,  dealing  with 
land  that  cost  little,  is  no  longer  possible,  and 
that  facilities  to  market  to  advantage  the 
crops  grown  must  be  provided.  The  social 
side  of  farm  life  w^ould  have  attention. 
There  would  be  a  community  center  with  a 
baseball  field  for  the  farmers'  sons.  A  vo- 
cational school,  a  social  hall,  cooperative  or- 
ganizations for  stock-breeding  and  buying 
and  selling  would  make  these  communities 
entirely  unlike  the  individualistic  settlements 
of  the  past. 

Social    and    Economic    Progress    of    Other 
Countries 

Other  countries  have  realized  more  clearly 
than  the  United  States  that  the  profits  of 
farming  depend  almost  as  much  on  ability 
to  sell  to  advantage  as  on  ability  to  grow 
large  crops.  In  Denmark,  Ireland,  Germany 
and  Australia  the  cultural  work  of  the  farm 
is  supplemented  by  cooperative  distributing 
and  selling  activities  which  bring  the  pro- 
ducer and  consumer  into  closer  relation  and 
cut  out  needless  expenses  and  agencies.  One 
looks  in  vain  in  America'  for  the  publicly 
owned  cold-storage  warehouses  at  terminal 
points,  such  as  exist  at  Manchester,  England ; 
Hamburg,  Germany,  and  Melbourne,  Aus- 
tralia. The  cooperative  slaughter-houses  of 
Denmark,  New  Zealand  and  Australia,  and 
the  municipally  owned  abattoirs  and  milk- 
distributing  systems  of  several  progressive 
countries  of  the  old  world  have  done  much 
for  their  rural  progress. 

American  Inefficiency 

The  absorption  of  the  American  farmer  in 
his  own  affairs  and  his  neglect  of  what  lay 
beyond  the  borders  of  his  fields  have  left  those 
who  control  the  management  and  distribu- 
tion of  his  products  free  to  consider  only 
their  own  interests.  The  intelligent  pres- 
sure needed  to  secure  efficiency  in  all  lines  of 
human  endeavor  has  been  lacking  in  this  fea- 
ture of  American  rural  life.  The  result  is 
that  the  method  and  equipment  for  distribut- 
ing perishable  food  products  m  the  large 
cities   of   America   are   primitive    and    ineffi- 


cient beyond  belief.  The  way  food  products 
are  received  and  distributed  in  large  cities  is 
in  sorry  contrast  to  our  methods  of  handling 
the  human  tide  that  flows  through  their 
gates. 

Nor  is  the  lack  of  efficiency  the  only  cause 
of  low  prices  for  that  which  the  farmer  has 
to  sell  and  the  high  prices  which  the  con- 
sumer pays.  The  channel  from  the  grower 
to  the  consumer  has,  either  through  indiffer- 
ence or  design,  been  made  needlessly  costly 
and  complicated.  Brokers,  warehousemen, 
wholesalers  and  retailers  are  linked  together 
by  common  interest  in  having  nothing  inter- 
fere with  the  toll  they  levy  on  the  farmer. 
Those  farm  profits  which  have  to  go  through 
processes  to  reach  the  form  used  by  consum- 
ers have  in  recent  years  been  largely  con- 
trolled by  combinations  which  have  erected 
dams  in  the  current  flowing  from  the  coun- 
try to  the  cities  which  give  them  power  to 
manipulate  prices  that  are  becoming  more 
and  more  a  source  of  anxiety  to  the  nation 
and  of  political  unrest  on  the  part  of  the 
farmers  of  this  country.  As  much  is  charged 
for  distributing  milk  as  the  farmer  obtains 
for  producing  it.  It  took  mob  rule  to 
shake  off  the  strangle-hold  of  the  tobacco 
trust,  and  nothing  gives  farmers  more  anx- 
iety than  the  power  to  control  prices  possessed 
by  the  milling  and  meat-packing  combines. 

The  average  cost  of  distributing  and  sell- 
ing farm  products  is  greater  than  the  sum 
paid  the  farmer  for  growing  them,  and  this 
is  due  largely  to  inefficient,  chaotic  methods 
and  equipment  which  are  a  half-century  be- 
hind the  times  and  one  of  the  great  menaces 
to  rural  progress. 

If  only  one  rural  community  could  be 
created  in.  each  State  under  the  direction  of 
the  State  Agricultural  Colleges  or,  better,  by 
the  State  cooperating  with  the  Federal  au- 
thorities, it  would  start  a  movement  for  the 
improvement  of  our  marketing  methods  and 
facilities,  which  is  sorely  needed. 

The  farmers  of  remote  Australia  and  New 
Zealand  have  for  years  been  able  to  borrow 
money  at  4^/^  to  5  per  cent,  with  wliich  to 
buy  and  improve  farms.  They  could  do 
this  because  they  secured  the  benefit  of  gov- 
ernment credit  through  postal  savings  and 
land  banks.  The  Amerijan  farmer,  acting 
on  the  doctrine  that  every  man  should  look 
out  for  himself,  has  had  to  pay  from  6  to  18 
per  cent,  for  operating  capital,  often  obtain- 
ing money  only  as  a  personal  favor  and  too 
frequently  unable  to  secure  the  needed 
amount  on  aii\'  terms.     In  an  unplanned,  in-  ^ 


272 


THE   AMERICAN  REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


dividualistic  rural  society,  what  the  individ- 
ual wants  is  tangible  and  concrete ;  what  the 
community  wants  is  remote  and  abstract,  and 
the  result  here  has  been  an  unplanned,  waste- 
ful, discordant  rural  growth.  Town  devel- 
opment was  left  to  the  real-estate  subdivider ; 
country  development  to  the  colonization 
agent. 

Changing  View  of  Land  Ownership 

Until  recently  few  objected  to  individuals 
or  corporations  owning  all  the  land  they 
were  willing  to  pay  for.  As  a  nation,  we 
believed  that  men  strong  enough  and  shrewd 
enough  to  acquire  the  earth  were  entitled  to 
own  it.  Now  we  are  beginning  to  regard 
the  ownership  of  land  as  a  trust  involving 
obligations  to  the  State;  to  believe  that  land 
ought  to  be  well  farmed ;  that  its  fertility 
ought  to  be  maintained ;  that  those  who  cul- 
tivate it  as  wage-earners  or  tenants  ought  to 
have  opportunities  for  advancement  and  self- 
improvement  and  thus  be  able  to  carry  on  this 
service  to  the  nation  with  profit  and  satis- 
faction. Where  present  conditions  do  not 
make  this  possible,  the  creation  of  better 
opportunities  is  a  duty  of  the  State. 

That  belief  is  being  strengthened  by  the 
decrease  in  the  number  of  farmers  in  great 
agricultural  States  like  Iowa  and  Missouri; 
by  the  increase  in  farm  tenantry  and  dry-rot 
in  rural  community  life.  During  the  last 
fifty  years  the  area  of  farming  land  in  New 
England  has  decreased  42  per  cent.  In  the 
last  seventy  years  the  sheep  on  New  England 
farms  have  decreased  from  4,000,000  to  439,- 
000,  or  89  per  cent.  The  newspapers  of  the 
last  thirty  days  have  had  disquieting  reports 
of  emaciated  children  and  discontented  city 
workers,  due  to  the  high  prices  and  inade- 
quate supply  of  milk.  In  the  last  quarter  of 
a  century  the  population  of  Massachusetts  in- 
creased 59  per  cent.,  while  the  local  milk 
supply  diminished  24  per  cent.,  and  New 
England  now  imports  milk  from  Canada. 

The  soil  of  Connecticut  is  as  fertile  as  the 
sand  dunes  of  Denmark,  and  the  nutmeg 
State  is  as  thickly  peopled.  Yet  in  the  last 
sixty  years  800,000  acres  of  Connecticut  land 
has  gone  out  of  cultivation  while  in  the  same 
time  over  1,000,000  acres  has  been  added  to 
the  cultivation  area  of  Denmark.  In  Con- 
necticut rural  life  is  unorganized ;  in  Den- 
mark rural  development  had  the  benefit  of 
state  aid  and  direction  and  of  organized  com- 
munity life.  Cooperative  slaughter-houses, 
cooperative  egg-shipping  agencies,  and  a  sys- 
tem of  vocational  training  unsurpassed  any- 


where help  to  explain  why  rural  life  in  the 
foreign  country  has  advanced  while  in  the 
home  State  it  has  declined. 

Planned    Rural    Development    Should    Be 
Based   on    ConiTnunity    Units 

Community  life  and  spirit  cannot  be  cre- 
ated by  dealing  with  scattered  individuals. 
There  must  be  enough  people  living  in  close 
contact  to  make  community  action  effective, 
to  lessen  the  expenses  of  administration,  and 
to  give  courage  to  the  members  who  confront 
the  hard  task  of  earning  a  living  and  paying 
for  a  farm  at  the  same  time.  Credit  associa- 
tions, cooperative  livestock-breeding  associa- 
tions, vocational  training  schools,  arrange- 
ments for  shipping  and  selling  direct  to  con- 
sumers— these  and  other  collective  tasks  will 
add  to  the  interest  of  rural  life,  challenge  the 
ability  and  develop  the  capacity  of  rural 
leaders.  The  British  Commission  fixes  the 
minimum  number  for  such  rural  communi- 
ties at  100.  Danish  and  Australian  experi- 
ence confirms  this. 

The  psychology  of  group  settlement  must 
be  seen  to  be  realized.  What  I  wear  and 
eat  is  ijjaportant  only  when  contrasted  with 
what  is  worn  by  my  neighbors.  If  they  wear 
patched  clothes  I  am  not  mortified  if  my 
trousers  are  ragged.  A  group  settlement 
practises  economies  and  makes  sustained  ef- 
forts with  cheerfulness  and  pride  which  are 
impossible  to  a  single  family  living  among 
easy-going  prosperous  neighbors.  In  the 
State  settlement  of  California  settlers  who 
lack  money  to  build  the  houses  they  desire 
or  who  object  to  war  prices  are  living  this 
winter  in  their  barns.  They  regard  this  as 
an  adventure  rather  than  a  hardship. 

Significance  of  the  Land  Settlement  Act  of 
California 

Since  the  beginning  of  this  century  thirty 
of  the  most  progressive  countries  of  the 
world  have  made  government  aid  and  direc- 
tion in  land  settlement  a  part  of  the  nation's 
activities.  California  is  the  only  American 
State  which  has  adopted  this  poh'cy.  In  the 
hope  that  it  v/ill  bring  more  clearly  before 
you  how  a  planned  rural  development  differs 
from  an  unplanned  one,  I  will  outline  briefly 
the  procedure  followed  in  the  State  settle- 
ment at  Durham,  Calif. 

The  land  settlement  act  of  that  State  cre- 
ated a  board,  appropriated  $260,000  which  is 
to  be  repaid  in  fifty  years  with  4  per  cent 
interest,  and  gave  the  board  authority  to  bu^' 
10,000   acres  of  land  and   to  subdivide  and 


FARM   SETTLEMENTS    ON   A    NEW   PLAN 


273 


J 


A  SEVENTY-FIVE  HORSEPOWER  TRACTOR  OPERATED   BY  THE   LAND   SETTLEMENT   BOARD.  PLuWlNG    LAND 

PREPARATORY  TO  GRADING  AT  DURHAM 

(This  tractor  made  possible  the  seeding  of  about  2,000  acres  of  grain.  Without  a  power  equipment  of  this  kind 
such  a  feat  would  have  been  impossible  within  the  limited  time.  Smaller  tractors  were  tried,  but  they  either  lacked 
power  or  were  unprofitable) 


settle  it  as  a  demonstration  of  the  advantages 
of  skilled  direction  adequately  financed. 
The  Durham  settlement  of  one  hundred  fam- 
ilies, located  on  about  6000  acres  of  land, 
is  the  result  of  the  first  year's  operation. 

In  this  development  the  board  had  the  co- 
operation and  assistance  of  the  State  Agri- 
cultural College  in  selecting  the  land,  esti- 
mating its  productive  value,  and  fixing  the 
prices  which  colonists  could  afford  to  pay ; 
made  a  soil  survey  which  became  the  basis 
for  fixing  the  size  and  price  of  farms ;  cre- 
ated a  mosquito-abatement  district  to  fore- 
stall possible  malarial  troubles. 

The  State  Engineer's  office  furnished  archi- 
tects and  architectural  draftsmen  to  help  pre- 
pare plans  and  specifications  for  settlers' 
houses. 

The  Office  of  Good  Roads  and  Rural  En- 
gineering of  the  United  States  Department 
of  Agriculture  furnished  the  plans  and  su- 
pervised the  construction  of  the  irrigation 
and   drainage  systems. 

The  State  Attorney-General  secured  by 
agreement  the  settlement  of  a  water-right 
controversy  which  had  extended  over  five 
years  and  had  cost  many  thousands  of  dol- 
lars. 

The  benefits  to  settlers  of  these  preparatory 
steps  include,  among  other  things: 

Ability  to  reach  an  intelligent  decision  as 
to  the  productive  value  of  each  farm ; 

Ability  to  secure  settlers  without  paying 
commissions  to  land-selling  agents.  This 
saved  settlers  over  $100,000. 

Twenty-two  acres  of  land  have  been  re- 
Mar.— 4 


served  as  a  community  and  recreation  center 
and  movements  are  in  progress  for  the  estab- 
lishment thereon  of  a  vocational  training 
school  in  agriculture. 

Concrete  and  gravel  highways  are  being 
built  to  connect  the  farms  with  the  concrete 
State  highway. 

Settlers  have  had  the  advice  and  aid  of  a 
farmstead  engineer  in  locating  farm  build- 
ings and  laying  out  fields. 

A  community  contract  has  been  made  with 
an  electric  power  company,  which  gives  set- 
tlers electric  current  for  power  purposes  at 
%  cent  per  kilowatt  hour  and  for  lighting 
purposes  at  2  cents  per  kilowatt  hour. 

A  large  part  of  the  land  was  made  ready 
for  irrigation  and  planted  to  crops  before 
being  offered  to  settlers.  This  enabled  them 
to  begin  immediately  the  vocation  they  under- 
stood, and  they  could  see  in  those  growing 
crops  money  for  the  first  year's  living  ex- 
penses and  to  meet  the  next  instahncnt  on 
their  land.  Leveling  the  land  for  irrigation 
was  the  aid  settlers  most  appreciated.  This 
is  an  engineering  rather  than  an  agricultural 
task.  It  requires  a  special  knack  and  ex- 
perience and  an  equipment  that  the  individual 
settler  cannot  afford.  In  order  to  do  this 
economically  the  board  invested  $10,000  in 
land-leveling  equipment.  Doing  this  has 
saved  settlers  time  and  costly  mistakes  due 
to  lack  of  skill  and  experience  in  this  kind  of 
farm  work. 

An  e-\pert  superintendent,  to  whom  settlers 
can  go  for  advice,  is  a  feature  the  value  of 
which  settlers  api^reciate. 


274 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


A  cooperative  stock-breeding  association 
has  been  organized,  and  the  professor  of  ani- 
mal husbandry  of  the  State  University  is  its 
president. 

Settlers  have  twenty  3'ears'  time  and  amor- 
tized payments  at  5  per  cent,  interest  on  land 
and  improvements.  Their  own  capital  has 
been  supplemented  by  State  funds  in  finan- 
cing the  initial  equipment  of  farms.  In  this 
way  the  full  earning  power  of  the  land  is 
realized  the  first  year. 

In  the  selection  of  settlers  the  board  gave 
preference  to  married  over  unmarried  peo- 
ple ;  to  tenant-farmers  over  almost  anyone 
else;  to  the  man  with  adequate  capital  over 
the  man  to  whom  the  undertaking  would  be 
a  serious  financial  risk.  Fifteen  hundred 
dollars,  which  is  about  10  per  cent,  of  the 
average  cost  of  equipped  farms,  was  fixed  as 
the  minimum  capital  which  a  settler  must 
have.  The  average  cash  capital  of  settlers 
accepted  was  about  double  this  sum. 

The  number  of  applicants  was  several 
times  the  number  of  farms.  Yet  there  has 
been  no  complaint  nor  criticism  of  unfairness 
on  the  part  of  those  who  had  to  be  denied, 
nor  any  political  pressure  exerted  to  induce 
the  board  to  modify  its  decisions. 

One  year  ago  no  owner  had  lived  on  the 
land  for  twenty  years.  On  last .  Christmas 
Day  there  were  over  one  hundred  home- 
owners, a  large  percentage  of  whom  were 
living   in    houses   which    for   convenience  of 


(The  dot  in  Butte  County 
represents  Durham,  where 
100  families  are  develop- 
ing 6000  acres  of  land  with 
State  aid) 


"o^^^. 


> 


LOCATION    OF    CALIFORNIA'S    LAND    SETTLEMENT,    AT 
DURHAM,   BUTTE   COUNTY 


arrangement  and  attractive  appearance  will 
compare  favorably  with  those  of  any  country 
community.  This  is  due  to  the  fact  that  the 
settlers  had  the  benefit  of  some  of  the  best 
talent  of  the  State  in  planning  and  erecting 
their  homes.  Good  taste  costs  no  more  than 
poor  taste. 

The  saving  to  this  community  by  having 
the  building  program  financed  and  carried 
out  under  the  board's  direction  has  to  be  seen 
to  be  realized.  Instead  of  leaving  each  set- 
tler to  look  after  the  building  of  his  house 
and  other  improvements  unaided,  which 
would  have  meant  that  over  one  hundred 
men  would  have  had  to  abandon  farm  work 
at  a  critical  time  to  hunt  for  carpenters,  try 
to  engage  plumbers,  do  many  things  they  did 
not  understand,  under  conditions  which  com- 
pelled them  to  buy  quickly  and  hence  to  buy 
at  a  disadvantage,  the  board  made  this  super- 
vision a  part  of  the  State  aid.  The  material 
for  the  improvement  of  farms  was  bought  at 
wholesale  in  carload  lots  and  for  cash.  In 
this  way  the  settlers  were  able  to  secure 
wholesale  prices. 

Precautions  Against  Speculation 

It  was  recognized  that  the  success  of  the 
colony  would  cause  a  rise  in  local  land  values 
and  that  settlers  would  be  tempted  to  sell 
their  holdings.  If  this  kind  of  settlement 
was  to  achieve  the  results  California  desired 
settlers  must  be  impressed  at  the  outset  with 
the  idea  that  they  are  creating  a  permanent 
community  and  not  being  given  an  opportu- 
nity to  make  a  quick  turnover.  The  contract 
under  which  they  take  their  farms  requires 
them  to  enter  on  actual  residence  within  six 
months  and  to  continue  to  reside  on  the 
farm  for  at  least  eight  months  in  each  calen- 
dar year  for  a  period  of  not  less  than  ten 
years,  unless  prevented  by  illness  or  some 
other  cause  satisfactory  to  the  board.  No 
farm  can  be  transferred,  assigned,  mort- 
gaged, or  sublet  within  five  years  without 
the  consent  of  the  board. 

It  was  thought  in  some  quarters  that  set- 
tlers would  resent  these  restrictions,  but  most 
of  the  applicants  had  been  tenants  who  did 
not  want  the  conditions  from  which  they  had 
escaped  reproduced  in  a  community  which  is 
to  be  their  permanent  home.  The  restricted 
freehold  of  this  settlement  is  not  the  most 
logical  form  of  tenure.  It  is,  however,  a 
move  in  the  right  direction,  and  the  demand 
for  these  farms  has  shown  that  community 
development  does  not  need  the  incentive  of 
speculation. 


FARM    SETTLEMENTS    ON    A    NEW    PLAN 


275 


J^&^i^i' t^Zti^iWSttiimiiJ^  '„.s>^&Li^^2!i& 


,^k:^^».s^:2.'i?>^^,^*  •  «.<S.*JiLliar!±^ 


A  FARMER'S  HOME  AND  ALFALFA  FIELD  IN  THE  DURHAM  STATE  LAND   SETTLEMENT    AT    DURHAM.  CALIFORNIA 
(Seventy  families  live  within  a  radius  of  one  mile  from  the  community  center) 


Provision  fo?-  Farm  Laborers 
Twenty-six  allotments  in  the  Durham  set- 
tlement are  occupied  by  farm  laborers.  Each 
allotment  has  an  area  of  about  two  acres, 
and  on  these  comfortable  homes  have  been 
or  are  being  built.  The  purpose  is  to  give 
wage-earners  on  farms  homes  where  the 
wives  and  children  can  live  in  comfort  and 
independence;  where  they  can.  have  land 
enough  to  grow  fruits  and  vegetables  for 
their  table ;  to  keep  a  cow,  some  pigs  and 
chickens,  and  to  have  the  feeling  of  inde- 
pendence and  self-respect  needed  to  create 
the  right  kind  of  character  in  the  rising 
generation. 

The  homes  of  the  farm  workers  at  Durham 
represent  a  form  of  rural  democracy  which 
needs  to  be  extended.  Already  the  wives 
of  some  of  these  wage-earners  have  secured 


flocks  of  pure-bred  fowls  from  the  State  Ag- 
ricultural College.  One  settler,  who  is  a 
carpenter  and  who  has  earned  $5  each  day 
working  at  his  trade,  has,  with  the  help  of 
his  wife,  built  his  home  by  working  morn- 
ings and  evenings.  A  farm  laborer  who  had 
only  money  sufficient  to  pay  the  5  per  cent, 
deposit  on  the  land  now  has  over  $600  with 
which  to  start  building  his  house.  Since 
July  1  he  and  his  wife,  together,  have  been 
paid  $6.50  a  day  and  their  board  for  work- 
ing on  adjacent  farms  and  orchards.  For 
two  months  of  the  time  every  dollar  of  their 
wages  was  deposited  in  the  local  bank.  These 
examples  might  be  multiplied  to  show  what 
great  results  come  from  giving  proper  in- 
centive to  hope  and  ambition.  These  people 
will  be  our  future  farm-owners. 

A  pressure  water  system  has  been  provided 


ft--''   'i.  "I*-'^;' 


J 


HARVESTING  AND  THRESHING  'LADY  WASHINGTON"  BEANS  AT  DURHAM 

(Second  crop  harvested  since  the  settler  took  possession,  Juno  J5,   I'HS) 


276 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


A  FARMER'S  HOME  ON  ONE  OF  THE  ALLOTMENTS  OF  DURHAM 

(Type  of  farmhouse  erected  for  settlers  by  the  Land  Settlement  Board) 


The  Durham  settlement 
is  more  than  a  self-support- 
ing addition  to  the  State's 
population  and  productive 
wealth.  It  is  a  significant 
patriotic  achievement.  Its 
members  have  a  pride  in 
their  enterprise ;  a  neighbor- 
hood solidarity  lacking  in  in- 
dividualistic colonies.  They 
believe  they  are  creating  in- 
stitutions of  enduring  value, 
and  they  have  a  love  for  the 
State  and  a  devotion  to  its 
interests  because  of  what  it 
has  done  for  them  and  be- 
cause what  has  been  done 
for  them  and  because  what 
has  been  done  here  shows  a 
public  desire  to  make  eco- 
for  the  farm  laborers'  allotments.  Provision  nomic  equality  and  contentment  in  rural  life 
for  electric  lights  has  been  made  in  their  a  definite  achievement.  Settlements  of  this 
houses.  They  are  as  interested  in  the  prog-  kind  are  an  antidote  for  tenantry;  the  best 
ress  of  the  community  as  any  farm  owner,  way  to  stop  the  drift  of  youth  to  the  cities, 
and    participate    actively   in    the   community 

conferences   regarding   matters   affecting   the  Homes  for  Returning  Soldiers 

general  welfare.  This  demonstration  in  California  has  an 

The  constitution  of  the  Stock-Breeders'  important  relation  to  the  movement  to  pro- 
Association  requires  that  the  colony  shall  vide  rural  "  homes  for  returning  soldiers, 
have  only  one  breed  of  dairy  cattle,  one  breed  Every  soldier  who  wants  to  live  in  the  coun- 
of  hogs,  and  two  breeds  of  sheep.  Only  try,  and  who  is  qualified  to  succeed  there, 
pure-bred  sires  are  to  be  used,  and  every  dairy  should  be  given  a  chance.  It  cannot  be  done 
animal  coming  into  the  settlement  must  be  successfully  by  financing  farm-buying  by 
tested  for  tuberculosis.  All  sires  are  to  be  scattered  individuals.  It  can  be  done  through 
owned  by  the  association  or  approved  by  it.  a  planned  community  development.  That  is 
This  association  now  owns  two  of  the  best-  the  conclusion  of  all  the  countries  which  have 
bred  bulls  in  the  State,  one  bought  by  the  had  the  most  experience  and  have  given  the 
association  and  the  other  a  gift  from  Mr.  most  study  to  this  subject.  England,  Aus- 
Kiesel,  a  public-spirited  banker.  .    tralia,   New  Zealand,  and  even  France,  are 

Good  Showing  for  the  First 
Year 

The  whole  area  of  the 
settlement  is  in  crop  and 
the  first  year's  returns  from 
many  farms  have  given  their 
owners  a  generous  income. 
Every  payment  due  the  State 
has  been  made.  Every  con- 
tribution to  the  collective  ac- 
tivities has  been  met  in  full, 
and  this  has  been  accom- 
plished by  settlers  of  limited 
capital  who  have  found  here 
opportunities  and  an  inspira- 
tion unhoped  for  under  in- 
dividualistic, unplanned  de- 
velopment. A  FARM  LABORER'S  COTTAGE  BUILT  BY   MORNING  AND  EVENING  WORK 


Pi 

ij 

9 

•>! 

'^'    ■     *^;f  jT^,  :,  Wk 

^^t^r^^ 

'       ^W--  -A.^W^m^      ...   -.}■. ^       '       :. 

"^i 

<f*j 

!^Ji| 

I"l 

f.l 

1 

tf 

^1 

E*^ 

WESK^ftt  '^^^^^^^^^^HH^*"' 

\  ,^ 

^^■K                  H 

w^^ 

^^^K              •     mM^.^.^mM 

Hi 

IP '  -^  * 

m 

,.A    .                      ■    <•      ' 

FARM   SETTLEMENTS    ON   A    NEW   PLAN 


277 


making  generous  but  carefullj^-thought-out 
provisions  for  communities  of  soldier  settlers. 

When  one  looks  over  this  country  for  op- 
portunities for  such  development  the  areas 
first  thought  of  are  those  to  be  found  in 
sections  of  the  country  now  unpeopled  and 
which  need  reclamation  in  some  form.  Set- 
tlements can  be  created  on  the  arid  lands  of 
the  West,  on  the  lands  which  need  drainage, 
and  on  the  cut-over  timber  lands,  which 
would  not  disturb  any  existing  cultivators. 
The  achievements  of  the  United  States  Re- 
clamation Service  in  creating  productive  and 
prosperous  communities  on  what  were  before 
desert  wastes  show  that  such  reclamation  can 
be  made  a  solvent  and  successful  undertak- 
ing. But  while  these  sections  of  the  coun- 
try have  the  greatest  areas,  soldier  settle- 
ments should  not  be  restricted  to  them. 
Every  State  has  helped  win  the  war;  every 
State  will  be  benefited  by  having  its  young 
men  return  and  help  give  new  life  and  di- 
rection to  agricultural  progress. 

In  many  of  the  older  States  such  settle- 
ments should  be  created  because  of  the  food 
needs  of  their  industrial  population.  These 
States  have  large  and  varied  local  markets, 
with  fine  opportunities  for  skilful  and  in- 
tensive cultivation.  They  also  have  many 
areas  overlooked  or  neglected  from  causes 
in  no  way  related  to  lack  of  soil  fertility. 
The  rural  population  has  been  depleted  by  a 
wrong  system  of  rural  education  which 
trained  men  for  vocations  of  the  city  rather 
than  the  country,  and  by  the  migratory  and 
speculative  trend  of  development  which  made 
distant  hills  look  green. 


These  States  also  have  reclamation  prob- 
lems and  acute  conservation  needs.  Brush 
land  needs  to  be  cleared ;  the  fertility  of 
worn-out  fields  restored ;  existing  farm  boun- 
daries changed ;  and  better  roads  built.  The 
old,  careless,  wasteful  cultivation  of  much 
of  this  country  needs  to  be  displaced  by  sci- 
entific farming,  which  will  make  the  mainte- 
nance of  soil  fertility  the  basis  of  successful 
farming  and  a  national  obligation.  Unsocial, 
unprogressive  rural  neighborhoods  would  be 
replaced  by  organized  rural  life  which  these 
young  soldiers,  who  have  had  their  outlook 
enlarged  and  their  love  of  land  strengthened 
by  what  they  have  seen  of  France  and  Eng- 
land, would,  if  properly  helped,  establish. 

The  importance  of  such  communities  to 
the  agriculture  of  the  older  sections  of  our 
country  cannot  be  exaggerated.  No  one  can 
travel  through  the  Piedmont  region  or  along 
the  hills  bordering  the  Ohio  River  without 
realizing  how  rapidly  the  agricultural  wealth 
of  some  sections  is  being  destroyed  and  how 
slow  and  costly  will  be  its  replacement.  It 
took  unnumbered  centuries  to  build  up  the 
eight  or  twelve  inches  of  fertile  soil  which 
once  covered  these  hillsides.  When  it  is  gone 
they  will  be  useless.  Yet  we  are  letting  them 
be  washed  away  at  the  rate  of  six  hundred 
million  wagon-loads  a  year. 

The  policy  which  Secretary  Lane  has  pre- 
sented to  the  nation,  if  adopted,  will  both  add 
new  productive  areas  and  help  to  end  our 
crude  and  destructive  methods  of  cultivation. 
It  will  start  this  nation  on  a  new  and  better 
Tcind  of  rural  progress  whose  effect  will  be 
felt  for  many  decades  to  come. 


VIEW  IN  THE  TWENTY.rWO  ACRE   RESERVE  FOR   PUBLIC   PURPOSES   AT  THE  DURHAM  SI  A  IE  LAND  SETTLEMENT 
(This  natural  park  was  left  nearly  in  the  center  of  the  tract  by  Senator  Stanfonl  when  Ik-  was  the  owner  of  the  property) 


;:A^, 


AN   APPLE  ORCHARD    IN   OXFORD   COUNTY.    MAINE 
(This  is  a  longf-neglected  orchard  that  has  been  renovated  under   the   direction   of  the  county  agents  who  are  dem- 
onstrating to  Maine  farmers  how  the  quality  and  quantity    of  the  apple  crop  in  that  State   may   be  improved.      The 
new  vitality  is  shown  in  the  abundant  bloom) 

MAKING  OVER  THE  NEW 
ENGLAND  FARM 


NOW  that  the  era  of  free  land  in  Amer- 
ica has  come  to  an  end,  the  nation  is 
taking  account  of  its  farm  resources  as  it 
never  did  before.  The  food  demands  of  the 
war  period,  not  yet  remitted,  have  at  least 
brought  about  a  searching  examination  of 
soils,  to  the  end  that  the  real  agricultural 
capacities  of  our  forty-eight  States  are  no 
longer  regarded  as  suitable  subjects  for 
vague  and  idle  generalization.  The  citizen 
who  does  not  know  definitely  what  the  farms 
of  his  State  can  best  produce  is  no  longer 
considered  well  informed,  for  during  the 
past  few  years  groups  of  men  throughout  the 
country  have  made  it  their  business  to  find 
out  what  was  being  grown  in  every  section 
and  whether  or  not  in  any  particular  locality 
the  best  possible  use  was  made  of  the  gifts 
of  nature. 

Not  all  the  men  who  have  been  making 
these  investigations  are  interested  primarily 
in  farming  as  a  business,  but  they  are  all  in- 
terested in  the  farmer  himself  as  a  member 
of  the  community.  Some  of  the  studies  in 
rural  conditions  are  conducted  in  the  inter- 
est of  education.  This  has  been  the  case 
in  the  South  especially,  and  it  is  true  also  of 
New  England  and  parts  of  the  West.  Edu- 
cationists know  that  the  problem  of  the 
country  school  is  vitally  related  to  movements 
of  population,  which  can  only  be  understood 
when  the  conditions  of  agriculture  are 
known.      Hence   the    importance,    from    the 

27Z 


Standpoint  of  the  improved  rural  school,  of 
knowing  what  population  can  be  sustained  by 
any  given  farming  district  and  whether  farm- 
ing in  that  district  can  be  made  more  profit- 
able by  introducing  new  methods  or  new 
crops. 

The  General  Education  Board  has  used 
its  resources  generously  in  support  of  farm 
demonstration  work.  For  several  years  it 
has  made  appropriations  to  the  College  of 
Agriculture  of  the  University  of  Maine  and 
the  New  Hampshire  College  of  Agriculture 
to  enable  this  type  of  cooperative  effort  to  be 
continued  in  the  States  which  those  institu- 
tions serve.  At  present  a  fund  of  $80,000  is 
available  each  year  in  the  State  of  Maine 
alone  and  more  than  fifty  farm  demonstra- 
tors are  employed  under  direction  of  the  ex- 
tension service  of  the  College  of  Agriculture. 
The  last  report  of  the  General  Education 
Board  gives  interesting  details  of  the  methods 
developed  in  that  State. 

Maine  has  about  60,000  farms,  but  many 
of  these  are  no  longer  yielding  a  profit  to 
their  owners  (80  per  cent,  of  whom  are  na- 
tive white  Am.ericans),  and  there  is  a  smaller 
acreage  under  cultivation  than  in  former 
years.  The  drift  of  farm-bred  youth  to  the 
cities  has  been  quite  as  noticeable  here  as  in 
the  rest  of  New  England.  This,  of  course, 
has  worked  to  the  detriment  of  rural  inter- 
ests generally. 

Local    farming    conditions    differ    widely 


MAKING    OVER    THE   NEW   ENGLAND    FARM 


279 


A  NEIGHBORING  ORCHARD.   PHOTOGRAPHED  AT  THE  iiAML    1 IML  AS    1  HE  ONE  ON   THE  OPPOSITE  PAGE 
(The  neglect  of  the  trees  is  shown  in  the  scarcity  of  bloom) 


from  county  to  county.  Aroostook  County, 
for  instance,  is  chiefly  interested  in  producing 
potatoes ;  Kennebec  County's  principal  inter- 
est is  dairying,  while  Oxford  County  devotes 
most  of  its  attention  to  apple  orchards.  The 
farm  demonstration  work  introduced  by 
Dean  Merrill,  of  the  College  of  Agriculture, 
adapts  its  methods  to  these  varying  local  con- 
ditions.    The  demonstration  staff  comprises 

a  director  of  exten- 
sion, who  acts  as 
leader  of  county 
demonstra- 
tion  agents,  an  as- 
sistant county  dem- 
onstration leader,  a 
State  leader  of  boys' 
and  girls'  clubs  and 
his  assistant,  one 
specialist  each  in 
farm  management, 
poultry,  dairying, 
and  home  economics, 
and  fourteen  county 
demonstra- 
tion  agents,  w^ith  a 
clerical  staff  and  a 
considerable  number 
of  emergency  work- 
ers. All  the  demon- 
stration agents  were 
born  on  the  farm, 
and  ,with  one  excep- 
tion, they  are  gradu- 
ates of  the  IVIainc 
A  GiRDi.KD  APPLE  TKKE        ^^''^te  College  of  Ag- 

BEING  SAVED  BY  BRIDGE  riculturc. 


Each  county  agent  gives  primary  consider- 
ation to  one  particular  crop  or  product,  but 
he  always  seeks  to  stimulate  the  farmer's  in- 
terest in  "side  lines" — small  fruits  and 
grains,  gardening,  pork-production,  poultry 
production,  boys'  and  girls'  clubs,  community 
organization,  and  so  forth. 

The  chief  activities  to  which  countA^  agents 
devote  themselves  in  Maine  are  the  care  of 


A    VKKV    Ol.I)    APPLE    TREK    GIVEN    A    YOUNG    AND 
VIGOROUS    TOP    HV     INTELLIGENT    PRUNING 


280 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


orchards  and  the  handling  of  apples,  the  pro- 
motion of 'dairying  and  its  related  interests, 
the  production  of  hay  and  silage  crops,  and 
demonstration  in  growing  potatoes,  corn,  and 
small  fruits. 

The  agents  are  teaching  the  Maine  farmers 
how  to  make  their  apple  orchards  more  profit- 
able. The  older  and  more  neglected  the 
orchard,  the  better  the  opportunity  for  the 
demonstrator.  He  enters  into  an  agreement 
with  the  farmer  for  a  period  of  four  or  five 
years  and  then  invites  in  the  neighbors,  ex- 
plains to  them  the  cause  of  the  adverse  con- 
ditions, instructs  them  in  the  fundamentals 
of  pruning,  and,  setting  aside  a  part  of  the 
orchard  for  demonstration  purposes,  sends  the 
men  up  into  the  trees  to  do  the  pruning  under 
his  direction.  Later,  the  trees  are  fertilized, 
sprayed,  and  properly  cultivated.  A  part  of 
the  expense  thus  incurred  is  met  by  produc- 
tive crops  that  are  grown  on  the  ground. 
Within  three  or  four  years  the  demonstration 
plot  is  wholly  distinct  from  the  rest  of  the 
orchard,  and  points  the  lesson  that  the  dem- 
onstrator wishes  to  enforce  more  graphically 
than  a  library  of  treatises  on  horticulture. 

Meanwhile,  the  demonstrator,  besides 
showing  how  to  renovate  old  orchards,  is 
teaching  the  proper  planting  and  care  of 
young  trees.  The  farmer  learns  from  him 
how  to  select  the  stock,  to  prepare  the  ground, 
to  fertilize,  cultivate,  and  otherwise  care  for 
the  young  trees  and  to  grow  profitable  crops 
on  the  ground  while  the  trees  are  coming  into 
bearing.  Our  illustrations  show  the  prac- 
tical way  in  which  these  lessons  are  im- 
pressed on  the  farmer.  Cooperative  market- 
ing is  also  promoted  through  fruit-growers' 
associations. 

Hay  is  the  farm  crop  to  which  Maine  is 
by  physical  conditions  best  adapted,  and  it  is 


the  State's  most  valuable  crop.  The  county 
agents  are  showing  the  farmers  how  produc- 
tion of  hay  may  be  increased  by  the  better 
care  of  meadows,  but  their  main  purpose  is 
to  persuade  the  farmer  that  it  is  more  profit- 
able in  the  long  run  to  feed  the  crop  to  ani- 
mals than  to  sell  it  as  hay.  The  value  of 
Maine's  dairy  products  is  only  a  little  more 
than  half  that  of  her  hay  crop.  The  dem- 
onstrators argue  that  the  farmer  is  now  vir- 
tually shipping  out  of  the  State  and  selling 
the  soil  in  the  form  of  hay,  whereas  he  might 
transform  his  hay  into  the  more  valuable 
products; — meat,  milk,  butter,  and  cheese — 
and  return  the  manure  from  the  cattle  to  the 
soil.  So' the  county  agents  seek  to  utilize  the 
hay  within  the  State  by  encourging  the  mul- 
tiplication of  herds. 

The  growth  of  silage  crops  and  the  build- 
ing of  silos  are  stimulated  by  the  county 
agents.  In  certain  counties  silage  corn  is 
an  uncertain  crop  on  account  of  the  short 
growing  season,  and  millet  is  being  substi- 
tuted as  a  silage  crop.  Silo  construction 
"bees"  have  superseded  the  ''raisings"  and 
log-rollings  of  pioneer  times.  One  of  the 
farmers  in  a  neighborhood  having  provided 
the  necessary  material  for  a  silo,  the  neigh- 
bors come  together  on  an  appointed  day  and, 
under  the  instruction  of  the  county  agent, 
put  up  the  structure. 

These  are  only  a  few  of  the  ways  in  which 
the  farm  demonstration  work  is  teaching  the 
farmers  of  Maine  that  their  industry  under 
modern  conditions  is  largely  a  community 
enterprise,  and  that  by  his  own  unaided  effort 
the  individual  cannot  hope  to  succeed.  All 
this  is  preparing  the  ground  for  precisely  the 
kind  of  rural  community  effort  that  is  out- 
lined so  clearly  by  Mr.  Elwood  Mead  else- 
where in  this  Review. 


A  MAPLE  SUGAR  CAMP  IN  THE  MAINE  WOODS 


THE  BATTLE  OF  THE 
BOUNDARIES 

BY  TALCOTT  WILLIAMS 

THE  Battle  of  the  Boundaries  extends  on  the  line  which  had  taken  shape  by  the  sue- 
across  Europe  from  the  Rhine  to  the  cessive  decisions  of  united  Europe  over  two 
Ural.  Winning  the  war  is  a  task  direct,  and  a  half  centuries — substantially  the  line 
immediate  and  clear,  by  the  side  of  marking  the  French  Revolution  found.  For  223  years 
its  boundaries.  In  each 
of  the  new  lines  drawn 
a  possible  war  lies  unless 
a  League  of  Free  Nations 
substitutes  arbitration  for 
battle. 

From    the    Treaty    of 
Verdun     (843)     between 
the     three    grandsons    of 
Charlemagne,   the  bound- 
ary   on    the    Rhine    sep- 
arating the  halves  of  his 
Empire,   has   been   drawn 
by  war  and  by  battle  for 
1076    years.      Boundaries 
many    there    be    on    the 
earth's  surface  over  which 
successive     empires     have 
striven   under   many   dynasties,   tongues  and 
peoples;  but  nowhere  is  •there  a  single  line, 
deep-graven-  by    the    plough-share    of    war, 
where  the  same  races,  the  same  tongues  and 
the  same  opposing  views  of  life,  society,  rule 
and  the  arts  have  wrestled  in  the  womb  of 
time  for  ten  centuries.   In  the  German  Atlas, 
France  begins  a  narrow  strip  on  the  West 
coast  of  Europe  from  the  Channel  to  the  Bay 
of  Biscay,  extending  itself  across  lands  and 
regions    belonging    to    the    German    people 
{Deutsche   once   meant   only   the    ''people") 
driving    back   with    a    tongue    drawn    from 
Rome  and  a  civilization  essentially  Roman, 
the  Central  German  race  that  had  once  won 
all   Western   Europe   for   its   own.      In   the 
French   Atlas,    the   German   Empire,   begin- 
ning in  savage  lands  and  peoples  brute  and 
uncivilized   in   the  central   plain   of   Europe, 
rolled  back  a  civilized  race  half  across  Gaul, 
a  race  which  in  its  turn  has  forced  back  the 
alien  tid«,  until  it  proposes  to  make  all  secure 
in   the   future   by   pushing   across   the   Rhine 
agam.  the  eastern  boundary  of  franhe  as  dktkrminkd 

Europe  in  council  had   the  same  problem  in  1815 

be  •.       .    \T-  •        101  1    1C  J     J       "J    J         (The    chanRe    made    in    1871    is    indicated    bv    the   l)rokrn 

etore    it   at    Vienna    in    1814-1:)    and    decided        li^e  and   the   shaded   area   representing  Alsace-Lorraine) 

281 


282 


THE   AMERICAN  REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


PRUSSIA  IN  1740 
(Actmion  of  Fndertei  ibe  Crutl 
New  Mark.  1455 
Acquisitions.  1462-IS7S 
Cieves.  Mark.  Raveiuburg,  1614 
Cast  Prussia.  1618 
■  East  Pomcrania.  etc.   1648 
Magdeburg.  1680 
Middle  Pomeraoia.  1720 


PRUSSIA  IN  1786 
(death  of  Frederick  the  Great) 

1.  Silesia,  1740 

2.  FVom  Poland,  1772  (First  Partition) 


PRUSSIA  IN  1806 

1.  From  Poland,  1793  (Second  Partition) 

2.  From  Poland,  1795  (Third  Partition). 


PRUSSIA  IN  1815' 

1.  Rhine  Provinces  and  Westphalia,  181S 

2.  From  Saxony.  1815' 

3.  West  Pomerania,  1815 


PRUSSIA' SINCE  1866 

1.  Schleswig.  1866 

2.  Holstein.  1866 
J.  Hannover,  1866 

4.  East  Friesland,  1866 

5.  Hesse  Cassel.  1866 
6   Nassau.  186$ 


PRUSSIA  IN  1614 
The  white  areas  are  occupied  fay  tll« 
«tDer  itite*  of  die  Gerjnao  Efflpli* 


From  "Collected  Materials  for  the  Study  of  the  War,"  compiled  by  Albert  E.  McKinley   (Philadelphia) 

GROWTH  OF  PRUSSIA 
(The  solid  black  on   each  map  generally  shows  the  total   area  at  the  date  of  the  preceding  map,  the   shaded  area 
the  territories  since  added.     On  the   first  map  the   solid  black  is  the  area  in   1450.    On  the  map  for  1806  the  dotted 
line  sejiarates  the   Polish   territories  lost   in    1815   from   those    retained.     The    limits    of   the    German    Empire    in    1914 
are   shown    on    each   map) 


the  northeastern  boundary  of  France  eddied 
from  Valmy  to  Waterloo  and  settled  to  the 
old    landmarks.      These    were    removed    in 


1871  by  the  Treaty  of  Frankfort  and  the 
great  war  has  followed.  The  prospect  of  a 
future  war  will  be  diminished  in  proportion 


THE    BATTLE    OF    THE    BOUNDARIES 


283 


as  the  boundary  of  the  past, 
the  one  that  Europe  settled 
on  at  Vienna  by  following 
the  past,  is  changed  by  the 
Treaty  of  Versailles.  It  is 
not  fortifications  or  military 
advantages  or  strategic  rea- 
sons or  economic  advantages 
that  defend  boundary  lines 
and  make  them  secure ;  but 
peace,  goodwill  and  a  mu- 
tual sense  of  justice  secured. 
It  is  this  that  makes  the  one 
longest  boundary,  without 
any  defenses  whatever,  the 
line  between  the  Union  and 
the  Dominion,  the  United 
States  and  Canada,  the  most 
secure  the  world  around.  As 
the  new  French  boundary 
secures  this,  it  will  share  the 
same  security.  It  will  be  in- 
secure as  it  lacks  this  "cheap 
defense  of  nations." 

The  Slav  Boundaries 


JJSJTFi  I  A    - 

(p.  M  UN  GARY 


AREAS  (IN  SOLID  BLACK)  NOW  CLAIMED 'BY  ITALY 


Italy  is  secure  in  its  boun- 
daries because  it  sought  unity,  with  self-de- 
termination. The  boundaries  of  Slav  races 
are  difficult  and  insecure  because  they  seek 
self-determination  without  unity.  No  boun- 
dary can  be  drawn  between  any  two  of  the 
Slav  races  which  will  suit  both.  The  rough 
and  approximate  justice  which  can  be  carved 
out  between  Italy  and  Jugo-Slavia-Serbia  on 
the  Adriatic  can  never  remain  in  peace  unless 


THE    BASIS    OF  THE    ITALIAN   CLAIM- VENETIAN     POSSESSIONS   (IN  SOUD 
BLACK)  IN  THE  FIFTEENTH  CENTURY 


arbitration  be  provided,  enforced  by  a  League 
ready  to  make  resistance  to  a  decision  peril- 
ous to  the  aggressor.  V^hatever  is  said  now 
for  this  particular  boundary  or  that  particular 
division  line,  this  is  certain  in  the  future : — no 
general  principle  can  be  applied  to  the  claims 
of  Italian  and  Slav  on  the  Adriatic  without 
somewhere  leaving  one  party  or  the  other 
dissatisfied  and  irritated,  ready  to  act  when 
the  hour  comes  making  it 
safe  to  draw  the  sword  un- 
less this  course  is  certain  to 
mean  loss.  This  is  equally 
true  of  the  line  between 
Hungary  and  German  Aus- 
tria on  one  side  and  Jugo- 
slavia and  Rumania  on  the 
other.  It  is  true  of  the  dis- 
pute between  Poland  and 
Bohemia  and  true,  too,  of 
the  triple  conflict  between 
Poland,  Ukrainia  and  that 
part  of  Galicia  which  wishes 
to  stand  ah^ic ;  (U  the  west- 
ern boundar>-  of  Poland, 
where  it  touches  a  population 
part  German  and  part  Po- 
lish, the  northern  boundary 
where  German  dwellers  are 
between    the    Pole    and    the 


284 


THE   AMERICAN  REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


DRESDEN  ■ 


SAXONY 


BRESLAU  ■ 

SILESIA     \  POLAND        y^V. 

\ ^r 


G  AL  1    CIA 


.BUDAPEST 

H     U     N     GARY 


TERRITORY  CLAIMED  BY  THE  NEW  REPUBLIC  OF  THE  CZECHOSLOVAKS.  HAVING   A  PRESENT  POPULATION  OF 

ABOUT   13.000,000.  OF  WHOM   10.000,000  ARE  CZECHOSLOVAKS 


Russia's  western  boundary  in  1914  and  its 
relation  to  proposed  national  alignments 

Baltic,  and  the  eastern  boundary  where  Lett, 
Russian,  Ruthenian,  and  Ukrainian  each 
claims  special  areas,  historically  by  past  and 
recent  administration,   racially  by  ''natural" 


boundaries.  The  older  the  Slav  fraction  the 
more  it  trusts  to  history ;  the  younger  the 
more  it  trusts  to  existing  conditions. 

Poland  lay  for  its  early  centuries  behind 
the  Lithuanian  dike  which  was  the  first  to 
feel  the  shock  of  the  Central  Asian  hordes 
from  1000  to  1300.  The  Letts  themselves 
were  part  of  an  earlier  Central  Asian  move- 
ment which  ten  to  twelve  centuries  or  so  B.C. 
rolled  across  the  Russian  steppes  and  filtered 
through  the  Russian  forest  and  spread  itself 
in  a  vast  expanse,  checked  by  central  Europe. 
The  remains  of  the  Western  edge  of  this 
great  wave  are  present  to-day  in  Finland,  in 
scattered  Letts  and  in  Bulgars,  races  and 
tongues  of  a  distant  and  diverse  kinship. 
Look  at  the  earlier  map  of  Poland  and  you 
will  see  Lithuania  still  holding  its  place. 
When  the  Tartar  horde  ebbed,  Lithuania 
was  gone.  Into  the  vast  open  space  left 
Ruthenian  and  Russian  poured.  Of  all 
the  great  migrations,  which  begin  near  the 
Pacific  and  end  two-thirds  of  the  way  be- 
tween the  Ural  and  the  Bay  of  Biscay,  the 
only  racial  one  that  has  moved  eastward  is 
the  Russian.  The  great  river  plains  of  Rus- 
sia in  the  south  and  its  northern  forests  were 
swept  again  and  again  by  Tartars.  To  put 
it  in  its  most  general  shape,  the  Asiatic  besom 
of  destruction  swept  what  is  now  Russia 
about  2400  B.  C. ;  just  before  and  after  the 
Christian  era  and  1200  years  later.  The  last 
swept  the  Russian  area  clean  to  Poland  and 
the  Slav  race,  now  called  Russian,  slowly 
crawled,  1000  years  gone,  first  into  the  river 


THE    BATTLE    OF    THE    BOUNDARIES 


285 


MOSCOW 


Above — Poland  of  the 
Eighteenth  Century;  Below 
— the  Successive  Partitions 
of  Poland  (1772-1795) 


BUPAPEST 


HUNGARY   -^-^ 


ODES 


)ESSA 


286 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


-50' 


^ 


«    i'm 


Russia  Before 
Peter  the  Great 


Conquests 

of  Peter  the 

Great 


Conquests 
Between 
1736-1795 


Annexations 
Under  Paul  I 


GROWTH  OF  THE  RUSSIAN  EMPIRE 

(According  to  the  historian  Dragomanov) 


Annexations 

in  Nineteenth 

Century 


plains  and  then  hewed  its  way  into  the  great 
forest  which  still  covers  40  per  cent,  of 
Russia. 

Old   Battle    of   Boundaries 

Lithuania  in  the  fourteenth  century 
dwarfed  Poland.  Its  seaboard  was  narrow, 
a  mere  strip  between  Prussia  (the  Borussia 
which  held  the  German  Knights'  town  of 
Konigsberg)  and  Courland,  itself  German 
in  origin,  by  rule  and  by  immigration.  Nar- 
row at  the  point  where  it  touched  the  Baltic, 
it  spread  through  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth 
centuries  a  vast  bulk  of  over  300,000  square 
miles,  ruling  the  western  provinces  of  future 
Russia,  extending  to  the  Black  Sea  over 
most  of  Ukrainia,  holding  Kieff  and  holding 
the  eastern  bulwark  of  Europe  for  three 
centuries  from  the  days  when  the  Golden 
Horde  ruled  from  its  turbulent  camp  on  the 


Volga,  through  the  days  when  the  Kipchak 
Tartars  held  all  north  of  the  Black  Sea  un- 
til first  Genghis  Khan  and  then  Tamerlane 
smote  all  between  Ural  and  Poland.  Weak- 
ened, Lithuania  was  annexed  by  the  Russian 
Czar  in  the  seventeenth  century  and  for  a 
hundred  years  it  was  crime  to  use  its  name 
and  tongue.  Its  peasants  shared  the  change 
from  freedom  to  serfdom  which  marked 
Russia  and  nowhere  was  a  more  ignoble, 
brutal  or  capricious  slavery.  Emancipated 
in  the  last  century,  it  is  on  this  foundation 
that  free  institutions  have  to  be  established 
for  a  race  whose  literature  a  generation  ago 
had  more  books  and  newspapers  published 
in  the  United  States  than  in  Lithuania. 
Shrunken  by  the  claims  of  Poland  and  Rus- 
sia, it  is  certain  to  demand  boundaries  cov- 
ering the  history  of  the  past  and  the  tongue 
of  the  present. 


THE    BATTLE    OF    THE    BOUNDARIES 


287 


...      A  117 

)RITZ 


RIA-    HUTSTGARY     ^^ 


N^ 


,ARAD 


.^<- 


A  T '• 

RUMANIA 

CRAJOVA 


\  BULGARIA 


lad^tirfadadmMiMl 


TERRITORY  OCCUPIED  CHIEFLY  BY  JUGO-SLAVS  (SOUTHERN  SLAVS) 
(The   horizontal    shading   indicates    Italian   territorial   aspirations) 


It  will  contest  Lemberg  with  Ruthenian 
and  Pole.  It  will  have  its  claims  in  Slovakia. 
It  will  ask  for  a  seaboard  cutting  off  Cour- 
land.  Czecho-Slovakia  has  its  claim  in  Si- 
lesia, its  unsettled  boundaries  with  its  neigh- 
bors On  all  sides.  Rumanian  and  Magyar 
have  crowded  the  Serb  or  Jugo-Slav  from 
the  north  out  of  the  Banat.  Each  will 
claim  this  ancient  and  blood-stained  border- 
land. The  Serb  once  extended  into  the 
Hungarian  plain  on  the  north  with  the  four 
rivers  whose  silver  streams,  party-per-pale, 
shine  on  the  arms  of  the  Magyar  land. 
South,  Serbs  once  stretched  over  the  fertile 
lands  of  the  South  Balkans,  on  which  Bul- 
gars  have  encroached.  All  Serbs  suffer  from 
their  mountain  territory,  as  their  higher  illit- 
eracy showed   thirty  years  ago.      They   are 


certain  to  seek  the  lowlands  whenever  oppor- 
tunity offers. 

Europe  is  dotted  with  dubious  bounds. 
Neufchatel,  divided  between  Germany  and 
Switzerland  at  the  Congress  of  Paris  in 
1856,  comes  up  for  decision  now.  So  do 
the  boundaries  of  Holland  and  Belgium. 
Holland  yielded  to  Prussia  (map)  and  Bel- 
gium yielded  to  Holland.  These  were  avow- 
edly compromises.  Towns  in  Neufchatel  and 
Valengin  have  already  annexed  themselves 
to  Switzerland,  which  declines  the  perilous 
gift.  Belgian  and  Dutch  papers  \n  Decem- 
ber were  talking  of  war  between  the  two 
countries.  Neither  England  nor  Belgium 
will  ever  again  be  willing  to  have  the 
Scheldt  held  by  the  Netherlands.  \\lu'n  it  is 
the  natural  water-gate  to  Antwerp. 


TRAINING  HUMAN  CAPACITIES 
FOR  THE  NEW  ERA 

BY  MOLLIS  GODFREY 

(President  of  the  Drexel  Institute,  Philadelphia) 

[Dr.  Godfrey's  article  is  for  thoughtful  rather  than  superficial  reading.  It  goes  to  the  heart  of 
our  "Reconstruction"  problems.  High  wages  and  short  hours  are  desirable,  but  they  must  come 
by  means  of  increased  skill  and  training  for  results.  When  Dr.  Godfrey  talks  about  foremen  and 
engineers  and  shopwork,  he  has  also  in  mind  the  growth  of  skill  in  the  farm  community,  in  the 
office  system,  in  the  conduct  of  public  schools,  in  the  running  of  a  religious  society,  in  the  practise  of 
law  and  medicine,  or  in  the  handling  of  a  city's  police  problems.  The  country's  greatest  asset  is 
the  moral  and  economic  power  of  its  people.  With  high  training  and  good  planning,  material  re- 
sources will   respond  to  the  demands  of  a  richer  civilization. 

Dr.  Hollis  Godfrey  is  a  distinguished  engineer.  President  of  the  Drexel  Institute  of  Philadel- 
phia, who  served  as  the  engineering  authority  on  the  Council  of  National  Defense  at  Washington 
for  two  years  beginning  in  1916.  As  a  consulting  engineer,  an  {educator,  and  troad-minded 
leader,  Dr.  Godfrey  promises  to  be  one  of  the  marked  men  of  the  new  period  upon  which  we  are 
entering. — The  Editor.] 


ON  August  1,  1914,  the  peoples  of  the 
world  were  moving  slowly  but  surely 
along  the  road  of  progress  and  achievement. 
Some  were  advancing  more  rapidly  than 
ethers,  but  all  were  progressing  along  a  road 
of  peace.  In  medicine,  in  education,  in  public 
work,  and  in  all  practical  applications  of 
science,  a  worthy  advance  had  been  made  and 
we  were  on  the  whole  a  distinctly  happy  and 
prosperous  world.  Suddenly,  on  August  1, 
the  German  Empire  by  declaring  war  on 
Russia  drew  most  of  the  civilized  world  into 
a  cataclysm  of  blood  and  dropped  a  wall 
across  the  old  road  of  progress.  Our  ad- 
vance along  that  roajd  of  peace  was  halted. 

During  the  first  year  of  the  war,  if  you 
remember,  we  thought  we  could  go  back  to 
the  old  road,  but  we  could  not.  We  never 
could  have  gone  back  after  one  day,  but  we 
continued  to  talk  about  going  back.  Every 
day,  every  month,  and  every  year  added  to 
the  impossibility  of  doing  this,  until,  when 
the  German  fleet  surrendered  on  November 
22,  1918,  anyone  who  talked  about  the  pos- 
sibility of  going  back  to  conditions  before  the 
war  was  simply  indulging  in  a  forlorn  hope. 
The  question  now  is:  What  road  are  we 
going  to  take  in  the  period  of  reconstruction 
and  readjustment  which  will  enable  us  to 
meet  the  needs  of  the  new  situation? 

If  we  go  back  all  the  way  to  the  time  when 
the  Phoenician  merchants  first  decided  that 
they  w^ould  sail  out  for  new  territory,  or  if 
we  turn  to  the  days  of  Elizabeth  when  Drake 
sailed  to  the  new  world,  we  see  that  when- 

288 


ever  a  nation  has  reached  a  point  at  which  its 
problems  are  new — where  the  world  itself  is 
almost  new — the  nation  has  to  master  these 
problems  or  perish.  This  is  equally  true  of 
an  institution,  an  industry,  or  an  individual. 
There  is  just  one  of  two  things  to  do — 
either  drift  or  plan ;  and  we  are  at  this  mo- 
ment in  a  situation  where  as  a  nation,  an  in- 
stitution, or  an  individual,  a  choice  must  be 
made. 

The  danger  is  that  we  shall  wait  too  long 
before  coming  to  a  decision.  As  a  nation  we 
are  still  undecided.  Just  the  other  night  in 
a  little  group  of  six  who  were  talking  with 
me,  three  said,  **Let  us  wait  until  the  League 
of  Nations  is  established  and  President  Wil- 
son gets  back.  In  the  meantime,  stand  pat." 
Two  of  the  other  three  said,  "Plan."  And 
one  said,  "Act  to  hold  the  best  that  we  have 
and  plan  to  make  the  most  of  what  is  to 
come."  It  is  the  third  policy  that  is  the  right 
one  to  pursue  to-day. 

We  must  always  assume  that  a  large  part 
of  the  world  will  drift  and  that  another  part 
will  plan.  This  article  is  frankly  only  for 
those  people  who  plan.  Intelligent  planning 
directed  towards  a  given  end  means  progress. 
We  will  simply  discard  drifting,  because  we 
are  in  a  situation  in  which  we  must  plan 
and  progress,  if  we  are  to  live.  I  firmly  be- 
lieve that  there  is  sufficient  evidence  to  indi- 
cate that  the  plant,  institution,  or  individual 
that  drifts  the  first  two  years  of  a  critical 
period  like  this,  will  be  dead  or  dying  within 
a  decade.     That  is  why  I  believe  that  every 


TRAINING  HUMAN   CAPACITIES  FOR   THE   NEW  ERA 


289 


plant,  every  institution,  and  every  single  in- 
dividual must  spend  every  possible  hour  in 
new  planning,  holding  as  they  do  so  to  the 
best  of  the  old. 

Suppose  we  call  that  settled  and  assume 
that  a  plan  is  to  be  made.  The  question  then 
is:  How  shall  we  plan  and  to  what  end? 
What  can  history  tell  us  of  the  way  to  di- 
rected planning?  If  we  go  back  again  to 
England  in  the  time  of  Elizabeth,  we  find  the 
period  in  history  which  is,  in  my  opinion, 
most  like  our  own.  The  reign  of  Elizabeth 
faced,  as  the  world  faces  to-day,  the  problem 
of  social  unrest.  During  the  early  years  of  the 
reign,  England  was  outwardly  at  peace  with 
the  Continent.  This  gave  opportunity  for 
the  study  of  domestic  problems  and  for  the 
formation  of  sound  domestic  policy.  The 
opportunity  was  widely  used.  Old  indus- 
tries were  revitalized,  new  industries  were 
developed,  and  important  improvements 
made  in  methods  of  cultivating  the  land. 

This  development  of  nev/  capacities  rather 
efifectively  took  care  of  the  problem  of  social 
unrest  by  providing  employment  and  settling 
other  vexing  questions.  But  if  conditions 
were  not  to  become  stagnant  or  worse  and  if 
the  old  evils  were  not  to  reappear,  additional 
outlets  had  to  be  found  for  the  newly  de- 
veloped national  strength  which  expressed 
itself  powerfully  in  commercial  and  indus- 
trial resourcefulness.  These  new  outlets  the 
shrewd  merchants  of  England,  especially  oi 
London  and  Bristol,  were  quick  to  find  in 
foreign  commerce  and  trade.  Following  the 
masterly  example  of  Columbus  and  the 
Cabots,  Drake  and  other  great  seamen  of 
Elizabethan  England  were  sent  out  to  dis- 
cover new  worlds  or  to  exploit  those  already 
known.  Thus,  when  stagnation  threatened 
them,  did  the  merchants  and  seamen  of  Eng- 
land by  developing  at  home  and  abroad  new 
capacities,  put  English  trade  on  a  sound  foot- 
ing in  their  own  day,  and  lay  the  foundation 
of  their  country's  commercial  supremacy  and 
of  her  present  vast  Colonial  Empire. 

There  is  a  lesson  here  for  America.  We 
cannot,  nor  need  we  copy  many  of  the  meth- 
ods of  Drake  and  his  contemporaries.  We 
require  only  their  vision.  They  sought  new 
capacities  and  it  is  in  the  development  of  new 
capacities  that  we  must  find  the  end  of  plan- 
ning to-day. 

Bringing   Out  Mental   Capacity 

We  have  a  new  and  great  opportunity  for 
the  development  of  capacities.     We   are  in- 
terested not  only  in  the  development  of  ma- 
Mar.— s 


terial  capacity,  which  was  probably,  despite 
the  marvelous  and  perhaps  accidental  intel- 
lectual by-product  of  its  work,  the  chief  con- 
cern of  the  industrialism  of  this  former  age, 
but  to-day  we  find  in  the  development  of  the 
mental  capacity  of  the  worker  our  great  new 
world.  This  we  must  do  if  we  are  to  live  as 
a  nation  and  build  a  great  new  state. 

To  do  this  effectively  or  at  all,  we  must 
take  care  of  the  mind  of  the  buyer  who  buys 
the  service  and  the  mind  of  the  worker  who 
performs  the  service  that  is  bought.  The 
doer  of  the  service  can  only  work  well  when 
he  knows  that  the  product  of  his  labor  is 
fitted  to  an  economic  or  spiritual  need  of  a 
given  time.  There  is  no  earthly  use  in  train- 
ing a  maker  of  square  pianos  when  the  need 
of  this  product  has  disappeared.  No  matter 
how  brilliantly  it  may  be  done,  it  is  futile  to 
train  any  engineer  or  craftsman  for  the  solu- 
tion of  problems  that  do  not  exist  or  for 
tasks  that  need  not  be  done,  especially  when 
all  the  training  and  development  of  capacity 
imaginable  lies  ready  to  our  hand  in  the 
actual  problems  that  must  be  solved  and  the 
actual  tasks  that  must  be  done. 

Lessons  of  the  War 

Time  presses  us  heavily.  We  must  get 
swift  results  at  the  minimum  cost.  A  mo- 
ment's thought  on  the  history  of  the  Great 
War  will  show  us  clearly  what  is  really  the 
swiftest  way  to  get  results.  The  whole  war 
from  August  1,  1914,  to  July  18,  1918,  was 
an  example  of  the  hindrances,  checks,  and 
dangers  of  drifting  or  of  action  without  com- 
plete planning.  On  July  18,  1918,  under 
Marshal  Foch,  the  tremendous  force  of  ac- 
tion based  on  complete  plan  began  to  operate, 
and  in  four  months  the  work  was  done  which 
had  not  been  done  by  four  years  of  planless 
method.  And  be  it  noted,  in  tactics  Foch 
made- his  gains  (so  most  of  the  tacticians  say) 
by  the  development  of  mental  skill,  which  is 
the  swiftest  capacity  development  possible, 
taking  into  consideration  total  time  involved 
in  complete  action. 

When  we  remember  the  lessons  of  the  war, 
the  reason  for  placing  the  emphasis  upon  the 
development  of  mental  rather  than  material 
capacities  appears  at  once.  We  admit  that 
mental  capacities  can  be  developed  far  more 
swiftly  than  material  ones,  but  ask  why  they 
have  not  been  more  largely  developed  from 
the  standpoint  of  their  value  as  industrial 
capacities?  For  one  reason  anil  one  only 
The  means  for  their  development  industrially 
were  not  in  existence  in  sufficient  quantity  to 


290 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


make  maximum  development  possible — ex- 
actly as  advances  in  the  art  and  practise  of 
navigation  have  inevitably  had  to  precede  the 
development  of  the  capacities  of  new  lands. 
Now  for  the  first  time  the  great  war-^by 
far  the  greatest  engineering  and  educational 
experiment  the  world  has  ever  known — has 
supplied  us  with  the  means  for  such  develop- 
ment and,  by  focusing  all  the  pre-war  ex- 
perience in  engineering  and  education  on  the 
supreme  need  of  winning  the  war  and  de- 
veloping that  knowledge  in  the  hot  crucible 
of  war,  it  has  supplied  these  means  in  the 
three  great  groups  necessary  for  the  develop- 
ment of  complete  industrial  mental  skill. 

The  Kind  of  Education  Demanded 

These  groups  point  out  ( 1 )  what  knowl- 
edge is  necessary — the  knowledge  basis  of  the 
development,  (2)  how  that  knowledge  can 
be  best  and  most  simply  taught — the  expres- 
sion basis  of  the  development,  and  (3)  what 
men  are  best  fitted  for  a  given  job  and  how 
we  can  know  when  they  are  fitted — the  test 
basis  of  the  development.  How  all  three 
means  for  the  development  of  mental  skill 
capacities  can  be  used  in  a  given  specific  case 
will  be  told  later. 

And  there  is  a  further  reason  why  the  next 
period  is  to  be  a  great  period  of  the  develop- 
ment of  mental  skill.  The  war  has  changed 
the  attitude  of  the  people  toward  the  na- 
tion. And  new  development  cannot  be  indi- 
vidual. It  must  be  pointed  towards  three 
ends — the  development  of  a  better  state,  a 
better  opportunity  for  one's  associates,  and  a 
better  opportunity  for  one's  self.  No  longer 
will  plans  headed  for  mere  individual  gains 
suffice. 

But  there  is  one  point  which  any  believer 
in  my  statements  must  not  forget.  Produc- 
tion must  go  on.  Any  development  of  ca- 
pacities must  be  in  addition  to  existing 
capacities  and  must  not  interfere  with  them. 
That  is,  he  must  remember  that  any  develop- 
ment of  new  capacity  must  insure  the  keep- 
ing of  all  that  is  good  in  the  old.  In  other 
words,  I  do  not  mean  for  a  moment  that  we 
can  go  ahead  and  develop  new  capacity  to  a 
high  point  and  let  another  perfectly  good 
thing  drop  to  a  low  point.  Hold  what  you 
have  and  develop  the  new.  Insure  the  old — 
promote  the  new. 

And  there  was  never  a  period  in  the  history 
of  the  world  when  there  was  so  attentive  an 
ear  to  the  theory,  which  is  unquestionably 
correct,  that  the  swift  and  profitable  way  to 
insure  the  old  and  promote  the  new  is  to  in- 


sure the  development  of  mental  skill  by  edu- 
cation. A  plea  for  education  will  be  heard 
to-day  by  the  vast  audience  of  men  who  have 
come  back  from  this  war.  It  will  be  heard 
by  the  thousands  of  untrained  individuals 
who  went  into  the  war  and  failed  because 
they  lacked  training.  And  it  will  be  heard 
by  those  who  succeeded  because  of  their  train- 
ing. They  all  have  recognized  in  their  work, 
whether  it  was  on  this  side  of  the  ocean  or 
abroad,  that  the  thing  that  is  most  profitable 
is  education,  and  that  education  based  on 
right  knowledge  and  right  methods  brings  the 
surest  and  swiftest  results. 

A  Practical  Program 

Thus  far  we  have  been  concerned  with 
the  theory  of  the  need  for  development  of  as 
yet  undeveloped  capacities  of  mental  skill. 
Let  us  now  present  the  general  statement  of 
a  specific  plan  for  such  development  in  one 
of  a  group  of  fields  where  such  development 
is  possible  based  on  the  results  of  war  train- 
ing. It  is  given  in  outline  only,  owing  to 
space  limitations.  It  has  been,  however, 
worked  out  and  checked  in  detail. 

It  is  in  the  engineering  basis  of  capacity  de- 
velopment, in  the  educational  teaching  of  that 
basis  and  in  the  fitting  of  the  man  to  his  work 
that  we  find  the  greatest  field  for  meeting  the 
pressing  problems  of  to-day.  But  to  make 
this  theory  work,  it  must  be  brought  down  to 
earth.  Dreams  and  theories  are  necessary, 
but  to  make  them  work  for  men  and  women 
to-day  and  not  to-morrow,  we  must  have  a 
plan  on  which  any  man  anywhere  can  act. 

The  plan  proposed  is  fundamental,  first,  in 
its  division  into  two  types  of  skill — mental 
skill  and  manual  skill,  or  technical  skill  and 
vocational  skill,  or  engineering  skill  and 
craftsman  skill,  in  whatever  way  we  choose 
to  express  the  comparison.  If  it  is  a  problem 
of  hand  working  on  material,  it  is  a  crafts- 
man problem,  no  matter  how  guided  by  the 
brain.  If  it  is  a  coordination  of  plans  by 
which  the  work  6f  men  on  material  is  planned 
by  the  brain,  it  is  a  technical  problem.  A 
craftsman  works  only  with  the  material  at 
his  hand ;  an  engineer  works  with  the  design 
of  that  combination  of  goods  and  services 
which  makes  a  finished  product  through  ex- 
isting or  new  avenues  of  industry. 

The  engineer  is  the  man  or  woman  who 
organizes  men  and  materials  in  groups  of 
men  and  groups  of  material,  produces  the 
assembly  drawing,  showing  what  is  to  be 
made,  the  bills  of  materials  showing  what  is 
to  be  used,  the  instruction  card  telling  how 


I 


TRAINING  HUMAN   CAPACITIES  FOR   THE   NEW  ERA 


291 


the  work  is  to  be  done  and  by  whom.  The  no  better  than  its  corporal,"  said  a  great  gen- 
engineer  must  visualize  his  complete  work  cral.  We  may  paraphrase  the  remark  by 
with  relation  to  the  whole  factory  which  saying,  '*A  group  of  workers  is  no  better  than 
makes  the  product  and  with  regard  to  the  its  foreman."  And  (let  me  repeat)  the  re- 
buyer  who  is  to  use  it.  In  the  making  of  a  markable  part  of  the  whole  thing  is  that  with 
given  product,  engineering  and  craftsman  a  proper  functionalization  of  the  foreman's 
skill  both  have  a  definite  and  valuable  part,  job,  all  his  gain  in  mental  skill  aids  the  ad- 
One  is  as  important  as  the  other,  but  this  does  vance  of  industry  without  interfering  or 
not  lessen  the  necessity  for  correct  definition  blocking   or   even   entering   any   of    the   con# 


as  to  the  purposes  of  our  plan. 

Engineering  training  has  been  steadily 
undergoing  a  process  of  definition  for  the  last 
fifty  years  or  more,  and  the  boy  who  wishes 


troversial  fields  in  which  arc  fought  out  the 
differences  between  capital  and  labor. 

I  have  defined  the  foreman's  job  at  some 
length  because  I  do  not  think  that  there  is 


to  become  an  engineer  has  a  large  group  of  anything  in  industry  which  has  made  more 

splendid  engineering  schools  from  which  to  delay,  has  cost  more  in  money  and  time  than 

choose  the  one  which  best  meets  his  special  the   lack   of    realization   that   the   moment   a 

needs.     Vocational  training  which  will  give  man  becomes  a  non-commissioned  officer,  he 


the  citizen  command  of  a  trade  or  craft  is 
recognized  by  city.  State,  and  nation  as  the 
right  of  any  citizen  and  a  multitude  of  great 
vocational  schools  exist. 

"The  Non-Com.  of  Industry" 

But  industry  has  a  third  type  of  worker 
whose  task  has  been  little  defined,  whose 
schools  are  few,  indeed,  and  yet  whose  men- 
tal capacity  is  capable  of  the  most  extraordi- 


undertakes  a  technical  task  and,  if  he  does  his 
job  rightly  and  is  allowed  to  do  it,  never  does 
a  single  piece  of  craftsman's  work  while 
working  as  a  foreman.  He  organizes  men 
and  materials.  He  is  essentially  sub-engineer 
in  charge  of  the  execution  of  the  engineer's 
design,  but  he  has  not  heretofore  been  trained 
as  an  engineer. 

The  fact  is  that  the  non-commissioned  offi- 
cer   of    industry    assimilates    the    assembled 
nary  advance.     There  is  no  other  type  in  in-      drawing  of  the  engineer  and  carries  out  a  de- 


dustry  to-day  whose  development  will  bring 
greater  rewards  to  all  concerned,  to  capital, 
to  labor,  and  the  community  alike.  I  refer 
to  the  foreman  (call  him  by  any  name  you 
please — leading  man,  inspector,  route  man, 
boss),  the  non-commissioned  officer  of  in- 
dustry. 


tailed  drawing  in  terms  of  the  men  and  ma- 
terials. Here  is  a  great  human  need  that 
must  be  filled  if  industry  is  to  advance  and 
to  fill  that  need  we  must  train  rightly  a  new 
group  who  have  never  been  properly  trained 
before.  Only  by  providing  that  training  can 
we  fill  in  a  link  in  industry  and  serve  to  the 


The    foreman    is    primarily    a    community  maximum   degree   the   nation,   our   associates 

officer  of   an   industrial   community.      He   is  and  ourselves.     The   world   is  too   complex 

the  route  man  who  makes  the  route  by  which  and  too  large  to  say  this  is  the  only  way  out 

the  goods  travel,  and  he  is  the  Public  Works  or  to  say  that  good  training  has  not  been  ob- 


Department  who  keeps  the  shop  clean.  He 
is  the  public  school  teacher  who  teaches  the 
citizens  of  his  part  of  the  community  how  to 
live  and  work  effectively  in  that  community. 
He  is  a  public  servant  who,  if  he  rightly  per- 
forms his  function,  is  not  concerned  with 
controversies  between  employer  and  employee, 
being  detached  from  both  in  any  discussion 
and  with  his  work  not  involved  in  any  prob- 
lems which  give  rise  to  differences  of  opinion. 
There  is  nothing  that  will  do  more  in  this 
period  to  aid  in  the  development  of  both  ma- 
terial and  mental  capacity  than  the  giving  to 
the    craftsman    the    training    which    a    non 


tained  in  a  few  cases.  There  is  no  panacea ; 
there  is  no  cure-all.  But  there  is  a  general 
need  in  every  industrial  city  and  town  every- 
where for  trained  foremen,  and  no  proper 
means  of  supplying  that  need. 

A  Basis  of  Experience 

When  any  man  makes  as  strong  a  state- 
ment as  that  just  made,  I  like  to  know  why 
he  says  it  and  what  experience  he  has  had  to 
back  it  up.  I  want  to  go  back  and  give  the 
reader  a  little  of  the  personal  h'story  on  thii 
matter  which  has  led  me  to  these  conclusions. 
In   1899  I  took  a  class  in  an  evening  school 


commissioned  officer  of  industry  should  have,  which  was  made  up  chiefly  of  foremen,  sub- 

and  to  existing  non-commissioned  officers  of  foremen   and    inspectors.      It   was   concerned 

industry   training   for   advancement   in   their  with   elementary    mechanics   and    the   pruici- 

own    jobs   or   preparing   them    for    the   com-  pies   of    physics,    although    it    became    almost 

missioned  jobs  of  the  engineer.     "A  squad  is  from   the   start   a   course   in   the   theory   anil 


292 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEIV    OF   REVIEWS 


practice  of  foremanship,  because  of  an  almost 
accidental  happening.  The  first  night  I  went 
in  (I  was  recently  out  of  college  and  had  re- 
cently worked  my  way  through  the  shop)  I 
knew  by  experience  that  my  students  could 
ask  me  any  number  of  things  that  I  could 
not  answer.  I  evolved  in  the  spirit  of  self- 
protection,  a  scheme  for  meeting  trouble.  I 
said  to  them,  "You  can  ask  me  a  lot  of  things 
that  I  cannot  answer,  but  there  is  nothing 
you  can  ask  me  that  I  cannot  find  out.  Ask 
me  any  question  and  I  will  answer  it  on  the 
second  class  night  following.  I  will  answer 
nothing  on  the  night  it  is  asked." 

I  kept  that  question-and-answer  plan  going 
for  six  years  and  during  that  time  I  believe 
I  had  asked  me  almost  every  fundamental 
question  of  foremanship.  And  as  the  years 
went  on,  I  was  able  to  check  their  questions 
and  answers  by  my  actual  experience  in  in- 
dustry. Nine  years  of  experience  in  indus- 
try passed  by  and  an  opportunity  of  adminis- 
tering the  affairs  of  another  night  school 
came.  So  for  five  years  in  the  Drexel  Insti- 
tute I  have  been  watching  the  foreman  situa- 
tion with  the  utmost  interest,  especially  in 
view  of  my  opportunity  to  check  the  situation 
at  Washington  during  the  whole  of  the  war. 

I  served  in  the  government  service  for  two 
and  one-quarter  years,  during  which  time  I 
had  one  industrial  and  institutional  problem 
after  another  of  all  sizes  and  kinds  presented 
to  me.  Over  and  over  again  I  found  this 
to  be  true — that  the  great  crying  need  was 
for  non-commissioned  officers  of  industry. 
There  were  craftsmen,  and  manual  workers 
and  engineers,  but  there  were  no  foremen — 
none  who  could  take  the  plans  from  the  engi- 
neer and  put  them  through.  The  question  I 
was  asked  again  and  again  was.  this:  "What 
are  we  going  to  do  about  foremen  and  where 
can  we  get  them  ?"  So  after  study  both  from 
the  side  of  the  employer  and  from  the  side 
of  the  employee,  I  came  to  the  very  definite 
determination  that  the  non-commissioned 
officer's  field  is  separate  from  that  of  the 
craftsman  on  the  one  hand  and  from  that  of 
the  engineer  on  the  other. 

When  the  war  came  to  the  United  States 
what  I  had  foreseen  took  place.  No  one  who 
'had  any  part  in  the  industrial  development  of 
the  war  can  forget  the  desperate  lack  of 
trained  non-commissioned  officers,  industrial 
and  military,  which  cost  so  dearly  in  time  and 
money.  The  need  was  shown  with  a  clear- 
ness never  equalled.  But  the  military  re- 
quirement brought  great  advances  in  the 
power  to  meet  the  need  in  this  period  of  re- 


construction. France  outlined  with  a  beauti- 
ful clarity  the  problem  method  of  intensive 
training,  Great  Britain  developed  the  theory 
of  the  vestibule  shop,  the  United  States  de- 
veloped the  theory  of  maximum  training  de- 
voted to  a  given  end  in  a  minimum  time,  and 
every  theory,  to  name  but  a  few  of  the  great 
developments  of  mental  and  manual  capacity 
of  the  war,  was  checked  in  thousands  of  cases 
by  the  grim  and  relentless  test  of  war.  In 
four  years  the  world  made  and  tested  out  an 
amazing  number  of  possibilities  for  the  de- 
velopment of  capacities,  which  are  only  wait- 
ing the  next  stage,  the  change  to  peace,  to 
become  available  for  industry,  and  in  few  of 
these  fields  are  greater  opportunities  of 
proved  value  at  hand  than  in  that  of  which 
I  wTite  to-day. 

But  every  one  of  these  fields  must  be  car- 
ried out  with  two  points  of  view:  the  making 
of  a  skilled  citizen  out  of  an  unskilled  citizen 
and  the  making  of  a  skilled  worker  out  of  an 
unskilled  worker.  No  work  is  complete 
which  does  not  include  the  great  factor  of 
citizenship  and  an  understanding  of  the 
citizen's  place  in  the  community. 

Now  there  is  nothing  finer  than  the  fore- 
man group  of  industry.  The  way  they 
have  developed  their  job  under  adverse  cir- 
cumstances elicits  my  warmest  admiration. 
Why  not  give  them  an  open  road  to  advance- 
ment instead  of  leaving  it  to  chance  which  so 
often  leads  into  a  blind  alley? 

Machinery  for   Training 

It  remains,  therefore,  to  outline  specifically 
a  plan  by  which  the  foreman  may  get  that 
training  which  he  needs.  The  first  thing  to 
do,  is  to  bring  the  educational  experience  of 
the  war  to  bear  directly  upon  the  problem. 
As  stated  above,  we  can  in  this  way  ascertain : 

( 1 )  What  knowledge  is  necessary ; 

(2)  How  that  knowledge  can  be  best  and 
most  simply  taught; 

(3)  What  men  are  best  fitted  for  a  given 
job  and  how  we  can  know  when  they  are 
fitted. 

There  now  exists  ample  machinery  for  as- 
certaining each  of  these  three  things,  which,  if 
focussed  and  centered  upon  the  foreman,  will 
give  him  the  right  training  to  perform  his 
job. 

There  are  two  types  of  workers  in  indus- 
try who  are  especially  eligible  for  this  train- 
ing, but  they  must  be  taught  in  two  separate 
groups,  the  first  composed  of  skilled  crafts- 
men, the  second  composed  of  men  who  are 
already    foremen.      The    skilled    craftsman 


TRAINING  HUMAN   CAPACITIES  FOR   THE   NEW  ERA 


293 


must  be  educated  in  foremanshfp ;  the  fore- 
man must  be  trained  for  advancement  in  his 
existing  job  or  for  promotion  to  higher  jobs, 
the  craftsman  who  possesses  the  qualities  and 
knowledge  which  fit  him  for  advancement 
must  have  the  training  which  will  enable  him 
to  change  from  a  manual  worker  to  a  mental 
worker.  When  that  training  is  done,  the 
worker,  having  mastered  the  principles  of  his 
technical  work,  should  be  competent  to  be  a 
foreman  in  any  department  of  the  trade 
group  to  which  he  belongs — mechanic  trades, 
ship  trades,  carpenter  trades  and  the  various 
like  occupations. 

The  non-commissioned   officer  who   is  al- 
ready  working   at   his   job   must   be    taught 


man  to  the  job.  When,  however,  we  come  to 
decide  upon  the  subject-matter  of  the  course, 
a  great  deal  of  serious  thought  is  needed.  In 
the  last  twent)i  years  I  have  worked  out  and 
am  now  making  available  for  our  own  classes 
investigations  which  are  basic  to  the  solution 
of  this  problem  in  both  the  school  and  the 
shop.  In  addition,  the  great  new  resources 
of  technical  and  vocational  teaching  may  be 
drawn  upon. 

Engineers  Who  Are  Also  Teachers 

With  a  command  of  industrial  practice  as 
it  has  been  focused  by  the  war,  the  engineer 
experienced  in  shop  practice  who  is  skilled 
also  in  teaching  (and  admirable  men  of  this 


enough  of  the  fundamental  principles  to  work      type  exist)  will  be  able  to  give  the  craftsman 


up  so  far  as  possible  what  he  has  not  obtained 
by  practice,  but  he  must  be  taught  in  the  main 
by  reference  to  the  specific  problems  of  his 
own  shop  and  his  own  department  and  by  the 
material  and  men  that  he  has  to  use  to  get 
his  work  accomplished.  When  that  training 
is  completed,  the  non-commissioned  officer 
should  be  a  far  abler  officer,  should  be  worth 
more  money  to  his  employer  and  himself  and 
should  be  in  the  line  of  advancement. 

Comparatively  Brief  Time  Required 

The  procedure  for  actually  putting  this 
training  for  non-commissioned  officers  into 
effect,  I  have  found  by  actual  practice  to  be 
simpler  than  it  may  appear  from  the  gravity 
of  the  general  problem.  The  time  in  which 
the  training  may  be  done  in  the  first  group 
has  been  determined  by  a  number  of  experi- 
ments as  about  four  hundred  hours,  which 
can  easily  be  taken  in  a  year  of  night-school 
study  with  employment  continuing  regularly 


that  training  which  will  most  quickly  make 
him  an  efficient  foreman.  If  this  same  engi- 
neer is  also  an  expert  in  engineering  research, 
he  will  be  able  to  point  the  way  for  the  edu- 
cation and  advancement  of  the  existing  fore- 
men. But  he  cannot  develop  the  educational 
capacity  of  existing  foremen  in  terms  of  their 
own  shop  in  public  institutions  devoted  to 
general  aims.  He  must  do  it  in  the  shop, 
and  develop  the  work  as  an  outside  teacher 
and  investigator.  The  work  should  never 
be  put  into  hands  that  are  concerned  with 
other  duties  nor  into  the  hands  of  any  one 
who  is  not  both  teacher  and  engineer. 

Merits    of    the    Plan    Summarized 

So  I  commend  the  examination  of  this  vital 
problem  to  those  engineers  who  are  teachers, 
to  every  foreman,  and  to  every  worker  who 
desires  to  fit  himself  to  be  a  foreman,  to  all 
employers  and  employees,  and  to  all  men  and 
women  everywhere — all  who  are  interested 


during  the  day.     The  time  necessary  for  the      in  planning  a  way  by  which  all  in  common 


training  of  the  second  group  is  probably  ma- 
terially shorter,  but  how  much  shorter  is  not 
yet  known. 

It  has  been  found  by  the  experience  of  the 
war  that  the  problem  method  of  instruction 
when  rightly  done  is  so  fascinating  to  the 
student  that  the  work  offers  its  own  incentive 
as  well  as  the  reward  of  money  and  advance- 
ment at  the  end.  And,  perhaps  best  of  all, 
it  is  possible  practically  to  eliminate  any  hour 
of  instruction  which  does  not  lead  straight- 
way to  the  making  of  a  more  skilled  citizen. 
The  cost  can  be  estimated  with  a  considerable 
amount  of  precision  from  known  factors. 

The  length  of  the  period  of  training, 
therefore,  presents  no  serious  difficulties.  Nor 
does  the  problem  of  testing — the  fitting  the 


may  advance  and  none  may  lose,  during  the 
building  of  that  great  new  state  which  should 
be  brought  forth  after  the  travails  of  war. 
For  search  as  I  may,  I  can  find  no  way  in 
which  any  citizen  can  suffer  loss  in  the  de- 
velopment of  this  plan,  if  the  plan  can  be 
carried  out  according  to  design,  because  the 
employer  gets  a  foreman  who  understands 
foremanship,  the  engineer  gets  a  man  who 
can  read  and  interpret  his  designs,  the  crafts- 
man acquires  a  fundamental  knowledge  of  his 
job  with  a  chance  to  become  a  foreman,  the 
non-commissioned  officer  of  industry  gets  an 
insight  into  the  work  of  the  engineer  which 
may  advance  him  to  that  position,  the  men 
in  the  shop  get  a  square  deal,  and  the  com- 
munity gets  skilled  ^citizenship. 


@  Underwood  &  Undenvood,  N.  Y. 

NATURE'S  POWER  SUPPLY  FOR  OBTAINING  NITRIC  ACID 

(If  nitrogen  is  to  be  reduced  directly  from  the  air  in  solid  usable  form,  cheap  waterpower  is  necessary.  At 
Niagara  Falls — shown  in  the  picture  above — the  first  experiments  were  made  with  the  object  of  burning  nitrogen 
electrically  and  of  obtaining  ultimately  nitric  acid.  Niagara's  power  was  not  cheap  enough,  and  that  was  before  the 
present  legislative   restrictions  on  its  use  were  imposed.      The  industry  throve  in  Norway  and  Sweden) 


THE  CHEMIST  AND  THE 
FOOD  PROBLEM 

Solving  the  Problem  of  an  Increasing  Population  and  a 

Diminishing  Food  Supply 

BY    WALDEMAR    KAEMPFFERT 

(Editor  of  the  Popular  Science  Monthly) 


WE  paid  no  great  attention  to  our 
utter  dependency  on  the  nitrogen  of 
the  air  until  in  1898  Sir  William  Crookes, 
in  a  memorable  paper  read  before  the  Brit- 
ish Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Sci- 
ence, showed  that  the  population  of  the 
world  is  increasing  more  rapidly  than  its 
food  supply.  Wheat  eaters  dominate  the 
world.  In  '1898  they  numbered  516,000,000, 
and  they  were  increasing  at  the  rate  of  6,000,- 
000  annually.  By  1945  the  wheat  fields  must 
cover  292,000,000  acres  in  order  to  feed  a 
population  of  834,000,000,  he  argued,  and 
then  dramatically  asked  :  "What  is  to  happen 
if  the  present  rate  of  population  be  maintained 
and  if  arable  areas  of  sufficient  extent  cannot 
be  adapted  and  made  contributory  to  the 
subsistence  of  so  great  a  host?  If  bread  fails, 
not  only  us,  but  all  the  bread  winners  of  the 
world,  what  are  we  to  do?" 

For  years  the  farmers  of  the  eastern  and 
western  hemispheres  have  been  growing  more 
wheat  than  Sir  William  pessimistically  con- 
cluded it  would  be  difficult  to  supply  in  1941. 

294 


Although  his  dismal  prophecy  is  not  likely  to 
be  fulfilled,  chiefly  because  he  made  no  al- 
lowances for  the  use  of  better  agricultural 
machinery,  better  tillage,  better  varieties  of 
wheat,  and  better  seed,  it  served  the  useful 
purpose  of  arousing  newspaper  editors,  gov- 
ernment officials,  capitalists  and  chemists  to  a 
realization  of  our  food  problem. 

Sir  William  harped  on  the  need  of  nitro- 
gen. Without  it  we  cannot  grow  wheat, 
without  It  plants  cannot  grow,  and  if  plants 
cannot  grow  cattle  must  starve,  and  with 
them  mankind.  But  what  is  nitrogen? 
Where  can  it  be  obtained  ?    How  Is  it  used  ? 

NITROGEN^      NITROGEN      EVERYWHERE,      BUT 
NOT  AN   OUNCE   THAT  YOU   CAN    USE 

Breathe  and  you  inhale  nitrogen.  Eighty 
per  cent,  of  the  air  is  composed  of  it.  With- 
out It  you  die.  Pure  oxygen  may  not  be 
breathed  indefinitely  with  safety;  it  would 
burn  you  up  before  your  time.  Nitrogen 
serves  to  dilute  it.  Eat  bread,  meat,  beans, 
or    any    tissue-building    food,    and    you    eat 


THE    CHEMIST   AND    THE    FOOD    PROBLEM 


295 


nitrogen.  Blast  a  subway,  blow  up  a  Czar, 
destroy  a  fort  with  explosive  shells,  drop 
bombs  on  a  munitions  factory  from  an  air- 
plane, and  you  accomplish  your  purpose  with 
nitrogen.  Poison  a  rat  and  you  will  find 
nitrogen  your  deadliest  instrumentality.  Dye 
a  fabric  one  of  a  hundred  different  shades 
and  you  must  fall  back  on  nitrogen.  Dis- 
solve gold  out  of  the  rock  in  which  it  is 
locked  and  you  will  find  that  nitrogen  proves 
indispensable. 

Every  twenty-four  hours  you  draw  into 
your  lungs  four  hundred  and  fifty  gallons  of 
it,  enough  to  make  thirty  pounds  of  T.  N.  T. 
or  forty  pounds  of  gunpowder.  The  nitro- 
gen above  one  square  mile  of  the  earth 
amounts  to  about  twenty  million  tons — 
enough  to  last  the  world  for  fifty  years.  Of 
this  enormous  volume  a  minute  fraction — 
about  0.000002 — is  in  the  the  active  service 
of  the  vegetable  and  animal  kingdom. 

Plentiful  as  it  is,  nitrogen  as  a  free  gas  has 
not  many  industrial  uses.  It  must  be  con- 
verted into  solid,  assimilable  form.  Most 
elements  are  readily  converted  into  useful 
compounds.  Hydrogen  and  oxygen  combine 
to  form  water ;  chlorine  and  hydrogen  to 
produce  hydrochloric  acid ;  sodium  and 
chlorine  to  yield  common  table  salt.  But  this 
gas  nitrogen  is  chemically  rebellious,  extraor- 
dinarily inert. 

Barnyard  manure  and  other  animal  fer- 
tilizers contain  nitrogen  in  the  very  chemical 
form  that  the  soil  demands.  For  centuries 
farmers  have  been  manuring  their  fields. 
They  never  knew  why  until  the  modern 
chemist  told  them  that  they  were  merely  re- 
storing to  the  soil  a  fraction  of  what  had 
been  removed  from  it  by  crops  and  cattle. 
Whenever  we  kill  a  steer  or  a  sheep  we  kill  a 
crop  producer. 


There  is  not  enough  animal  fertilizer  to 
restore  to  the  soil  the  nitrogen  that  has  been 
removed  by  growing  verdage  and  grazing 
cow.  Is  there  no  artificial  form  of  assimil- 
able nitrogen  ?  The  chemist  points  at  once  to 
ammonia,  a  nitrogenous  by-product  obtained 
in  the  manufacture  of  illuminating  gas  and 
of  coke.  For  years  farmers  have  been  fer- 
tilizing the  soil  with  ammonia,  -not  the 
strong  liquid  household  variety,  but  solid 
ammonium  sulphate.  The  amount  of  am- 
monia sold  by  all  the  illuminating  gas-works 
in  the  country  is  negligibly  small  in  compari- 
son with  the  demands  for  fertilizer.  Far 
greater  is  the  quantity  obtained  w^hen  soft 
coal  is  reduced  to  coke  in  an  oven. 

By  the  end  of  the  war  Germany  was  re- 
covering fully  one-third  of  her  nitrogen  in 
the  form  of  coke-oven  ammonia.  The  United 
States,  on  the  other  hand,  still  wastes  most 
of  the  ammonia  which  it  might  similarly 
husband.  Why?  Because  it  employs  the 
wrong  kind  of  oven  for  the  most  part.  In- 
stead of  collecting  the  fertilizing  values 
which  are  absolutely  vital  to  us,  we  allow 
most  of  them  to  float  off  into  the  atmosphere. 
The  man  who  lights  cigars  with  one  hundred- 
dollar  bills  popularly  symbolizes  recklessness. 
He  is  totally  eclipsed  by  our  coke  companies. 
They  toss  millions  into  the  air  where  he  con- 
sumes but  paltry  hundreds. 

But,  granting  that  much  valuable  ammon- 
ium sulphate  might  be  obtained  if  the  right 
kind  of  coke-oven  were  generally  adopted, 
there  would  be  no  assurance  of  a  steady  sup- 
ply. Coke-oven  ammonia  is  a  kind  of  waste, 
a  by-product.  No  sane  business  man  would 
coke  soft-coal  for  the  sake  of  obtaining  am- 
monia. He  produces  coke  only  when  the  iron 
industry  demands  it,  and  the  iron  industry's 
demands  vary  from  year  to  year. 


@   lirouii    iV    l);n\-iin,    New    York 


CHILE'S  PRICELESS  NITRATE  FIELD 


(The  power  of  waginR  war,  the  power  of  prodiicinp  croi>s  to  feed  a  whole  population,  the  power  of  develop- 
ing essential  industries  have  hitherto  l)een  dejjendent  upon  the  millions  of  tons  of  nitropen  (k-positcd  in  the  form  of 
nitrate  of  soda  behind  a  Chilean  plateau  five  thousand  fet^t  above  the  sea-level  and  twenty  miles  from  the  Tacihc 
coast — a  dreary,  parched,  almost  rainless  strip  of  land,  a   veritable  desert,   but  a   grtat    natitjnal   asset) 


296 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


THE   FLAME  OF   A   400-KII.OWATT   OVEN 

(Whenever  lightning  flashes  nature  is  fixing  atmos- 
pheric nitrogen.  So  the  scientists  have  imitated  her  by 
developing  methods  of  applying  ielectricity.  Here  is 
a  typical  arc  furnace  which  burns  the  air  to  produce 
nitric  oxide,  from  which  nitric  acid  is  obtained,  which 
in  turn  can  be  changed  into  solid  nitrate) 


CHILE  S    PRICELESS    DESERT 

Luckily  for  mankind,  nature  deposited  mil- 
lions of  tons  of  nitrogen  in  the  form  of 
Chilean  saltpeter  (nitrate  of  soda)  behind  a 
plateau  five  thousand  feet  above  the  sea  level, 
and  twenty  miles  from  the  Pacific  Coast — a 
dreary,  parched,  almost  rainless  strip  of  land, 
a  veritable  desert.  For  nearly  a  century 
that  Chilean  waste  has  been  a  priceless  pos- 
session of  civilzation.  It  has  stood  between 
us  and  starvation.  Upon  it  the  farmers  of 
Europe  and  America  have  been  almost  entire- 
ly dependent  for  nearly  a  century,  and  with 
them  a  host  of  industries  as  well  as  grasping 
empires  that  have  expanded  their  dominions 
bv  means  of  gunpowder,  nitroglycerine  and 
t.  N.  T. 

The  power  of  waging  war^  the  power  of 
producing  crops  to  feed  a  whole  population, 
the  power  of  developing  essential  industries, 
have  all  been  dependent  on  Chile.  What 
would  happen  if  the  ports  of  that  country 
were  blockaded  ?  The  great  German  chem- 
ist, Ostwald,  wrote  some  years  before  the 
European  conflict:  "If  to-day  a  great  war 
should  break  out  between  two  great  powers, 
of  which  one  were  to  prevent  the  export  of 
saltpeter  from  the  few  ports  of  Chile,  it 
would  thereby  make  it  impossible  for  the 
enemy  to  continue  longer  than  its  ammuni- 


tion supply  w^ould  last."  No  w^onder  that 
Germany  had  accumulated  approximately  six 
hundred  and  sixty  thousand  tons  of  Chilean 
saltpeter  and  that  it  threw  its  spiked  helmet 
up  with  joy  when  it  captured  two  hundred 
thousand  tons  more  in  Antwerp. 

Chile  practically  lives  on  her  nitrate.  She 
levies  an  export  tax  of  $11.60  on  every  ton 
exported.  She  has  collected  from  the  United 
States  alone  about  ninety  million  dollars.  Be- 
tween 1867  and  1916  we  used  about  8,040,- 
217  tons,  costing  $261,999,000.  Our  im- 
portations in  1913  amounted  to  625,000  tons, 
valued  at  $21,630,000.  Whenever  you  eat 
a  piece  of  bread  rest  assured  that  you  have 
paid  your  share  of  Chile's  tax. 

ONLY   THE   AIR   CAN    HELP    US 

The  Chilean  nitrate  beds  are  not  inex- 
haustible. Some  time  in  the  present  cen- 
tury all  their  nitrogen  will  have  been  mined. 
Unless  some  cheap  way  of  reducing  the  free 
nitrogen  of  the  air  to  solid  form  is  invented 
the  world  must  starve. 

Every  tree  in  the  forest,  every  wild  plant, 
must  assimilate  nitrogen  from  the  soil.  How 
did  nature  place  it  there  in  exactly  the  right 
chemical  combination?  Hers  is  a  very  slow 
process.  She  snaps  her  fingers  at  time.  A 
million  years  is  to  her  what  a  second  is  to 
us.  Whenever  lightning  flashes,  nature  is 
fixing  atmospheric  nitrogen.  A  black  cloud 
looms  up  on  the  horizon.  The  sultry  aij 
is  charged  with  electricity.  Suddenly  ther^ 
comes  a  blinding  flash.  A  huge  electric, 
spark  has  fixed  a  scarcely  measurable  amount 


BIRKELAND-EYDE    ELECTRIC    ARC 

(Prof.  Kristian  Birkeland  and  Dr.  Samuel  Eyde  were 
the  first  to  succeed  commercially  in  making  nitric  acid 
from  the  nitrogen  of  the  air.  They  used  an  electric 
arc,  which,  by  means  of  a  magnet,  they  spread  out  un- 
til it  was  bigger  than  a  cart-wheel) 


THE    CHEMIST   AND    THE    FOOD    PROBLEM 


297 


of  nitrogen,  and  the  rain  has  con- 
veyed it  to  the  earth  below.  Millions, 
possibly  billions,  of  such  Storms  in 
primeval  ages,  helped  to  furnish  the 
earth  witlr  the  nitrogen  that  it  now 
yields  to  green  leaves  and  forest  ani- 
mals. 

One  way  of  fixing  nitrogen  is  to 
imitate  nature.  So,  the  scientists  have 
developed  methods  ot  applying  elec- 
tricity. How  does  the  lightning  flash 
reduce  the  nitrogen  ?  The  laboratory 
answers.  It  is  not  the  electricity  that 
overcomes  the  inertness  of  the  gas, 
but  the  heat  generated  by  the  light- 
ning flash.  Nitrogen  must  be  burned. 
That  is  one  way  of  fixing  it.  But 
the  heat  required  is  so  intense,  meas- 
ured as  it  is  by  thousands  of  degrees, 
that  only  electricity  can  generate  it. 

LIGHTNING    IN    THE    FACTORY 


What  is  wanted,  then,  is  a  continu- 
ous,   artificial     thunderstorm,     some- 
thing that  lasts  not  for  a  fraction  of  a 
second  but  for  hours  and  even  days, 
something  in  the  nature  of  an  electric 
furnace  so  designed  that  it  burns  air 
and    with    it   nitrogen,    in    enormous 
quantities.     Nitric  oxide  is  the  name 
given  to  this  burned  nitrogen.     With  the  aid 
of  water  it  can  be  transformed   into   nitric 
acid,  which  in  turn  can  be  changed  into  a 
solid  nitrate  upon  which  a  plant  can  feed. 

The  whole  problem  of  reducing  nitrogen 
electrically  resolves  itself  into  the  burning 
of  as  much  air  as  possible  in  a  given  time. 


Photograph  from  E.  I.  du  Pent  de  Nemours  &  Co. 
THE  FAMOUS  RJUKAN  FALLS  NITRATE  PLANT.    IN  NORWAY 

(The  cheapest  water  power  in  the  world  is  to  be  found  in 
Norway  and  Sweden;  hence  they  are  the  only  countries  in  which 
a  commercially  successful  electric  nitrate  industry  has  been  de- 
veloped. The  illustration  shows  how  the  water  is  brought  from 
above  the  falls,  through  ten  five-foot  pipe  lines,  to  the  power 
house.  The  water  spins  a  turbine,  which  drives  an  electric. gen- 
erator. Intense  heat  is  thus  developed,  and  air  is  burned,  ac- 
cording to  the  Birkeland-Eyde  process,   to   obtain   nitric  oxide) 


It  is  clear  that  all  these  engineers  follow 
the  same  principle.  •  Their  inventions  differ 
from  one  another  only  in  the  method  adopted 
of  obtaining  a  large  heating  surface  and  of 
feeding  to  that  surface  a  huge  volume  of  air 
in  a  given  time. 

At  best,  only  a  very  little  nitrogen  is  fixed 


Bradley   and  Lovejoy,  two  Americans  who      in  the  form  of  nitric  oxide — scarcely  as  much 


made  the  first  commercial  experiments,  em- 
ployed an  apparatus  in  which  four  hundred 
and  fourteen  thousand  sparks — miniature 
lightning  flashes — crackled  every  minute. 
Professor  Kristian  Birkeland  and  Dr.  Samuel 
Eyde,  of  Norway,  who  followed  them,  used 
an  electric  arc,  which,  by  means  of  a  mag- 
net, they  spread  out  until  it  was  bigger  than 
a  cartwheel.  Two  Germans,  Schonherr  and 
Hessberger  thought  that  it  would  be  better 
to  use  an  electric  arc  which  would  be  very 
long  (from  sixteen  to  twenty-three  feet) 
and  around  which  air  whirls.  Pauling  in- 
vented the  fan-shaped  arc  flame.  E.  Kil- 
burn  Scott,  an  English  experimenter,  advo- 
cates a  conical  furnace  at  the  bottom  or  apex 
end  of  which  the  air  enters,  to  pass  through 
an  arc  flame  whirling  around  fifty  times  a 
minute,  and  to  emerge  at  the  wide  top  of  the 
cone  as  nitric  oxide. 


as  2  per  cent.  Although  the  air  costs  nothing, 
the  power  required  to  generate  the  intense 
heat  must  be  extraordinarily  cheap.  Enor- 
mous quantities  of  current  are  consumed  by 
the  furnaces.  To  generate  these  currents  by 
means  of  the  steam  engine  and  dynamo  is 
ruinously  expensive.  Hence  the  electric  ni- 
trate plant  is  always  built  near  a  swift  stream 
or  a  waterfall,  the  power  of  which  spins  a 
water-turbine,  which,  in  turn,  drives  an  elec- 
tric generator.  The  cheapest  water  power 
in  the  world  is  to  be  found  in  Norway  and 
Sweden.  Hence  Norway  and  Sweden  are 
the  only  countries  in  which  a  commercially 
successful  electric  nitrate  industry  has  been 
developed. 

Nitric  acid  is  the  ultimate  main  product  of 
a  plant  in  which  air  is  elcvtricall\  burned  to 
fix  nitrogen.  In  time  of  war  the  demand 
for  nitric  acid   is  enormous;  without  it  ex- 


298 


THE   AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


A     GLIMPSE     OF     THE     OVEN-ROOM     IN     THE     GREAT 

NIAGARA     FALLS     PLANT,     WHERE 

CYAN  AM  ID    IS     MADE 

(There   are   fourteen   cyanamid    factories    in    the  world) 

plosives  cannot  be  made.  But  in  time  of 
peace  there  Is  a  different  story  to  tell.  Nitric 
acid  cannot  be  easily  and  safely  transported. 
The  Norwegian  companies  have  been  obliged 
to  Install  large  ammonia  producing  plants  in 
order  to  convert  their  nitric  acid  to  ammo- 
nium nitrate.  The  best  informed  chemists 
and  engineers  are  agreed  that  the  Norwegian 
process  cannot  be  profitably  Introduced  Into 
the  United  States  by  any  firm  which  is  not 
directly  Interested  In  the  manufacture  of  ex- 
plosives from  nitric  acid  or  of  celluloid  and 
similar  nitrocellulose  products.  Our  water- 
power  is  too  expensive  because  of  the  legis- 
lative restrictions  Imposed  on  Its  use ;  and 
that  waterpower  is  not  to  be  found  in  re- 
gions where  nitric  acid  Is  utilized  in  large 
quantities. 

CYANAMID    APPEARS 

Two  German  chemists,  Professor  Adolph 
Frank  and  Dr.  Nicodem  Caro  approached 
the  nitrogen  problem  from  a  different  angle. 
They  thought  that  It  might  be  practicable  to 
discover  some  substance  which  would  absorb 
nitrogen  and  combine  with  It  if  the  proper 
chemical  conditions  were  provided.     In  1898 


they  succeeded  In  producing  an  entirely  new 
form  of  fixed  nitrogen — a  new  chemical,  In 
fact — -w^hich  they  called  calcium  cyanamid 
and  w^hich  proved  to  be  an  excellent  fer- 
tilizer. About  one  million  tons  of'cyanamid 
were  produced  In  1916  by  fourteen  factories 
located  in  Norw^ay,  Sweden,  Italy,  France, 
Switzerland,  Germany,  Austria,  Japan,  and 
Canada. 

And  how  is  cyanamid  made?  Here  is  an 
electric  furnace.  A  dazzling  white  flame 
bridges  two  electrodes.  Its  temperature  Is 
6000  degrees  Fahrenheit.  In  that  terrific 
heat  lime  (calcium)  and  coke  (carbon)  are 
fused  together.  Every  quarter  of  an  hour 
the  furnace  Is  tapped.  What  Is  this  white 
hot  mass  which  pours  out  Into  the  waiting 
Iron  car  and  which  Is  so  bllndingly  dazzling 
that  It  can  be  gazed  at  only  through  colored 
glasses?  Calcium  carbide,  familiar  to  every- 
one who  has  ever  used  it  for  the  generation 
of  acetylene  gas.  It  has  a  strange  afl'inity  for 
nitrogen  at  high  temperature.  The  carbide 
Is  powdered  and  then  heated  to  redness  in 
huge  ovens  that  look  like  drums. 

But  where  is  the  nitrogen  ?  It  Is  obtained 
from  liquid  air — air  liquefied  by  chilling  it 
to  380  degrees  below  zero.  That  liquid  air 
Is  composed  of  four-fifths  nitrogen  and  one- 
fifth  oxygen.  The  atmosphere  Is  so  hot  In 
comparison  with  It  that  the  liquid  air  boils 
like  water  on  a  stove.  Pure  nitrogen  bubbles 
off  first.  It  is  carefully  collected  and  forced 
Into  the  drum-shaped  ovens  containing  the 
white-hot  powdered  carbide.  The  carbide 
sucks  up  the  nitrogen  eagerly.  A  product 
not  found  In  nature  is  obtained — calcium 
cyanamid.  Cooled,  ground  and  otherwise 
treated,  it  becomes  a  fertilizer.  From  It  am- 
monia, nitric  acid,  and  other  useful  nitrogen 
compounds  can  be  obtained  by  suitable  chem- 
ical methods. 

Since  the  cyanamid  process,  like  the  Nor- 
wegian arc  process.  Is  dependent  on  electrical 
heat,  why  has  It  been  so  successful  ?  Because 
it  consumes  less  electricity,  even  though  two 
electric  heatings  are  required.  Every  one  of 
the  raw  materials  must  be  purchased  in  the 
market  and  transported  to  the  plant  and 
manufactured.  Yet  the  cyanamid  process  is 
the  cheapest  in  actual  commercial  use.  It 
is  one  that  the  United  States  Govern- 
ment adopted  for  the  Muscle  Shoals  plant 
now  In  course  of  construction. 

So  far  as  we  may  determine  from  the  sta- 
tistics published  before  the  war,  about  tw^o- 
thirds  of  the  world's  artificially  fixed  nitro- 
gen is  made  by  the  cyanamid  process  and  only 


THE    CHEMIST   AND    THE    FOOD    PROBLEM 


299 


one-third  by  the  arc  process.  According  to 
the  latest  reports,  the  German  production  by 
the  cyanamid  process  was  raised  from  sixty 
thousand  tons  in  August,  1914,  to  six  hun- 
dred thousand  in  1916. 

HABER   AND    HIS    CHEMICAL    MAILED    FIST 

The  war  found  Germany  in  a  perilous 
position,  so  far  as  nitrogen  was  concerned. 
Without  explosives  she  could  not  hope  to 
win,  and  without  some  way  of  fixing  nitro- 
gen she  could  neither  make  explosives  nor 
fertilize  her  soil  to  grow  the  crops  that  her 
hungry  people  were  demanding.  She  was 
spending  one  million  dollars  a  day  to  pro- 
duce one  and  one-third  million  pounds  of 
powder  containing  about  five  hundred  thou- 
sand pounds  of  nitrogen.  Her  thirty  million 
dollar  hoard  of  Chilean  nitrate  could  not  last 
long.  Had  it  not  been  for  her  chemists  she 
would  have  been  compelled  to  surrender  in 
less  than  six  months.  They  meant  more  to 
her  than  all  her  Ludendorffs  and  von  Hin- 
denburgs. 

It  happened  that  before  the  war  Fritz 
Haber,  a  chemist  who  was  financed  by  one 
of  the  richest  German  chemical  companies, 
had  evolved  what  may  be  designated  as  the 
most  violent  method  ever  conceived  to  fix 
nitrogen  in  a  usable  form.  He  adopted 
mailed-fist  methods.  No.  soldier  that  ever 
charged  a  machine-gun  was  braver  than 
Haber.  He  and  his  assistants  must  have 
taken  their  lives  in  their  hands  time  and  time 
again  before  they  were  able  to  announce 
that  at  last  they  had  succeeded.  The  men 
who  work  in  a  nitroglycerine  factory  follow 
no  more  hazardous  vocation  than  the  trained 
chemists  who  are  indispensable  in  a  Haber 
plant.  It  cost  millions  to  develop  the  process ; 
but  it  made  Germany  independent  of  Chile 
and  of  Norway,  and  it  gave  her  a  new  in- 
dustry. 

Haber  wanted  to  make  ammonia — a  partic- 
ularly useful  compound,  because  it  can  be 
converted  into  solid  ammonium  sulphate  to 
take  the  place  of  Chilean  saltpeter  in  agri- 
culture or  changed  into  nitric  acid  without 
which  explosives  cannot  be  made.  Meta- 
phorically speaking,  Haber  seems  to  have 
banged  the  laboratory  table  and  to  have 
sworn  that  he  would  make  nitrogen  do  what 
he  expected  of  it.  He  squeezes  nitrogen  and 
hydrogen  in  a  tank.  The  pressure  is  enor- 
mous— 2600  pounds  to  the  square  inch.  The 
pressure  is  accompanied  by  the  development 
of  great  heat  (1000  degrees  Fahrenheit), 
which  facilitates  the  process. 


A    LIQUID   AIR    PLANT — AN    ESSENTIAL   ELEMENT   OF 

EVERY    CYANAMID   FACTORY 

(The  nitrogen  is  obtained  by  distilling  it  from  liquid 
air.  This  is  a  portion  of  the  immense  plant  of  the 
American  Cyanamid  Company  at  Niagara  Falls) 

The  forcible  squeezing  and  the  attendant 
heating  occur  in  the  presence  of  what  is 
called  a  catalyst,  which  is  a  substance  that 
induces  chemical  action  to  take  place  with- 
out in  itself  undergoing  any  change.  A 
catalyst  is  a  kind  of  chemical  field  marshal. 
It  gives  orders  that  two  elements  shall  com- 
bine, and  after  they  have  combined,  just  as 
if  they  were  two  regiments  of  soldiers,  the 
field  marshal  catalyst  is  able  to  give  more 
orders  of  the  same  kind.  It  always  remains 
the  same  imperturbable  commander.  Unless 
it  is  present  to  give  its  chemical  orders, 
nothing  happens.  The  most  fanuliar  ex- 
ample of  a  catalyst  is  the  piece  of  spongy 
platinum,  which,  when  held  over  a  gas  burn- 
er, causes  the  gas  to  ignite.  Haber's  catalyst 
is  probably  some  form  of  iron. 

THE    PERILS   OF   THE    HAIU-R    PROCESS 

A  Haber  plant  is  about  as  dangerous  as 
a  dug-out  on  the  battlefield.  It  is  enclosed 
in  a  bomb-proof  shelter.  Dozens  of  ingen- 
ious alarms  are  installed  to  warn  of  approach- 
ing danger.  If  the  slightest  trace  of  oxygen 
or   air    finds    its    way    into    the   compression 


300 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


chamber  the  result  is  a  terrific  explosion. 
Hence  oxygen  alarms  are  found  everywhere. 
Yet  despite  these  dangers,  despite  the  great 
technical  skill  required  to  carry  out  the 
process — a  skill  so  great  that  the  huge  Ger- 
man company  which  developed  the  process 
would  probably  be  crippled  if  its  force  of 
experts  were  suddenly  to  leave — the  Haber 
process  is  a  commercial  reality.  It  will  prob- 
ably compete  with  Chilean  nitrate,  and  for 
that  matter  with  every  other  form  of  fixed 
nitrogen  in  the  world,  after  the  treaty  of 
peace  is  signed. 

The  first  Haber  plant,  erected  in  1913, 
had  a  capacity  of  thirty  thousand  tons  of 
ammonium  sulphate  a  year.  By  1918  Ger- 
many was  producing  five  hundred  thousand 
tons  by  the  Haber  process — a  mere  guess. 
The  German  company  with  the  aid  of  which 
the  process  was  brought  to  commercial  per- 
fection had  financed  the  Norwegian  com- 
pany that  owned  the  Birkeland-Eyde  process. 
It  is  significant  that  the  Norwegian  holdings 
were  sold  soon  after  the  success  of  the  Haber 
process  was  assured. 

Other  nations  have  attempted  to  fix  nitro- 
gen by  the  Haber  process,  but  not  one  has 
succeeded  commercially,  partly  because  the 
veil  of  secrecy  that  was  thrown  around  the 
technic  has  never  been  lifted,  partly  because 
only  workmen  of  rare  skill  can  be  employed. 
Workmen  ?  They  are  in  truth  chemists — 
doctors  of  philosophy.  Only  Germany  has 
enough  of  them  at  her  command,  most  of 
them  paid  less  than  a  machine-tool  operator 
in  an  American  automobile  factory. 

WHY    didn't    we    think    OF    THIS    BEFORE? 

Now  comes  an  American  chemist.  Profes- 
sor Bucher  of  Brown  University,  who  calls 
attention  to  an  old  process  which  is  the 
simplest  of  all  and  which  bids  fair  to  win  a 
place  for  itself  because  it  is  not  dangerous, 
because  it  requires  no  great  pressure  or  power 
and  because  it  can  be  carried  out  by  ordinary 
factory  workmen  properly  supervised. 

As  far  back  as  1839,  an  Englishman, 
Lewis  Thompson,  made  a  mixture  of  pow- 
dered pearl-ash,  coke,  and  iron,  and  heated  it 
in  a  crucible.  He  obtained  potassium  cyanide 
(a  form  of  fixed  nitrogen).  Thompson  noted 
that  the  process  must  be  carried  out  in  the 
presence  of  iron,  even  though  the  iron  itself 
remained  unchanged.  Chemists  knew  nothing 
of  catalysts  in  1839.  Iron  was  evidently  a 
necessary  catalyst  in  the  process.  Both  in 
England  and  on  the  continent  companies  tried 
to  fix  nitrogen  in  the   form   of  cyanide,   ac- 


cording to  Thompson's  directions.  They 
failed  chiefly  because  of  the  difficulty  of  ob- 
taining suitable  apparatus. 

Modern  chemist  as  he  is,  Professor  Bucher 
realized  that  the  iron  was  a  catalyst.  He 
mixes  soda  ash,  powdered  coke,  and  powdered 
iron  together,  heats  the  mixture  moderately ; 
and  blows  nitrogen  over  it.  That  is  all. 
Sodium  cyanide,  a  fixed  nitrogen,  is  ob- 
tained. There  need  be  no  alarming  outlay 
for  power  or  for  costly  furnaces  and  mate- 
rials. The  plant  can  be  built  anywhere. 
Think  what  that  means  in  a  vast  country  like 
ours,  where  the  cost  of  transportation  may  be 
so  high  that  a  farmer  cannot  afiford  to  buy 
fertilizer,  cheap  though  it  may  be  at  some 
distant  waterfall. 

Blow  steam  on  the  sodium  cyanide,  and 
you  obtain  sodium  formate  and^  ammonia. 
Give  the  chemist  ammonia,  and  he  in  turn 
will  give  you  nitric  acid  or  fertilizer  or  any 
nitrogen  compound  that  you  may  need  in 
your  factory. 

But  Dr.  Bucher  goes  even  farther.  He 
leads  a  little  waste  gas  (carbon  dioxide)  from 
his  furnace  to  his  sodium  cyanide.  A  magical 
change  takes  place.  He  has  urea,  which  is 
three  times  richer  in  nitrogen  than  Chilean 
saltpeter  and  twice  as  rich  as  the  ammonium 
sulphate  that  farmers  indirectly  buy  from 
coke-oven  companies.  By  another  process  he 
can  obtain  oxamid  from  his  sodium  cyanide, 
oxamid  being  a  fertilizer  that  is  not  easily 
washed  away  by  rains  because  it  does  not 
readily  dissolve  in  water.  No  one  ever 
thought  of  growing  wheat  with  the  aid  of 
urea  or  oxamid.  Now  it  seems  they  can  be 
made  so  cheaply  that  they  may  become  as 
common  as  other  fertilizers. 

Sometimes  we  gasp  at  the  miracles  wrought 
by  the  chemist.  Perhaps  we  ought  to  marvel 
at  his  blindness.  For  forty  years  he  has 
been  trying  to  convert  the  gaseous  nitrogen  of 
the  air  into  a  useful  solid.  He  harnesses 
waterfalls ;  he  risks  his  life  by  experimenting 
with  enormous  pressures.  And  all  the  while 
he  might  have  made  what  he  wanted  from 
such  plentiful  and  cheap  materials  as  coal, 
iron,  soda  and  air. 

Professor  Bucher  would  be  the  last  to 
claim  any  great  originality  for  his  work.  In- 
deed, one  of  the  great  industrial  air-liquefy- 
ing companies  had  long  been  developing  the 
Jacobs  process,  which  is  also  based  on 
Thompson's  forgotten  researches.  Two  ex- 
perimental plants  are  in  operation.  Engi- 
neering problems  must  be  solved,  but  prob- 
lems not  nearly  so   difficult  as   those  which 


THE    CHEMIST    AND    THE    FOOD    PROBLEM 


301 


I 


confronted  Haber,  for  example.  Between 
1844  and  1847  efforts  were  made  to  com- 
mercialize Thompson's  old  process.  Me- 
chanical difficulties  were  encountered,  the 
most  formidable  of  which  was  the  inability 
to  secure  a  suitable  retort  that  would  with- 
stand the  corrosive  action  of  the  furnace 
charge.  The  United  States  Government  it- 
self has  taken  a  fatherly  interest  in  the 
process,  which  speaks  for  itself.  Thus,  Dr. 
Parsons,  who  was  sent  abroad  by  the  Gov- 
ernment to  study  nitrogen  fixation,  states 
that  in  the  cyanide  form  "nitrogen  will  be 
fixed  .  .  .  cheaper  than  by  any  other 
known  synthetic  process." 

The  war  has  spurred  us  to  take  heed  of 
our  nitrogen  needs.  Out  of  all  the  blood 
and  ruin  there  rises  the  certainty  that  al- 
though land  is  becoming  scarcer  and  scarcer, 
the  human  race  will  not  lack  for  enough 
fertilizer  to  grow  its  food. 

But  nitrogen  is  not  only  a  fertilizer.  It 
is  a  labor  saver.  It  enables  a  farmer  to  grow 
more  crops  to  the  acre  with  less  effort. 
Europe's  example  proves  the  point.  Before 
the  war  Belgium  produced  more  wheat  to  the 
acre  than  any  other  country  in  the  world. 
Why?  Because  she  used  the  most  nitrogen 
— 495  pounds  to  the  cultivated  acre.  Ger- 
many followed  with  the  next  largest  yield. 
Why?  Because  she  used  the  next  largest 
amount  of  nitrogen  to  the  acre — 207  pounds. 
All  other  European  countries  fall  behind 
Belgium  and  Germany.  Germany  with  only 
one-fifth  of  the  United  States'  cultivated 
acreage  uses  40  per  cent,  more  fertilizer. 
Belgium  raises  thirty-seven  bushels  of  wheat 
to  the  acre ;  Germany  nearly  thirty-one.  And 
we?  About  fourteen  and  a  half.  The  same 
inequality  is  to  be  found  in  the  production 
of  rye,  oats  and  potatoes. 

Germany  is  smaller  than  Texas ;  yet  she 
uses  seven  times  as  much  fertilizer  as  the 
whole  United  States.  In  twenty  years  Ger- 
many increased  her  yield  of  grain  crops  fif- 
teen bushels  to  the  acre;  the  United  States 
only  three  bushels.  Her  potato  crop  has 
been  increased  eighty  bushels ;  ours  twenty- 
four  bushels.  In  general,  Germany's  crop 
yields  are  approximately  80  per  cent,  greater 


to  the  acre  than  ours.  The  German  farmer, 
like  every  other  farmer  in  the  world,  pays  no 
particular  heed  to  governmental  instruction. 
He  uses  fertilizer,  not  because  his  government 
wants  him  to  do  so,  but  because  it  pays  him 
to  do  so.  The  net  profit  varies  from  100  to 
200  per  cent,  on  the  investment. 

WHAT    IS    THE    UNITED    STATES    DOING? 

When  we  consider  what  nitrogen  has  done 
for  Europe  and  above  all  for  the  most 
formidable  enemy  that  we  have  ever  fought, 
we  ask:     What  is  our  Government  doing? 

Aroused  to  our  utter  dependency  on 
Chilean  nitrate  for  the  manufacture  of  fer- 
tilizers and  explosives.  Congress  appropriated 
the  ridiculously  inadequate  sum  of  $20,000,- 
000  for  the  erection  of  nitrate  plants.  All 
the  processes  described  in  the  article  were 
either  to  be  experimented  with  or  carried  out 
on  a  commercial  scale.  Then  came  the  ar- 
mistice. Work  on  the  government  plants 
has  practically  stopped.  The  only  appro- 
priations asked  for  are  to  be  applied  in  pay- 
ing caretakers  of  buildings.  Despite  Eu- 
rope's example,  experts  are  to  be  appointed 
for  the  purpose  of  determining  whether  the 
work  of  fixing  nitrogen,  as  a  government 
enterprise,  shall  go  on  or  whether  the  plants 
shall  be  salvaged. 

Surely  we  have  a  lesson  to  learn  in  the 
United  States.  Ten  billion  dollars  a  year  is 
the  total  of  our  annual  food  bill.  Ninety 
per  cent,  of  the  families  in  the  country  spend 
40  per  cent,  of  their  income  to  eat  and  live. 
Getting  food  is  the  chief  occupation  of  man- 
kind. Yet  land  is  becoming  scarcer  and 
scarcer.  The  area  of  improved  soil  increased 
by  an  average  of  31  per  cent,  per  decade 
from  1870  to  1900,  but  only  15  per  cent, 
from  1900  to  1910.  During  the  period  from 
1900  to  1910  the  population  of  the  United 
States  increased  21  per  cent.,  but  the  crop 
production   increased   only   10  per  cent. 

If  food  is  to  be  cheapened,  we  must  grow 
more  crops  to  the  acre,  witliout  an  increase 
in  labor.  This  means  cheap  agricultural  fer- 
tilizers ;  and  cheap  agricultural  fertilizers  are 
in  turn  dependent  on -a  cheap  way  of  fixing 
the  nitrogen  of  the  air. 


AN  APOSTLE  OF  GOOD  ROADS, 
LOGAN  WALLER  PAGE 


BY  JOHN   M.  GOODELL 


TWENTY-FIVE  years  ago  the  Ameri- 
can country  road  rambled  over  the 
wooded  hills,  slouching  along  winding,  level 
courses  until  it  was  absolutely  necessary  to 
cross  a  divide,  and  then  rushing  up  the  hill- 
side in  such  a  way  as 
to  finish  the  climb  as 
quickly  as  possible. 
Or,  out  on  the  prai- 
rie, it  followed  section 
lines  so  as  not  to  cut 
up  the  farmers'  fields, 
and,  as  everybody  was 
busy  building  up  a 
substantial  homestead, 
these  lanes  received 
little  attention.  Mud 
made  these  country 
roads  almost  impas- 
sable in  the  spring ; 
dust  made  them  insuf- 
ferable in  the  sum- 
mer ;  steep  grades  lim- 
ited the  loads  even 
when  the  roads  were 
passable.  They  were 
a  little  better  than 
English  roads  In  the 
days  of  Charles  II, 
pictured  so  vividly  by 
Macaulay,  but  only  a 
little. 

Over  these  lanes  of 
mud  and  through  the  clouds  of  dust  passed 
from  country  to  town  or  railway  station  a 
large  part  of  the  raw  materials  used  by  our 
people.  The  ruts,  mud,  stones,  and  steep 
grades  were  in  the  foreground  of  one's  men- 
tal picture  of  rural  life;  they  emphasized  the 
difficulties,  of  the  farmer  in  marketing  his 
crops  and  obtaining  his  supplies ;  they  loudly 
proclaimed  the  isolation  of  his  family.  Yet 
tradition  and  daily  contact  so  accustomed  us 
to  all  these  uncivilized  conditions  that  we 
looked  upon  them  as  a  manifestation  of  Na- 
ture, not  to  be  opposed  successfully  by  mere 
man  except  within  a  few  miles  of  wealthy 
communities. 

302 


THE   LATE   LOGAN    WALLER   PAGE 


To-day  the  old  roads  of  this  kind  are  anath- 
ema to  every  intelligent  man.  We  know 
that  good  roads  are  one  of  the  most  import- 
ant economic  and  social  factors  in  rural  de- 
velopment  and   afford   legitimate   relaxation, 

worth  spending  hard- 
earned  money  for,  to 
that  large  part  of  our 
city  people  who  derive 
one  of  their  chief 
pleasures  in  driving 
through  the  country. 
And  so,  at  the  end  of 
this  short  span  of 
twenty-five  years,  we 
are  all  clamoring  for 
better  roads.  Many 
of  us  are  talking 
about  good  roads  so 
much  and  so  often 
that  we  have  forgot- 
ten that  most  of  what 
we  say  which  Is  worth 
saying  was  patiently 
taught  to  us  years  ago, 
when  we  listened  only 
perfunctorily,  by  one 
man,  the  same  man  to 
whom  we  have  turned 
ever  since  for  help 
over  the  hard  places 
in  our  road  problems. 


A  Washington  Bureau  Chief  with  Ideals 
An  idealist  whose  imagination  clearly 
pictured  better  conditions  for  a  whole  people, 
an  engineer  who  knew  how  to  reduce  his 
dreams  to  practicable  plans,  a  man  of  such 
forceful  personality  that  he  wrested  from  an 
uninterested  public  the  necessary  initial  sup- 
port for  those  plans,  an  executive  who  finally 
carried  them  forward  by  administrative  skill 
so  successfully  that  the  entire  country  calls 
urgently  for  more  of  this  service,  was  sud- 
denly taken  from  his  great  responsibilities  on 
December  9,  1918. 

Logan    Waller    Page,    the    nation's    road- 
builder,  was  a  man  who  maintained  the  best 


AN   APOSTLE    OF    GOOD    ROADS 


303 


traditions  of  a  family  distinguished  for  pub- 
lic service  since  the  days  of  the  little  colony 
at  Jamestown.  He  did  this,  moreover,  in  a 
way  that  was  a  surprise  to  those  inclined  to 
believe  that  permanent  public  office  affords 
no  opportunities  which  attract  good  men.  His 
career  is  an  inspiration  to  others  in  office  who 
are  striving  to  help  the  public  utilize  in  a 
better  way  and  in  a  larger  measure  the  re- 
sources which  scientific  research  and  good 
engineering  experience  provide.  His  life,  cut 
short  in  his  forty-ninth  year,  affords  a  well- 
rounded  example  of  the  good  a  man  can  do 
and  the  distinction  he  can  win  as  a  loyal,  in- 


engineering  so  helpful  to  the  farmer  and  has 
lifted  him  out  of  the  mud-bound  isolation  of 
a  drab-colored  existence  into  an  active,  vital- 
ized life  as  closely  in  touch  with  the  great 
currents  of  the  world's  activities  as  that  of 
the  average  metropolitan  resident. 

A  ''Salesman'  of  Good  Roads 

All  this  was  accomplished  only  after  the 
hardest  kind  of  missionary  work.  Early  in 
the  days  of  the  Office  of  Public  Roads  Page 
learned  that  no  decided  good  came  from 
merely  publishing  bulletins  on  the  right 
methods  of  building  roads  and  related  topics. 


telligent,  active  bureau  chief  at  Washington.      He  saw  that  it  was  necessary  to  go  out  into 

the  country  and  "sell"  good  roads  to  those 


First  Federal  Director  of  Public  Roads 

Although  a  man  of  broad  scientific  attain- 
ments and  deep  interest  in  many  of  the  lead- 
ing features  of  the  world's  work,  he  subordi- 
nated all  of  them  to  his  life's  main  object, 
bettering  the  country  roads.  While  an  un- 
dergraduate at  Harvard  University,  he  in- 
vestigated the  road-building  materials  of 
Massachusetts  and  immediately  after  leaving 
college  he  became  the  geologist  and  testing 
engineer  of  the  highway  commission  of  that 
State,  the  pioneer  in  using  scientific  methods 
in  attacking  its  road  problems. 

His  investigations  convinced  the  few  men 
who  were  then  aware  of  the  breadth  and  im- 
portance of  our  highway  problems  that  scien- 
tific knowledge  of  the  road-building  materials 
of  the  country  was  necessary.  Secretary  Wil- 
son of  the  United  States  Department  of  Ag- 
riculture needed  little  urging  to  authorize 
such  an  investigation,  and,  at  his  invitation, 
rage  undertook  the  work  in  1900.  In  1905 
it  was  combined  with  the  economic  studies  of 
highways  and  highway  transportation  which 
the  Department  had  inaugurated  a  few  years 
before  and  the  Office  of  Public  Roads  was 
formed,  with  Page  as  director,  to  carry  on 
all  the  Department's  road  activities. 

From  this  little  beginning  has  grown,  un- 
der his  inspiration  and  direction,  the  impor- 
tant United  States  Bureau  of  Public  Roads, 
now  cooperating  with  every  State  in  build- 
ing a  system  of  roads  which  will  cost  over 
$150,000,000,  carrying  on  a  comprehensive 
program  of  research  to  furnish  wider  knowl- 
edge of  ways  to  obtain  more  road  value  for 
the  money  spent  on  our  highways,  and,  of 
late  years,  showing  how  the  principles  of  en- 
gineering may  be  applied  to  the  irrigation 
and  drainage  of  farms  and  to  the  improve- 
ment of  farmers'  buildings  and  mechanical 
equipment.     It  is  this  bureau  which  has  made 


needing  them,  just  as  other  specialists  w^ere 
selling  improved  machinery  and  better  stock. 
It  is  a  strange  thing  that  so  many  kinds  of 
knowledge  useful  to  us  in  our  daily  tasks 
must  be  forced  on  us.  It  is  still  stranger  that 
so  few  of  the  many  men  engaged  in  the  inves- 
tigatiotis  supplying  that  knowledge  realize 
that  their  public  service  is  only  partly  finished 
when  their  results  are  in  print.  The  work 
is  not  done  until  men  are  made  desirous  of 
reading  what  is  printed.  And  so  Page,  fol- 
lowing the  advice  of  friends  in  business, 
traveled  about  the  country,  introducing  good 
roads  to  State,  county,  and  town  officials,  to 
the  farmers  on  the  prairies  and  the  planters 
along  the  bayous,  to  granges  and  to  banking 
associations. 

This  part  of  his  success  is  of  great  signifi- 
cance to  those  interested  in  the  betterment 
of  any  aspect  of  our  national  life.  It  was 
this  characteristic  of  ready  use  of  any  legiti- 
mate means  to  an  end  which  first  lifted  him 
from  the  level  of  a  student  widening  the 
horizon  of  our  knowledge  to  that  of  a 
teacher  putting  his  discoveries  into  a  form 
to  be  readily  understood  and  assimilated,  and 
then  lifted  him  again  to  the  level  of  the 
reformer  w^ho  can  make  persons  desire  to 
obtain  the  knowledge  they  should   have. 

Arousing   Interest   in    Highways 

Of  course,  one  man  with  a  little  staff  of 
able  associates  could  not  arouse  the  interest 
in  highway  improvements  which  has  grown 
so  rapidly  from  1905  to  the  present  time. 
Help  was  needed  and  Page  obtained  that  help 
by  inspiring  men  in  every  walk  of  life  with 
his  intelligent  enthusiasm  for  rational  road 
betterments.  If  one  plan  for  arousing  a  State 
to  the  necessity  of  getting  a  dollar  of  road 
improvements  for  each  dollar  of  road  taxes 
paid  failed  to  produce  the  desired  result,  he 


304 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


tried  another  and  another  until,  for  one  rea- 
son or  another,  every  State  now  has  a  State 
highway  department  and  there  is  a  fairly 
general  understanding  that  roads  cannot  be 
properly  built  and  maintained  without  com- 
petent engineering  advice.  In  1916  we  spent 
about  $300,000,000  on  our  country  roads,  a 
sum  so  great  that  the  desirability  of  using 
it  to  the  best  advantage  is  self-evident. 

By  1916  the  interest  in  road-building  was 
so  general  that  Congress  decided  upon  na- 
tional participation  in  the  improvement  of 
roads  useful  for  carrying  the  mails  and  serv- 
ing the  general  welfare.  The  federal  aid 
road  law  of  that  year  is  one  of  the  great  acts 
of  constructive  legislation  of  the  Wilson  ad- 
ministration. Under  it  the  resources  of  the 
federal  Government  and  the  individual  States 
are  happily  joined  for  the  betterment  of  our 
basic  arteries  of  transportation,  the  rural 
roads.  The  administration  of  the  law  was 
delegated  to  the  Secretary  of  Agriculture, 
who  in  turn  assigned  to  Page  the  executive 
charge  of  the  work. 

This  law,  as  well  as  the  Agricultural  Ex- 
tension law  of  1914,  established  a  new  prin- 
ciple in  Federal  and  State  cooperation,  yet 
so  well  were  its  provisions  drawn  and  so 
wisely  have  they  been  administered  that  a 
searching  investigation  of  the  operation  of 
the  law,  recently  made  by  one  of  our  leading 
State  highway  engineers,  brought  forth  from 
the  various  States  but  few  criticisms  and 
those,  with  two  or  three  possible  exceptions, 
of  minor  significance.  This  record  with  a 
new  kind  of  legislation  is  proof  of  a  real 
achievement  of  which  the  Congressmen  who 
passed  the  law  and  the  Department  of  Agri- 
culture may  be  justly  proud,  and  to  which 
Page  contributed  largely. 

Road-Building  in   War   Time 

When  the  United  States  took  up  arms  in 
1917,  public  works  were  rudely  checked. 
Transportation,  money,  materials  and  labor 
were  needed  in  enormous  quantities  at  once 
for  winning  the  war.  The  agencies  called 
upon  to  furnish  such  supplies  began  whole- 
sale embargoes  on  non-war  activities.  Page 
saw  that  road  work  should  not  be  wholly 
stopped  by  the  war  program,  for  a  large 
amount  of  it  could  be  done  without  affecting 
military  activities  in  any  way.  With  the  aid 
of  the  Secretary  of  Agriculture  he  organized 
the  United  States  Highways  Council  on 
which  every  government  department  and  es- 
tablishment having  an  interest  in  roads  and 
streets  was  directly  or  indirectly  represented. 


In  order  to  know  what  materials  were 
needed  for  highways  and  streets.  Page,  who 
was  chairman  of  the  Council,  obtained  the 
help  of  the  State  highway  departments,  fol- 
lowing his  characteristic  method  of  carrying 
on  work  cooperatively.  Any  city  or  county 
desiring  to  build  or  maintain  a  street  or  road 
submitted  its  requests  for  materials  or  trans- 
portation to  the  highway  department  of  its 
State.  If  the  department  did  not  consider 
the  work  a  war-time  necessity  the  application 
was  disapproved  and  never  reached  Wash- 
ington. If  the  department  approved  an  ap- 
plication it  was  sent  to  the  Highways  Coun- 
cil, which  then  did  its  best  to  furnish  what 
was  requested  for  every  project  of  real  ne- 
cessity. When  the  Council  was  organized, 
the  absolute  cessation  of  street  and  road 
work  was  threatened ;  when  the  armistice 
was  signed  the  Council  had  furnished  about 
two-thirds  of  the  materials  needed  to  meet 
the  requirements  of  the  applications  approved 
by  the  State  Highway  Departments.  That 
achievement,  a  great  benefit  to  city  and  coun- 
try alike,  was  largely  due  to  Page's  foresight 
and  administrative  ability. 

Secretary  Houston  s  Tribute 

This  is  not  the  place  to  speak  of  Page's 
professional  ability,  as  engineers  appraise  en- 
gineering attainments.  Of  the  broad  aspects 
of  his  work  as  the  nation's  road-builder  none 
can  speak  more  authoritatively  than  the  Sec- 
retary of  Agriculture,  D.  F.  Houston,  who 
recently  paid  this  tribute  to  his  friend  of 
many  years  and  valued  assistant  since  the 
present  administration  assumed  office: 

Page  was  the  real  pioneer  of  the  modern  good 
roads  movement  in  the  United  States.  He  inau- 
gurated the  work  in  the  Federal  Government. 
He  organized  and  developed  a  great  service — 
one  of  the  most  valuable  in  the  nation.  The  Bu- 
reau of  Public  Roads  is  a  great  monument  to 
him.  He  directed  it  with  its  increasing  duties 
with  great  skill  and  efficiency.  Not  only  the  Na- 
tion and  the  States,  but  also  people  in  all  parts 
of  the  country  are  greatly  indebted  to  him,  and 
are  living  fuller  and  more  satisfactory  lives  be- 
cause of  what  he  did. 

Page  cared  little  for  praise,  which  came  to 
him  from  all  quarters.  The  reward  he 
prized  was  the  passage  of  sound  highwa>' 
legislation,  the  organization  of  efficient  high- 
way departments,  the  building  and  main- 
taining of  correct  types  of  roads  for  the  traf- 
fic to  be  carried.  All  these  things  are  com- 
ing about  more  easily  and  more  frequently  be- 
cause he  devoted  his  life  to  advocating  them ; 
they  are  a  national  memorial  to  his  ability. 


LEADING  ARTICLES  OF  THE 

MONTH 


THE  PART  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


THE  December  number  of  The  Round 
Table  (London)  contains  a  very  re- 
markable article — ''Windows  of  Freedom" — 
on  the  part  which  America  is  destined  to  play 
in  the  coming  resettlement  of  the  world. 
"The  future  position  of  America  in  the 
world,"  says  the  writer,  *'not  that  of  Ger- 
many, Austria  or  Turkey,  is  the  great  issue 
which  now  hangs  on  the  Peace  Conference." 
The  old  system  of  the  ''Balance  of  Power" 
in  Europe  has  vanished  as  a  result  of  the  war. 
England,  in  spite  of  herself,  was  from  time 
to  time  compelled  to  interfere  to  preserve  the 
balance;  the  United  States  always  stood 
aloof;  but  to-day  America,  as  well  as  Eng- 
land, sees  that  the  world  is  one.  "Their 
isolation,  which  was  never  splendid,  is  now 
impossible."  At  the  Peace  Conference  a  new 
system  for  preserving  the  peace  and  good  gov- 
ernment of  the  world  will  have  to  be  devised, 
but  at  its  first  session  the  Peace  Conference 
cannot  hope  to  produce  a  written  constitu- 
tion for  the  globe,  or  a  genuine  government 
of  mankind.     What  it  can  do  is  to  establish 

a  permanent  annual  conference  between  foreign 
ministers  themselves,  with  a  permanent  secre- 
tariat, in  which,  as  at  the  Peace  Conference  it- 
self, all  questions  at  issue  between  States  can  be 
discussed  and,  if  possible,  settled  by  agreement. 
Such  a  conference  cannot  itself  gover*  the  world, 
still  less  those  portions  of  mankind  who  cannot 
as  yet  govern  themselves.  But  it  can  act  as 
a  symbol  and  organ  of  the  human  conscience, 
however  imperfect,  to  which  real  Governments 
of  existing  States  can  be  made  answerable  for 
facts  which  concern  the  world  at  large.  To  such 
a  body  civilized  States  can  be  made  answerable 
for  the  tutelage  of  regions  assigned  to  their  care 
by  the  Peace  Conference  because  their  inhabitants 
cannot  as  yet  maintain  order  for  themselves. 
On  the  maintenance  of  order  in  such  regions 
depends,  not  merely  their  own  prospects  of  free- 
dom, but  also  the  future  peace  of  the  world. 
With  such  responsibilities  the  British  Isles  are 
already  too  heavily  charged.  The  allies  in  Europe 
ought  not  be  made  answerable  to  a  League  of 
Nations  for  the  whole  of  the  regions  outside 
Europe  now  severed  from  the  CJerman  and 
Turkish  Empires.  The  future  of  the  system 
depends  upon  whether  America  will  now  assume 
Mar.— 6 


her   fair    share   of   the    burden,    especially    in    the 
Near  East  and  even  in   German  East  Africa. 

The  idea  that  the  League  of  Nations 
which  will  come  some  day  will  spring  fully 
grown  from  the  Peace  Conference  is  one 
doomed  to  disappointment,  says  the  writer. 
It  is  as  yet  a  mere  aspiration,  and  no  two 
people  are  agreed  as  to  the  practical  means 
whereby  that  aspiration  may  be  satisfied.  But 
the  proposal  for  an  annual  conference  is  obvi- 
ously feasible.  It  bars  nothing.  It  leaves  the 
future  open  for  everything.  It  insures  the 
discussion  of,  and  facilitates  the  approach  to, 
whatever  closer  organization  is  possible.  Out 
of  it  the  League  of  Nations  will  surely 
emerge,  an  edifice  not  hastily  erected  on  shift- 
ing sands,  but  built  for  all  time  on  founda- 
tions broad,  sure,  and  enduring. 

Turning  to  the  part  of  the  United  States 
in  the  world  government  of  the  future,  the 
writer  suggests  that  an  infinite  sphere  of  use- 
fulness is  open  to  America  in  the  Middle 
East.  The  disposal  and  government  of  the 
derelict  territories  severed  from  the  German 
and  Turkish  Empires  is  the  most  difficult  of 
the  questions  which  the  conference  has  to 
face.  They  cannot  govern  themselves.  How 
are  they  to  be  governed  ?  Under  a  system  of 
international  control  ?  That  has  always 
failed  in  practice.  On  the  other  hand,  any 
distribution  of  these  territories  among  tlie 
European  Allies  is  bound  to  lead  to  jealousies 
and  bitterness.  In  the  regions  of  the  Middle 
East  there  are  engagements  with  France  and 
Italy  which  must  in  any  case  be  observed,  but 
if  America  can  disregard  her  old  traditional 
aloofness,  it  is  surely  not  too  much  to  ask 
that  her  allies  should  forget  their  old  rivalries 
and  claims: 

If  once  the  problem  is  really  considered  on  that 
plane,  it  will  come  to  he  seen  how  largely  it  is 
solved  if  once  America  will  make  herself  answer- 
able to  a  League  of  Nations  for  peace,  order,  and 
good  government  in  some  or  all  of  the  regions 
of  the  Middle  East.  Her  very  detachment 
renders  her  an  ideal  custodian  of  the  Dardaiulles. 

JOS 


306 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OE    REVIEWi^ 


For  exactly  similar  reasons,  her  task  in  preserv- 
ing the  autonomy  of  Armenia,  Arabia,  and 
Persia  will  be  easier  than  if  it  were  to  rest  in 
our    hands.      Her    vast    Jewish    population    pre- 


eminently fits  her  to  protect  Palestine.  Her 
position  between  India  and  Europe  removes  all 
our  objections  to  the  railway  development  which 
these   regions    require. 


WORK  BEFORE  THE  ALLIES 


IN  the  Fortnightly  Review  (London),  Dr. 
E.  J.  Dillon  outlines  some  of  the  difficul- 
ties which  confront  the  Allies  in  clinching 
their  military  victory.     He  sajs: 

In  the  first  place,  it  behooves  them — and  the 
spokesmen  of  Great  Britain  in  particular — to 
draw  the  bonds  of  friendship  between  this  coun- 
try and  the  United  States  much  closer  than  here- 
tofore, and  to  come  to  a  satisfactory  agreement 
on  the  crucial  questions  to  which  the  events  of 
the  past  four  years  have  given  a  commanding 
place  in  the  interests  of  mankind.  Their  differ- 
ences on  these  subjects  are  not  yet  absorbed  by 
consciousness  of  the  providential  destiny  before 
the  two  peoples.  There  should  be  greater  alacrity 
in  progressively  adapting  our  policy  to  the  ever- 
growing exigencies,  and  although  there  are  many 
notes  to  our  statesmen's  song  they  cannot  plead 
that  President  Wilson's  ideas  are  too  deeply 
rooted  in  abstract  theories  to  be  applied  to  the 
concrete  world  of  to-day,  for  they  have  publicly 
made  them  their  own. 

That  the  difficulties  in  their  path  are  redoubt- 
able, and  the  means  which  they  have  left  them- 
selves to  overcome  them  are  meager,  cannot  be 
gainsaid.  This  lesson  will  be  borne  in  upon  them 
at  the  conference.  But  experience,  say  the  Turks, 
is  like  a  costly  comb  given  to  a  man  when  his  hair 
is  gone.  The  principle  of  the  League  of  Nations 
has  a  twofold  action:  it  dissolves  before  it  can 
cement,  and  while  the  solvent  is  infallible  the 
cement  has  not  yet  been  tested,  and  is  therefore 
a  matter  of  guesswork.  The  heterogeneous  must 
be  reduced  to  its  component  units  before  all  these 
units  can  be  welded  together  in  one  organic  whole. 


It  is  a  process  of  rejuvenation  resembling  Medea's, 
which  required  the  living  being  who  was  to 
undergo  it  to  be  first  killed  and  cut  to  pieces. 
And  even  then  revival  was  not  guaranteed.  The 
ram  who  was  boiled  in  her  cauldron  came  out  a 
lamb,  but  King  Pelias  has  remained  dead  to  this 
day.  That  the  German  race,  which  is  homo- 
genous, numerous  and  resourceful,  and  doubtless 
the  Russian  race  later  on,  will  come  out  of  the 
cauldron  rejuvenated  and  fortified  is  certain. 
But  what  will  happen  to  the  remaining  European 
states  is  dubious. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  only  alternative  to  the 
League  of  Nations  would  seem  to  be  a  system  of 
unstable  equilibrium  of  which  the  corollary  is  the 
continuation  of  armaments  and  the  constant 
danger  of  further  warfare.  But  this,  again,  will 
not  be  brooked  by  the  peoples  of  the  world,  who 
are  resolved  to  end  militarism  and  its  works,  even 
though  they  should  have  to  wreck  the  political 
and  social  fabrics  in  the  effort. 

The  abolition  of  conscription  is  no  settlement, 
because  militarism  can  be  inculcated  in  the 
family,  the  school,  the  gymnasium,  and  the  uni- 
versity. Neither  would  a  league  of  the  present 
Allies  bring  the  requisite  solution,  because  it 
would  be  tantamount  to  a  condominium  of  the 
world.  Equally  futile  is  the  offer  which  our 
publicists  have  so  generously  made  to  the  United 
States  to  take  over  their  share  of  the  "white 
man's  burden,"  and  rule  the  Near  East  from 
Constantinople.  I  sounded  American  statesmen 
on  this  subject  in  Washington  a  few  weeks  ago, 
and  they  all  declined  it  with  thanks.  In  a  word, 
the  Allies'  trustees  have  to  pilot  their  respective 
ships  of  state  between  more  terrible  dangers  than 
the  rocks  of  Scylla  and  the  whirlpool  Charybdis. 


EFFECTS  OF  THE  WAR  JN    GERMANY 
DESCRIBED  BY  GERMANS 


JUDGING  by  the  articles  in  the  German 
reviews  for  December,  the  unity  of  the 
German  nation  during  the  war  seems  to 
have  been  torn  asunder  by  different  party 
cries  and  varying  aims,  and  the  morale  of  the 
people  was  evidently  terribly  affected  by  so 
much   political   disunity. 

Writing  in  Nord  und  Slid,  Dr.  Max  G. 
Zimmermann  says  the  League  of  Nations 
may  be  a  good  idea  in  itself,  but  it  has  been 
invented  by  Germany's  enemies  to  vanquish 
the  Germans  by  a  majority  of  votes.  The 
Germans  must,  therefore,  see  to  it  that  they 
get  the  fullest  securities  through  the  League^ 


Also  in  Germany's  internal  affairs  influence 
from  without  has  acquired  a  terrifying 
power.  It  is  largely  to  this  influence  that 
the  transformation  of  the  German  form  of 
government  is  to  be  attributed,  the  sudden- 
ness of  which  has  been  so  momentous  to  the 
nation. 

The  further  development  of  home  affairs  should 
have  proceeded  from  the  German  people  them- 
selves at  the  end  of  the  war.  When  will  Ger- 
mans learn  to  think  for  themselves?  Oh,  that  in 
proud  national  consciousness  they  had  only  had 
the  courage  to  be  themselves?  That  alone  im- 
presses the  world. 

Their   wonderful    individualism,    however,    has 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE    MONTH 


307 


too  often  led  them  to  want  of  unity  among  them- 
selves. So  long  as  the  Fatherland  was  in  danger, 
all  special  desires  should  have  been  suppressed. 
In  the  war  and  in  the  peace  negotiations,  ex- 
ternally complete  unity  should  have  been  shown. 
After  four  years  of  enormous  successes  lack  of 
unity  among  the  political  parties,  the  hunger  for 
power  of  some  of  them,  weakened  the  nation. 
The  deep  and  rich  sensibility  which  is  reflected 
in  German  art  has  been  at  once  the  strength  and 
the  weakness  of  the  German  people.  It  made 
the  majority  of  them  weak  in  face  of  the  momen- 
tary successes  of  the  enemy. 

From  such  moods  arose  the  Majority  Resolu- 
tion of  July  19th,  1917,  on  peace  without  annexa- 
tions or  indemnities,  and  the  peace  offer,  with  its 
fateful  consequences,  of  October  5th,  ,1918.  In 
history  the  German  nation  has  frequently  shown 
itself  great  in  suffering,  and  in  the  war  it  has 
achieved  almost  the  superhuman.  Let  the  nation 
now,  by  steadfastness  and  preparedness  for  a 
struggle,  rescue  in  the  peace  negotiations  what 
can  still  be  rescued. 

Let  the  nation  remember  that  Frederick  the 
Great  at  the  Peace  of  Hubertusburg  asked  for 
nothing  more  than  the  preservation  of  his  do- 
mains, and  yet  in  association  with  this  came  the 
increasing  greatness  of  Prussia,  because  then  as 
now  an  era  of  mighty  deeds  had  gone  before, 
revealing  to  the  world  the  inner  value  and  the 
inner  strength  of  the  state.  May  the  enormous 
strength  which  has  been  displayed  in  the  struggle 
and  the  suffering  of  the  Germans  in  the  war  spur 
them  on  in  the  coming  years  of  peace  to  the  same 


achievements  in  all  domains  of  economic  and  in- 
tellectual life  as  those  by  which  in  the  last  dec- 
ades they  excelled  all  other  nations. 

In  another  article  in  the  same  review,  Dr. 
Richard  Miiller  discusses  some  of  the  "kul- 
tural"  effects  of  the  war.  The  plays  and  the 
operas  hear4  during  the  war,  he  writes,  are 
not  very  different  from  those  which  pre- 
ceded it.  After  some  attempts  to  banish 
foreign  works,  and  to  awaken  a  sense  for 
national  art  of  the  grand  style,  sensations 
were  sought  in  Hungary  and  Scandinavia, 
instead  of  in  France  and  Russia,  but  in 
reality  everything  remained  much  as  before. 

Even  German  poetry  remained  unchanged. 
The  gigantic  successes  of  the  later  Strindberg, 
Meyrink,  H.  Mann,  and  others,  may  in  the 
aesthetic  sense  have  been  deserved,  but 
whether  they  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  a 
new  intellectual  orientation  of  the  people  has 
taken  place  is  another  matter.  The  contrary 
is  indeed  the  fact,  for  the  desire  for  sensations 
has  increased  and  not  disappeared. 

The  German  people  are  warned  that  the 
peace  conditions  will  be  very  unlike  those 
which  prevailed  before  the  war.  The  change 
will  be  most  in  evidence  in  economic  life. 


LORD  BRYCE  ON  ARMENIA'S  FUTURE 


IN  The  Contemporary  Review  for  Decem- 
ber Lord  Bryce  applies  the  general  sug- 
gestion thrown  out  in  the  Round  Table  arti- 
cle, which  we  notice  elsewhere,  that  the 
United  States  should  undertake  the  future 
government  of  the  ex-German  and  ex-Turk- 
ish territories  in  the  Middle  East  to  the  par- 
ticular case  of  Armenia. 

Turkish  rule  over  populations  of  a  differ- 
ent faith  must  cease  forever  to  exist:  so 
much  is  universally  accepted.  But  the  elim- 
ination of  the  Turks  raises  at  once  the  ques- 
tion of  reconstruction.  The  first  thing  to 
be  done  is  to  restore  order  in  the  devastated 
regions  of  Armenia  and  Cilicia,  and  this  can 
be  done  almost  immediately.  But  then  arises 
the  question,  Who  is  to  govern  and  admin- 
ister these  countries,  since,  in  their  present 
devastated  and  half-depopulated  condition 
they  cannot  govern  themselves? 

That  which  we  should  contemplate  and 
work  for  is  a  Christian  Armenian  state — of 
course,  with  full  protection  secured  to  every 
race  and  every  religion,  but  this  cannot  be 
for  fifteen  or  twenty  years,  and  in  the  mean- 
time   there   must   be    a    protecting    power,    a 


Western  civilized  power,  who  can  send  in 
trained  officers,  some  military,  some  civil, 
and  so  set  on  foot  an  administration  which 
will  command  not  only  obedience,  but  also 
confidence  in  its  uprightness  and  impartiality. 
This  power,  says  Lord  Bryce,  should  clearly 
be  in  the  United  States : 

To  it  would  belong  one  unique  advantage.  Its 
missionaries  have  already  won  the  gratitude  and 
affection  of  the  Christian  population,  to  whose 
progress  they  have  for  the  last  seventy  or  eighty 
years  rendered  inestimable  services  by  their 
schools  and  colleges,  while  they  have  also  en- 
joyed the  respect  and  confidence  of  the  Muslim 
population,  whom  they  have  not  tried  to  prose- 
lytise, and  to  whom  their  schools,  colleges,  and 
hospitals  have  always  stood  open.  These  mis- 
sionaries are  the  only  foreigners  who  really  know 
the  country  and  u'lderstand  the  people.  If  the 
United  States  were  disposed  to  undertake  the 
philanthropic  task  cf  supplying  adtniiiistrators  for 
a  period  of,  say,  twenty  years,  it  would  have  an 
opportunity  unprecedented  in  history  of  confer- 
ring permanent  benefits  such  as  no  country  has 
ever  received  at  the  hands  of  another.  If,  how- 
ever, the  American  government  and  people  should 
hesitate  to  make  such  a  departure  from  the  Ioult- 
scttled  lines  of  their  policy,  nothing  ^vouId  remain 
except  to  find  some  European  power,  or  some 
group    of    powers,   willing  to   undertake   the    task. 


308 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


ITALIAN  ADVOCACY  OF  THE  LEAGUE 

OF  NATIONS 


THE  sympathetic  attitude  of  Italy  toward 
the  great  project  of  a  League  of  Na- 
tions has  found  expression  in  the  founding 
of  a  special  magazine  to  further  the  progress 
of  the  good  cause.  This  is  to  be  issued 
monthly  and  is  entitled  La  Societa  delle 
Nazioni;  the  place  of  publication  is  Milan, 
the  initial  number  having  appeared  in  No- 
vember of  last  year.  It  contains  a  half- 
dozen  papers  trealmg  of  various  aspects  of 
the  question. 

One  ot  the  most  significant  is  by  Gerolamo 
Lazzeri,  who  sees  a  hopeful  sign  in  the  fact 
that  the  uncompromising  individualism  that 
has  been  the  characteristic  of  the  state  in 
times  past,  iias  given  place  to  an  individual- 
ism of  a  much  milder  form,  one  that  is 
destined  to  disappear  gradually. 

The  state  is  no  longer  regarded  as  merely 
a  phenomenon  of  force,  as  nothing  but  a 
great  driving  engine  for  the  commercial  and 
cultural  energies.  The  consciousness  of  its 
ov*-n  bemg,  the  necessity  to  make  itself  re- 
spected, have  imposed  upon  it  respect  for 
others.  It  has  ceased  to  feel  itself  an  isolated 
organism  in  the  family  of  nations. 

When  the  need  for  expansion  was  real- 
ized, for  giving  to  its  commerce  and  Indus- 
tries an  ever  wider  outlet,  the  wish  to  con- 
quer its  cultured  neighbors  yielded  to  the 
desire  to  extend  its  sway  over  regions  where 
the  populations  wefe  still  in  a  primitive  stage 
of  civilization,  and  then  to  develop  the 
newly  acquired  colonies.  In  this  policy  of 
colonial  conquest  and  up-building  the  nations 
have  been  forced  to  justify  their  aims  by 
giving  to  their  action  the  character  of  an 
irradiation  of  civilizing  forces. 

Germany's  great  error  and  crime  should 
not  be  sought  in  her  effort  to  find  wider 
spheres  of  activity,  but  in  her  failure  to 
understand  that  it  was  impossible  to  impose 
a  hegemony  upon  peoples  which  had  acquired 
a  full  consciousness  of  their  being,  and  had 
long  passed  the  period  in  which  they  could 
be  treated  as  colonies. 

The  writer  finds  that  in  giving  the  world 
to  the  flames  of  war,  Germany  was  striving 
to  realize  a  League  of  Nations  based  on  the 
old  Caesarean  principles.  She  could  not  see 
that  history  never  turns  backwards.  The 
Roman  Empire  was  successfully  founded  be- 
cause   Rome    represented    an    almost    unique 


center  of  civilization,  and  could  impose 
this  upon  all  the  peoples  which  had  remained 
barbarians  or  semi-barbarians ;  but  Germany 
enjoyed  no  real  primacy  in  this  respect  for 
her  civilization  was  only  one  among  many. 

To-day  it  is  no  longer  possible  for  one 
nation  to  dominate  over  the  others,  they  must 
all  be  content  to  collaborate  in  a  truly  inter- 
national development.  To  render  this  prac- 
ticable the  national  government  of  the  states 
must  conform  to  the  new  ideals.  There 
must  not  be  a  dominant  caste,  basing  its 
power  upon  force  alone.  When  this  is  the 
case  the  rule  of  force  will  be  inevitably 
applied  in  international  as  well  as  in  national 
politics. 

Turning  from  this  latest-born  of  Italy's 
magazines  to  the  time-honored  Nuova  Anto- 
logia  (Rome),  we  find  there,  from  Signor 
Major  des  Planches,  formerly  Italian  ambas- 
sador to  Germany,  a  glowing  tribute  on  the 
part  taken  by  President  Wilson  in  the  en- 
trance of  the  United  States  into  the  world 
war.     He  writes: 

One  of  the  decisive  facts  in  the  great  war  was 
the  participation  of  the  American  people,  with 
all  the  means  at  their  disposal  of  men,  material 
and  money,  in  association  with  the  Allies,  in 
their  struggle  to  defend  the  liberty  of  Europe 
and  of  the  world  against  the  efforts  of  the  Cen- 
tral Powers  to  establish  a  hegemony. 

The  resolution  taken  by  the  United  States  to 
form  a  great  army  and,  in  spite  of  the  menacing 
submarines  to  send  it  across  the  ocean,  provided 
with  all  the  immense  material  that  modern  war 
demands,  to  combat  for  a  cause  that  did  not 
directly  concern  the  territorial  integrity  or  the 
existence  of  the  home  country,  was  assuredly  a 
bold  and  advantageous  enterprise  of  which  his- 
tory offers  no  parallel. 

It  is  a  matter  that  well  merits  research,  and 
one  that  excites  our  admiration,  why  and  how 
the  American  people,  naturally  averse  to  warlike 
undertakings  and  interferences,  should  have 
reached  such  a  determination.  But  this  was  both 
logical  and  well-considered,  and  was  strictly  in 
accord  with  the  principles  formulated  and  fol- 
lowed from  the  very  foundation  of  the  country 
by  the  wise  men  who  established  it  and  guided 
its  destinies. 

We  find  in  the  messages  of  President  Wilson 
the  same  spirit  that  inspired  Jefferson  with  the 
Declaration  of  Independence.  For  although 
Washington  had  left  the  supreme  recommenda- 
tion to  avoid  any  interference  with  European 
affairs,  and  Monroe  had  promulgated  the  doc- 
trine to  which  America  has  constantly  conformed 
in  its  foreign  policy,  the  principle  of  a  splendid 
isolation,  still  the  country  was  forced  to  act  as 
it  did   in   order  to  be  consistent  with  its  history. 


LEADING   ARTICLES   OE    THE   MONTH 


309 


WHO  WILL  PAY  THE  WAR'S  COSTS? 


THE  all-important  question  of  German 
indemnities — the  just  amount,  the  man- 
ner of  securing  it,  etc.,  is  cogently  discussed 
in  the  Revue  de  Paris,  by  Jean  Bourdon.  He 
favors,  as  much  more  effectual  both  in  obtain- 
ing the  just  dues  and  as  a  guarantee  of 
peace,  annual  payments  extending  over  a 
long  period  instead  of  over  two  or  three 
years. 

He  says  in  part: 

Reparations,  guarantees — such  is  by  general 
consent  the  peace  program  of  the  Allies.  Two 
points  have  not  been  generally  considered:  the 
greater  tKe  indemnities  the  stronger  will  be  the 
guarantees  of  peace;  but  to  obtain  those  indem- 
nities new  methods  must  be  employed — a  per- 
fectly just  procedure,  since  all  the  means  em- 
ployed would  not  even  liquidate  the  debt  which 
the    Central    Powers    owe    the    Entente. 

What  reparation  are  we  justified  in  exacting? 
It  is  not  a  question  of  depriving  Germany  of  her 
property,  but  that  of  her  returning  ours.  What 
does  she  owe  us  for  the   present  war? 

First:  no  one  doubts  that  she  ought  to  in- 
demnify in  toto  the  invaded  people  for  all  the 
destruction   she   has   perpetrated. 

Second:  The  maimed,  the  widows  and  or- 
phans, as  the  greatest  sufferers,  should  be  pen- 
sioned, not  by  France,  as  some  claim,  but  by  her 
aggressors. 

Third:  Are  not  the  Allies  justified  in  claiming 
the  repayment  of  their  war  expenditures,  since 
they  were  occasioned  by  Teuton   aggression  ? 

These  claims  seem  almost  too  obvious  to  be 
debated ;  yet  they  are  contested  by  some  on  the 
score  that  the  debt  would  transcend  Germany's 
total  fortune,  public  and  private.  That  reasoning 
is  manifestly  ambiguous.  Is  it  a  question  of  fact 
or  of  right?  If  the  Central  Powers  can  not 
assume  the  whole  debt,  the  victims  of  their  actions 
must  perforce  bear  a  part  of  the  burden,  but  it 
should,  at  least,  be  made  as  light  as  possible. 
Legally,  a  credit  does  not  cease  to  be  legitimate 
because  the  debtor  is  insolvent:  the  creditor  is 
justified  in  seizing  the  debtor's  entire  possessions 
•^in  other  words,  the  total  confiscation  of  the 
public  and  private  wealth  of  the  Central  Powers 
(not  including  State  railways,  etc.)  would  be 
conformable  to  equity. 

The  question  remains,  which  of  these  confisca- 
tions, all  just,  are  practicable.  And  primarily: 
Should  they  constitute  a  capital  furnished  by  Ger- 
many successively,  or  annuities  stretching  over 
a  long  time?  The  first  method  is  usually  pre- 
ferred, 1871  forming  a  precedent.  But  then  it 
was  a  question  of  a  billion  dollars.  France  had 
no  difficulty  in   raising  it  in   two  years. 

Before  the  World  War,  Germanv  laid  by 
$1,600,000,000  yearly.  If  she  were  to  in- 
demnify the  Allies  within  two  or  three  years 
she  would,  therefore,  pay  twice  or  thrice  that 
amount,  at  the  utmost:  to  require  prompt 
payment  of  the  indemnity  would  mean  that 


Germany  should  pay  only  3  or  4  per  cent 
of  her  indebtedness — not  to  speak  of  Aus- 
tria, which,  owing  to  its  deplorable  economic 
situation,  could  offer  very  little.  Such  in- 
demnities, absurd  as  reparation,  would  not 
J  deprive  the  Central  Powers  of  the  means  of 
renewing  their  aggression. 

If  we  repel  such  a  prospect;  if  we  do  not  wish 
our  dead  in  the  Great  War  to  have  fallen  in  vain, 
we  must  break  the  instruments  of  war  in  our 
enemies'  hands.  They  must  be  rendered  incapable 
of  preparing  for  or  waging  one.  Territorial, 
military,  economic  precautions  must  be  taken 
against  them:  one  of  the  most  important  consists 
in  imposing  upon  them  the  payment  of  forty  or 
fifty   indemnifying    annuities. 

To  impose  bankruptcy  upon  Germany  is  to 
deprive  Krupp  and  his  like  of  their  gains.  If 
all  the  possible  confiscations  in  Germany  are 
just,  is  this  one  not  pre-eminently  so?  And  it 
would  be  politic  as  well  as  just.  We  want  to 
deprive  the  Germans  of  the  desire  of  ever  waging 
war:  that  can  only  be  done  by  making  every 
individual  feel  that  war  is  anything  but  a 
profitable  industry.  But  could  they  do  so  if  they 
saw  in  their  midst  fortunes  created  or  increased 
by  the  war?  The  bankruptcy  of  the  state 
would  be  followed  by  a  financial  crisis,  which 
would,  however,  be  of  short  duration.  The  crisis 
of  1907  in  the  United  States  furnishes  an  exam- 
ple of  swift  restoration  of  prosperity. 

What  annuities  would  these  various  measures 
produce?  $1,400,000,000  in  the  German  budget 
would  be  availaljle;  to  this  must  be  added  the 
sums  gathered  by  taxation — in  all,  an  annuity 
of  $2,400,000,000,  not  even  half  of  the  interest  of 
the  war  debt  which  German  aggression  has  im- 
posed  upon   the   Allies. 

It  is  necessary,  therefore,  to  have  recourse  to 
other  measures  to  obtain  the  payment  which  is 
our  due.  It  is  notably  with  that  end  in  view  that 
one  must  consider  the  suppression  of  the  great 
landed  estates  in  Central  Europe.  We  know  that 
east  of  the  Elbe  all,  or  nearly  all,  the  soil  is 
divided  into  great  domains.  The  peasants,  who 
remained  serfs  in  Prussia  up  to  the  beginning 
of  the  19th  century,  received  either  little  or  no 
land  on  their  liberation.  It  is  from  this  system 
of  land  ownership  that  the  influence  of  the 
Prussian  nobility  springs.  A  like  situation  exists 
in  Hungary.  To  deprive  the  Junker  and  the 
Magyar  feudal  lords  of  their  wealth  and  the 
influence  flowing  from  it  would  be  to  punish 
an  important  part  of  those  responsible  for  the 
war,  and  to  prevent  the  recurrence  of  new  wars. 

The  Allies  are  involved  in  debt,  and  even  if 
those  least  involved  should  assume  a  part  of  the 
debt  of  those  most  heavily  burdened,  none  of  the 
nations  could  exist  with  their  enormous  liabilities. 
Beginning  to-day,  the  various  countries  will  have 
to  discharge  a  great  part  of  their  war  debts,  un- 
less they  can  count  upon  the  Austro-German 
annuities.  In  other  words,  in  France,  for  ex- 
ample, there  would  have  to  be  levied  an  extraor- 
dinary tax  upon  capital,  anKninting  not  to  one- 
tenth,  as  has  been  proposed,  Init  to  one-third — a 
partial  confiscation  of  private  fortunes. 


310 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


THE  FRENCH   DEMAND  FOR  SHIPPING 


IN  the  January  number  ot  Le  Corrcspond- 
ant  (Paris)  under  the  title  "How  Shall 
the  Allies  Offset  the  Destructive  Work  of 
the  Submarines?"  an  anonymous  French 
writer  throws  an  indirect  cross-light  on  the 
persistent  reports  of  strained  relations  be- 
tween French  propagandists  and  the  English- 
speaking  delegations  to  the  Peace  Congress. 

Former  discussions  have  been  actuated,  says 
the  writer,  by  separate  interests  and  too  nar- 
row views.  The  needs  of  the  World-State 
as  a  whole  must  alone  be  considered. 

The  total  tonnage  available  for  the  oceanic 
carrying  trade  of  the  world  is  estimated  at 
forty  millions^ — a  loss  of  two  millions  since 
1913.  For  a  period  not  yet  definable,  con- 
ditions will  be  neither  those  of  war  time  nor 
as  in  settled,  permanent  peace.  Millions  of 
men  must  be  fed  where  they  now  are,  until 
finally  repatriated.  Many  essential  indus- 
tries must  be  completely  equipped  anew. 
(The  writer  ignores,  comparatively  at  least, 
the  importance  of  provisioning  whole  nations 
until  agricultural  conditions  are  restored.) 
It  is  clear  that  the  tonnage  now  in  existence  is 
quite  inadequate.  All  the  shipyards  of  the 
world  should  be  kept  in  fullest  possible  activ- 
ity. But  these  present  and  prospective  re- 
sources for  commerce  should  be  distributed 
among  the  victors  according  to  the  relative 
losses  and  sacrifices  of  each  separate  country 
in  the  war!  (This  surprising  thesis  js  all  but 
taken  for  granted  as  evident,  and  practically 
applied  to  four  great  powers  only — England, 
United  States,  Italy,  France — to  the  evident 
advantage   of   the   last-named.) 

The  United  States  has  increased  her  ton- 
nage by  four  millions  during  the  war,  besides 
a  half-million  obtained  from  Japan.  Eng- 
land has  lost  nine  millions  through  the  U- 
boats,  and  has  built  meantime  less  than  two- 
thirds  of  that  amount.  France,  even  in  1913, 
had  only  25  per  cent,  of  her  carrying  trade 
under  her  own  flag,  and  is  to-day  even  worse 
off.  Italy  has  suffered  much  less,  and  is  not 
gravely  inconvenienced. 

France  requires  colonies  sufficient  to  sup- 
ply all  her  material  needs  independent  of 
other  countries  (this  again  being  quietly  as- 
sumed as  self-evident)  and  a  merchant  fleet 
adequate  for  all  transportation  to  and  from 
her  home-ports.  She  proposes,  for  the  pres- 
ent at  least,  a  government-owned  (or  subsi- 
dized?) transportation  system;  and,  as  her 
own  navy-yards  are  in  an  inchoate  state,  a 


prompt  beginning  must  be  made  ''from  with- 
out." (The  unity  of  interests  throughout 
the  league  or  world-state  is  obscured  during 
this  part  of  the  discussion.) 

In  the  future,  the  immense  navy-yards  of 
the  United  States  will  turn  out  up-to-date 
specialized  vessels,  refrigerator-ships,  tanks, 
cattleboats,  etc.  It  is  recognized  that  we  in 
the  United  States,  transporting  finished  prod- 
ucts for  sale  abroad,  have  now  more  impera- 
tive need  to  fly  our  own  flag  over  our  mer- 
chant fleet  than  when  we  sent  forth  chiefly 
raw  materials,  e.  g.,  cotton  and  cereals,  with 
no  serious  rivalry  to  face. 

The  hastily  built  "standardized"  output  of 
the  last  year  or  two  is,  we  are  told,  short- 
lived and  ■  very  imperfect.  The  United 
States  should  charge  off  at  once  to  profit  and 
loss  a  large  part  of  its  actual  or  replacement 
cost,  and  merely  endeavor  to  recoup  the  bal- 
ance, at  most,  during  the  few  years  that  these 
vessels  can  be  kept  seaworthy. 
•  The  conclusion,  not  boldly  drawn,  but 
camouflaged  under  phrases  as  to  unity  of  in- 
terest and  sentiment,  appears  clearly  to  be, 
that  the  French  should  receive  from  us  at 
once,  as  a  matter  of  right  growing  out  of  their 
superior  sufferings  and  losses,  a  very  large 
share  at  least  of  this  "standardized"  mercan- 
tile fleet.  This  action  must  be  taken  before 
French  sailors  are  attracted  to  other  national 
flags,  or  even  drift  away  into  other  employ- 
ments. 

The  question  of  utilizing  the  German  mer- 
chant marine  is  much  more  frankly — and 
even  mercilessly — handled.  The  illegal  and 
piratical  character  of  the  unrestrained  sub- 
marine campaign  is  emphasized.  Admiral 
von  Holtzendorff  is  cited  as  authority  for 
an  estimate  of  fifty  billion  marks  for  the 
amount  destroyed  down  to  July,  1918.  Ger- 
man expressions  of  glee  over  the  grievous  lack 
of  food  and  fuel  in  Allied  countries  are 
quoted. 

The  conclusion  is  firmly  drawn  that  Ger- 
many's entire  mercantile  fleet,  in  home,  allied, 
or  neutral  ports,  with  the  output  of  her  ship- 
yards for  the  next  years,  should  at  once  pass 
into  Allied  hands — preferably,  under  the 
French  flag.  No  beginnings  of  German  com- 
merce proper  should  be  tolerated  until  all  the 
chief  Allies  are  in  satisfactory  shape.  Even 
the  provisioning  of  Germany  itself,  if  actually 
necessary,  should  be  done  by  Allied  crews 
urkler  the  Allied  flags. 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE    MONTH 


311 


A  RUSSIAN  REVOLUTIONIST  APPEALS 

FROM  BOLSHEVISM 


MADAME  BRESHKOVSKAYA, 
known  the  world  over  as  **The 
Grandmother  of  the  Russian  Revolution," 
who  spent  half  her  life  in  Russian  prisons 
and  in  Siberia  as  an  exile,  is  now  visiting  the 
United  States.  Her  mission  here  is  to  tell 
the  American  people  the  truth  about  condi- 
tions in  Russia  and  to  organize  help  for  the 
four  millions  of  Russian  orphans  now  left 
without  shelter. 

In  the  course  of  an  address  delivered  in 
New  York  Madame  Breshkovskaya  said : 

There  is  no  doubt  that  Russia  will  be  able  to 
find  the  right  path,  but  her  pains,  her  bloody 
sufferings  will  be  known  only  to  the  millions 
of  Russian  mothers  and  the  millions  of  our  other 
innocent  martyrs,  our  orphans.  Flooded  with 
tears  and  blood,  Russia  moans  and  cries  out  to 
the  world.  She  is  a  living  body,  and  her  tor- 
tures cannot  be  looked  upon  cold-bloodedly  as 
an  extraordinary,  never-before  witnessed  experi- 
ment in  social  evolution.  She  is  alive,  and  every 
pore  of  her  body  is  shedding  blood.  The  illness 
that  was  not  stopped  in  time,  I  fear,  may  be  pro- 
longed for  years.  Only  through  insistent,  and 
incessant  work  and  efforts  can  Russia  be  brought 
to  the  normal  conditions,  to  the  position  in  which 
she  found  herself  two  years  ago,  after  the  glo- 
rious Revolution  of  March,  1917.  In  those  days 
there  was  real  freedom  in  Russia,  and  it  seemed 
that  our  young  country  had  every  possibility  for 
peaceful  evolution  and  the  free  building  of  her 
future.  I  may  assert,  without  boasting,  that  the 
March  Revolution,  perhaps  the  most  beautiful  and 
the  most  rational  revolution  in  the  world,  was 
brought  about,  among  other  factors,  through  the 
efforts  of  the  Party  of  Socialists-Revolutionists 
whose  program  for  more  than  one-half  century 
presents  a  basis  for  settlement  which  will  sat- 
isfy the  demands  and  aspirations  of  the  over- 
whelming  majority   of   the   Russian    people. 

In  explaining  Bolshevism  Madame  Bresh- 
kovskaya said  to  a  few  American  journalists: 

You  do  not  visualize  Russia  properly.  All  of 
Russia  is  not  in  disorder,  only  certain  provinces. 
Russia  is  more  than  Petrograd  and  Moscow  and 
Kiev.  The  Cossack  provinces  are  in  order.  The 
peasants  are  waiting — in  the  disordered  prov- 
inces— impatiently  for  peace  and  order,  that  they 
may  work.  The  great  mass  of  people  in  Russia 
are  yearning  toward  stability  and  working  for  it. 
I  do  not  think  you  feel  the  causes  of  Russian  Bol- 
shevism. The  phenomenon  in  this  country  could 
hardly  be  the  same  thing.  The  psychology  of  the 
real  Russian  Bolshevist  is  that  reaction  produced 
by  decades,  even  centuries,  of  oppression.  He 
has  inherited  a  hysteria,  a  fixed  idea ;  he  is  in- 
capable of  seeing  that  he  is  only  substituting  one 
rule  of  terror  for  another.  The  Russian  Bolshe- 
vist says:  No  one  shall  have  a  voice  in  the  gov- 
ernment who  does  not  work  with  his  haiuis. 
How  stupid!     They  do  not  see  how  many  modes 


©  Paul  Thompson,  New  Ywk 

MADAME   CATHERINE   BRESHKOVSKAYA,    THE  WELL- 
KNOWN  RUSSIAN  REVOLUTIONIST  NOW  VISITING  THE 
UNITED    STATES 

of  service  exist,  and  that  all  are  essential  to  the 
well-being  of  Russia. 

But  there  is  one  thing  Russia  will  never  do; 
she  will  never  yield  to  monarchial  dominion 
again.  She  will  work  out  her  own  particular 
form  of  republican  government — slowly — slowly, 
but  surely, — for  the  Russian  people  are  very 
clever — and  in  time  you  will  have  orderly  condi- 
tions and  a  great  civilization  in  the  place  of  chaos. 

Returning   to    the   matter   of    Bolshevism, 
Madame  Breshkovskaya  said: 

The  German  agents  supported  the  Bolsheviki. 
These  agents  had  the  backing  of  many  ignorant 
Russians — the  illiterate  peasants — because  they 
promised  that  they  would  give  them  land.  Then 
when  the  Bolshevists  got  into  potver,  thev  forgot 
their  promise  and  turned  to  all  the  criminals  in 
Russia  to  support  their  inicjuitous  rule.  .Ml  the 
convicts  were  let  loose  from  the  prisons  to  serve 
them,  and  in  their  ranks  you  will  find  the  Czar's 
former  military  police  and  the  spies  of  the  old 
monarchy.  liiese  professionals  in  the  art  of 
murder  are  doing  all  the  dreadful  deeds  about 
which  you  hear  in  this  country.  Teachers  are 
persecuted.  They  are  thrown  into  jail  if  they 
do  not  swear  fidelity  to  Bolsiievism.  For  over 
a  year  the  schools  have  been  largely  deserted, 
no  teachers,  no  pupils,  and  no  assurance  that 
this  evil  condition  will  come  to  an  end. 


312 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


HOW  TO  ADVERTISE  IN  CHINA 


'*''  I  ^HE  population  of  China,"  says  Trade 
A  Commissioner  John  A.  Fowler,  in 
Commerce  Repoj'ts  (Washington),  "is  vari- 
ously estimated  at  from  325,000,000  to  400,- 
000,000,  and  competent  observers  have  esti- 
mated the  literacy  of  the  Chinese  people  to 
be  around  10  per  cent.  At  first  glance  one 
is  inclined  to  conclude  that  there  is  a  large 
percentage  of  these  400,000,000  who  cannot 
be  reached  through  the  printed  message." 

The  writer  points  out  that  this  conclusion 
is  fallacious,  and  in  the  course  of  his  article 
presents  some  novel  information  concerning 
advertising  methods  employed  nowadays  in 
China.     He  says: 

China  has  been,  and  still  is,  an  unexploited 
field  in  many  lines  of  merchandising;  and  trade 
has  followed  the  lines  of  least  resistance.  The 
most  spectacular  advertising  campaigns  have  been 
made  to  the  masses,  and  the  success  of  the  cam- 
paigns for  introducing  kerosene,  cigarettes,  and 
the  patent  medicine  '"Jin  Tan"  are  striking  illus- 
trations of  the  efficacy  of  advertising  of  this  class. 
In  the  first  case,  the  selling  campaign  was  con- 
nected with  a  real  need ;  in  the  second  it  was 
an  appeal  to  a  habit;  and  in  the  third  to  the 
longing  of  the  physically  unfit  for  health. 

On  the  other  hand,  these .  successes  must  not 
lead  to  the  conclusion  that  there  is  no  sale  in 
China  for  higher-priced  articles.  The  popular 
opinion  in  America  seems  to  be  that  China  is  a 
country  of  slow,  patient,  and  industrious,  but 
always  poor  people.  There  is  a  large  class  of 
buyers  in  China  who  can  afford  to  buy  anything 
they  consider  necessary  to  their  comfort,  as  well 
as  many  of  the  luxuries  of  life. 

In  China  advertising  is  not  organized  as  it  is 
in  the  ^Tnited  States,  nor  as  it  is  in  Japan.  The 
difficulties  that  the  American  advertiser  will  meet 
in  initiating  an  advertising  campaign  are  many 
and  annoying  to  the  American  type  of  business 
man  who  demands  results;  nevertheless,  a  start 
has  been  made  toward  organizing  on  broad  and 
sound    lines. 

China  has  thousands  of  newspapers,  though 
they  tend  to  be  short-lived  and  are  subject 
to  frequent  changes  of  name.  The  foreign 
advertiser  will  find  it  difficult  to  do  business 
with  them  directly,  and  should  employ  a 
reputable  agency  as  go-between.  One  agency 
in  Shanghai  has  established  satisfactory  busi- 
ness connections  with  about  200  newspapers 
throughout  the  country  and  is  able  to  fur- 
nish detailed  information  concerning  each  of 
them.  Newspapers  in  European  languages 
reach  and  influence  the  Chinese  of  all  classes, 
largely  through  the  missionaries. 

The  Chinese  newspaper  has  essentially  a  class 
circulation   as  compared  with  the  popular  news- 


paper in  the  United  States.  Circulation  figures 
must  be  taken  with  a  fair  understanding  of  the 
oriental  propensity  for  self-appreciation.  The 
average  circulation  of  all  the  more  reliable  news- 
papers in  China  will  not  exceed  3,000,  but  this 
circulation  will  be  in  the  first  instance  to  a  class 
with  a  particularly  high  purchasing  capacity. 
After  the  first  reader  finishes  with  his  paper  it 
is  read  by  his  friends,  who  often  read  it  aloud 
to  relatives  who  can  not  read.  In  China  there  is 
an  almost  superstitious  reverence  for  the  printed 
or  written  word,  and  newspapers  are  often  read 
to  shreds.  When  it  is  finished  as  a  newspaper  it 
enters  on  its  career  as  wrapping  paper,  and  the 
more  familiar  characters  are  read  by  the  partly 
literate. 

Billboards  are  extensively  used  in  China 
for  advertising  purposes,  and  there  are  also 
concessions  for  advertising  at  the  railway 
stations,  controlled  by  an  English  agency  at 
Tientsin  and  a  French  agency  at  Shanghai. 
Monthly  and  weekly  periodicals  supplement 
the  daily  newspapers  as  an  effective  means 
of  reaching  certain  classes  of  readers.  The 
mails  offer  special  facilities  for  advertising, 
since  it  is  possible  to  arrange  with  the  Post 
Office  Department  for  the  delivery  of  a  cir- 
cular or  other  light  advertising  matter  with 
each  letter.  This  plan  has  in  some  cases  pro- 
duced surprising  results  at  relatively  low  cost 
to  the  advertiser. 

There  are  several  very  large  and  well-classi- 
fied mailing  lists  owned  by  foreign  firms,  but  only 
one  of  these  is  available  to  the  general  adver- 
tiser. This  has  approximately  200,000  names 
classified  by  districts  or  by  occupation,  and  there 
is  one  particularly  fine  list  that  covers  a  con- 
siderable part  of  the   dealers  in  drugs  in  China. 

The  use  of  calendars  is  one  of  the  most-favored 
forms  of  advertising  in  China,  as  the  calendar  is 
a  most  important  thing  in  the  life  of  every 
Chinese.  He  regulates  his  life  by  the  sun,  moon, 
and  stars,  and  never  enters  upon  an  important 
negotiation  or  journey  without  a  careful  consider- 
ation of  omens  and  signs.  Most  advertisers  issue 
a  calendar,  and  some  who  never  advertise  in  any 
other  way  put  out  the  most  elaborate  designs. 
They  are  highly  treasured  by  the  recipients  and 
a  regular  trade  in  them  is  maintained.  When  the 
calendars  are  issued  there  is  a  general  rush  for 
them  by  merchants,  clerks,  and  coolies,  who  turn 
them  over  to  the  dealers  for  a  consideration ; 
but  as  a  rule  there  is  only  a  halfhearted  attempt 
on  the  part  of  business  houses  to  get  these  calen- 
dars into  proper  hands,  as  the  best  an  advertiser 
can  wish  for  is  that  his  advertisement  will  be 
bought  and  paid  for.  In  the  Chinese  cities  you 
will  see  displays  of  dealers  in  calendars  on  walls 
and  in  alleys  where  the  dealers  do  a  good  busi- 
ness at  profitable  prices.  One  calendar  issued  by 
an  insurance  company  in  Shanghai  and  costing  a 
little  over  $1  Mexican  sold  for  $2.50  Mexican 
in  the  shops,  and  was  in  good  demand  at  that. 


LEADING   ARTICLES    OF    THE   MONTH 


313 


SHALL  THE  SAAR  COAL-FIELD  GO  TO 

FRANCE? 

THE  basin  of  the  River  Saar,  lately  the  region  in  1913  amounted  to  1,700,000  tons, 
scene  of  bombing  exploits  on  the  part  of 
the  Allies  and  now  in  the  occupation  of  the 
French  Army,  is  about  to  furnish  a  new 
problem  for  the  world's  peacemakers  to 
grapple  with.  The  project  of  annexing  the 
rich  Saar  coal-field  to  France  is  being  widely 
advocated  in  the  French  press.  The  argu- 
ments in  favor  of  this  plan  are  set  forth  in 
La  Nature  (Paris)  by  Auguste  Pawlowski, 
who  also  furnishes  a  history  and  description 
of  the  district  in  question. 

The  Saar  coal-field  is,  with  the  exception 
of  that  o^  the  Ruhr,  the  most  important  coal- 
producing  region  of  Germany.  The  com- 
mercially workable  beds  occupy  a  roughly 
oval  area  extending  about  45  miles  southwest 
from  Frankenholz,  near  Waldmohr,  in  the 
Rhenish  Palatinate,  and  St.  Wendel,  in 
Rhenish  Prussia,  to  and  beyond  Boulay  and 
St.  Avoid,  in  German  Lorraine.  The  Saar 
River  bisects  the  area  in  the  middle,  and 
Saarbriicken  is  the  commercial  center  of  the 
region.  Somewhat  less  than  two-thirds  lies 
in  Rhenish  Prussia,  one-third  in  German 
Lorraine,  and  a  small  portion  in  the  Pala- 
tinate. 

Various  figures  are  given  concerning  the 
coal  resources  of  this  region.  The  known 
seams  of  coal  in  a  given  vertical  section 
range  in  number  from  27  to  32,  and  extend 
to  a  depth  of  from  5000  to  8000  feet.  The 
aggregate  thickness  of  the  seams  ranges 
from  65  to  100  feet.  One  authority,  De- 
chen,  estimates  the  total  coal  reserves  of  the 
region  at  45,500,000,000  tons.  According 
to  Freeh,  there  are  5,631,000,000  tons  with- 
in 1000  meters  of  the  surface,  9,413,000,000 
above  1500  meters,  and  33,000,000,000 
below  1500  meters.  These  figures  refer 
only  to  seams  of  70  centimeters  (27^ 
inches)  thickness  and  upward.  English 
authorities  have  estimated  the  total  ton- 
nage in  seams  of  one  foot  and  upwards  at 
53,515,000,000.  The  coals  of  this  region 
contain  more  volatile  matter  and  are  lower 
in  heating  value  than  those  of  northern 
France  and  the  Ruhr  district.  They  are 
suitable  for  domestic  use  and  for  gas-mak- 
ing, but  are  comparatively  poor  for  cooking. 
For  the  latter  purpose  they  are,  however, 
used  in  combination  with  coal  from  the  Ruhr 
district,  and  after  preparation  by  special 
methods.     The   coke   produced   in   the   Saar 


On  the  whole  the  Saar  coals  are  not  par- 
ticularly well  adapted  for  use  in  the  iron 
industry. 

Coal  was  mined  in  the  Saar  basin  as  early 
as  1430,  and  the  mines  were  systematically 
developed  in  the  eighteenth  century  by  the 
Princess  of  Nassau,  whose  mining  rights  in 
the  region  date  from  the  Golden  Bull  of 
1356.  From  M.  Pawlowski's  historical 
sketch  two  salient  facts  may  be  gleaned: 
viz.,  that  operation  of  the  mines  by  states 
or  their  rulers  has  generally  prevailed,  and 
that  the  French  possessed  this  territory  dur- 
ing the  Napoleonic  period  (1793-1815).  In 
the  year  1913  the  output  of  the  Prussian 
part  of  the  district  was  12,406,536  tons;  of 
the  Lorraine  section,  3,795,932  tons;  and  of 
the  Bavarian  (Palatinate)  portion,  810,546 
tons.  More  than  80  shafts  were  in  opera- 
tion. Nearly  the  whole  output  from  the 
first  of  these  sections  was  produced  by  27 
mines  belonging  to  the  Prussian  Government. 
The  Bavarian  Government  operated  two 
mines  in  the  Palatinate.  The  rest  of  the 
region  was  exploited  by  private  concerns. 
The  Prussian  state  mines  yielded  comparative- 
ly small  profits.  During  the  fiscal  year  1913- 
1914  the  expenditures  for  these  undertakings 
amounted  to  93,899,200  marks,  and  the  re- 
ceipts were  104,110,438  marks. 

In  explaining  why  France  covets  the  Saar 
coal-field,  the  writer  utters  the  complaint 
that  the  annexation  of  Alsace-Lorraine  is 
going  to  accentuate  the  unfortunate  situa- 
tion that  prevailed  before  the  war,  when  it 
was  necessary  to  import  20,000,000  tons  of 
coal    per    annum    from    England    and    Ger- 


LUXEMBURG     ; 


Prussia.^-'    ,, 


rut  coAL-i'ii:i.u  oi"  thi.  >.\.\r  basin 


314 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


many.  The  reconquered  provinces  contain 
immense  industries  but  comparatively  little 
coal  with  which  to  operate  them. 

Is  France  justified  in  taking  the  Saar 
basin,  which  lies  just  beyond  the  old  fron- 
tier of  Lorraine?  M.  Pawlowski  thinks  she 
is,  for  several  reasons.  First,  he  asserts  that 
it  is  a  military  necessity  for  her  to  push  her 
frontier  not  merely  to  the  eastward  of  the 
district  in  question,  but  all  the  way  to  the 
Rhine.  Second,  the  Saar  region  is  said  to 
be   historically   French,    though    the    author 


hardly  presents  this  argument  in  convincing 
terms.  Third.  French  industry  and  French 
science  have  taken  an  important  part  in  de- 
veloping the  region.  Lastly,  the  bulk  of  the 
mines  belong  to  the  government  of  Prussia, 
at  whose  door  lies  the  chief  blame  for  the 
pillage  and  destruction  wrought  in  northern 
France  during  the  war.  It  is  peculiarly  fit- 
ting that  Berlin  should  make  partial  amends 
for  the  wrongs  done  to  French  industries  by 
handing  over  to  France  a  means  of  helping 
reestablish  those  industries. 


THE  SWEDES  OF  FINLAND 


A  SINGULAR  situation — at  least  in 
the  eyes  of  most  Swedish  Finlanders 
— obtains  in  Scandinavia  to-day,  though  a 
modification  of  it  might  seem  to  be  war- 
ranted by  the  recent  course  of  events  in  Fin- 
land. Finland  is  free,  and  the  Fenno- 
Scandinavian  bonds  are  free  to  tighten.  But 
this  seems  to  be  happening,  say  the  Finland 
Swedes,  at  their  expense.  The  heart  of 
Sweden  goes  out  to  her  self-liberated 
daughter-country;  but  less,  they  say,  to  the 
Swedish  minority  there  than  to  the  Finnish 
majority.  The  Aland  islanders,  part  of  the 
minority,  evidently  want  union  with  the 
Swedish  kingdom;  the  Swedes  of  Finland 
are  chary  of  losing  the  islands,  fearful  lest 
the  Finns  proper  might  thereby  gain  further 
political  preponderance  over  the  Swedish 
party.  Swedish  public  opinion  being  gen- 
erally covetous  of  the  islands,  the  Swedo- 
Finlanders  are  hard  put  to  it  in  persuading 
the  Alanders  to  remain  with  a  nationality 
which  is  beginning  to  find  itself — though 
within  the  boundaries  of  a  new  republic 
where  might  is  on  the  side  of  the  stronger 
race,  that  of  the  rival  Finns. 

As  the  Danes  in  North  Schleswig  kept 
themselves  more  Danish  than  the  Danes 
themselves,  so  in  certain  respects  the  Swedish 
element  in  Finland  has  preserved  a  purer 
Swedish  culture  than  the  inhabitants  of 
Sweden.  The  fact  notwithstanding,  what- 
ever comes  nowadays  from  Finland  but  is 
not  Finnish  appeals  but  little  to  the  average 
Swedish  mind,  though  certainly  the  works 
and  deeds  of  former  generations  of  Swedo- 
Finlanders  meet  with  due  appreciation  in 
Sweden ;  every  one  there  is  well  acquainted, 
for  instance,  with  the  literary  works  of 
Runeberg,  Franzen,  or  Topelius ;  or  with  the 


historical  importance  of  such  names  as 
Adlercreutz  and  Horn. 

The  complaint  of  the  Finland  Swedes  is 
that  the  doings  and  productions  of  the 
Finns  has  supplanted  the  old  interest  in  Fin- 
land's Little  Sweden.  The  explanation  of 
this  Swedish  neglect  of  kinsmen  might  be 
said  to  lie  in  the  fact  that  the  Swedes,  real- 
izing that  their  blood-brothers  in  Finland 
were  forever  lost  to  them,  not  only  through 
Russian  possession  of  Finland,  but  also 
through  sundry  temperamental  if  not  racial 
differences,  have  hardly  felt  able  to  look 
upon  the  Swedish-speaking  parts  of  the 
country  as  terra  irredenta. 

The  situation  is  somewhat  paralleled  in 
the  attitude  of  the  British  towards  American 
culture,  but  with  this  difference,  that  where- 
as Americans  have  always  maintained  that 
their  national  individuality  is  quite  separate 
from  that  of  the  British,  the  Swedo-Fin- 
landers,  under  the  pressure  of  a  politico- 
cultural  war  with  their  Finnish  neighbors, 
have  fought  insistently  for  the  ideal  of  main- 
taining at  least  their  cultural  character  as 
Swedes.  But  the  people  of  Sweden,  partly 
through  ignorance  and  nonchalance,  have  felt 
unable  to  recognize  that  kinship  in  the  ab- 
sence of  other  political  inducements  than  a 
desire  to  possess  the  little  Aland  group. 

The  Swedish  Finlanders  are  now  issuing 
frequent  appeals  to  the  Swedes  for  recogni- 
tion as  brothers  in  language,  literature,  and 
cultural  ideals.  There  are  quarters  where 
these  appeals  are  looked  upon  as  worthy 
of  notice ;  and  possibly  campaigns  will  be 
launched  in  the  near  future  against  this  non- 
recognition  of  nearest  of  kin,  and  that  state 
of  affairs — so  unusual  in  present-day  Europe 
— will    meet    with    considerable    remonstra- 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE    MONTH 


315' 


tion     in     the     hitherto     neglectful     mother 
country. 

Since  the  conquest  of  Finland  by  Eric  the 
Holy  a  millennium  ago,  the  Swedes  in  Fin- 
land have  constituted  the  bulwark  of  Scan- 
dinavian culture  against  the  encroachments 
of  the  Slavic  world.  But  the  area  of 
Finland  actually  settled  by  Scandinavians 
has  always  been  small  with  reference  to 
the  total  area.  On  the  whole,  only  a 
fourth  of  the  urban  population  and  a  tenth 
of  the  rural  are  of  Swedish  extraction.  It 
is  to  a  considerable  extent  mixed  with  the 
Finnish,  and  to  a  much  smaller  degree  with 
the  German  and  Russian  elements,  which 
have  almost  invariably  been  assimilated,  when 
assimilation  has  occurred,  into  the  Swedish 
element  and  not  by  the  Finns,  who  comprise 
the  ''farmer  class"  proper.  In  fact,  this  oc- 
cupational difference  has  of  late  years  been 
accentuated  by  the  migration  into  the  cities 
of  most  of  the  small  Swedish  agricultural 
population.  The  ratio  of  12  or  15  to  100  in 
population  has  prevailed,  so  that  the  Swedes 
in  Finland  now  number  some  400,000  and 
the  Finns  about  3,000,000. 

The  Finns  indubitably  owe 'their  present 
cultural  standing  to  the  liberal-mindedness 
of  certain  Swedish  Finlanders,  who  agitated 
for  decades  for  the'  equal  education  of  the 
Finns  and  for  popular  appreciation  of  Finnish 
literature.  But  at  least  one  of  these  cham- 
pions of  things  Finnish  went  beyond  the 
bounds  of  nationalism  and  earned  slight 
gratitude  for  himself  from  the  Swedes  in 
Finland.  This  was  Johan  Snellman,  who 
in  the  forties,  in  his  journal,  Saima,  advo- 
cated the  Finnification  of  the  Swedes  them- 
selves, making  Finnish — a  language  related 
not  to  the  Scandinavian  but  to  the  Hun- 
garian— the  sole  national  language.  Since 
that  time  this  aim  has  taken  on  an  increas- 
ingly political  character  and  gained  tens  of 
thousands   of   adherents — among   the   Finns. 

Fortunately  the  Swedes  have  been  able  to 
hold  their  own,  in  spite  of  Russia's  greater 
leaning  towards  the  more  obsequious  Fenno- 
man  party.  Even  before  the  downfall  of  the 
Czar,  the  Swedes  had  many  separate  institu- 
tions of  learning,  and  had  gained  divided 
attendance  at  others.  Last  year  the  Swedes 
founded,  or  rather  refoundcd,  a  second 
college  at  Abo,  the  old  capital,  thus  actual- 
izing a  long-cherished  dream. 

It  must  be  said,  however,  that  the  Fenno- 
man  cause  has  not  abandoned  the  idea  of  a 
linguistic  triumph,  or  near  triumph.  In  the 
light  of  historical  instances,  it  will  be  a  hard 


THE    SWEDISH   DISTRICTS    IN   FINLAND 

(The   black   areas    indicate   the    parts    of    Finland    where 
about   nine-tenths'  of  the   Swedish  population  live) 


thing  to  attain,  especially  if  Sweden  herself 
manifests,  more,  to  be  sure,  on  cultural  than 
on  ethnic  grounds,  an  active  interest  in  the 
fate  of  her  children  in  Finland.  The  Swedo- 
Finlanders,  especially  those  of  the  western 
coast,  shed  proportionately  far  more  blood  in 
last  year's  civil  war  against  the  Reds  than 
did  the  Finns ;  their  political  prestige  has 
grown  thereby,  if  not  their  hopes  for  recog- 
nition in  their  own  country  of  their  Swedish 
nationality.  They  are  beginning  to  clamor 
for  a  separate  school  system,  and  for  sep- 
arate cantonal  governments,  to  be  united  into 
one  bishopric. 

In  all  fairness,  especially  in  case  of  expos- 
tulations from  Sweden,  the  Fennoman  party 
ought  to  remain  content  with  its  own  Swede- 
born  advancement  and  award  the  patriotic 
Svecomans  a  federative  administration.  Con- 
stitutional guarantees  for  their  nationality 
and  language  are  what  the  Swedes  in  Fin- 
land deserve ;  quite  as  much  as  the  Swedes 
in  Sweden,  who  certainly  made  strenuous 
objections  some  centuries  ago  against  assimi- 
lation by  their  Danish  cousins.  Retention 
of  Aland,  a  strong  national  organization, 
Swedish  moral  support,  and  intellectual  as 
well  as  material  commerce  with  Sweden  arc 
the  legitimate  demands  of  a  doughty  people. 


316 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


AN  ARGENTINE  VIEW   OF  AMERICAN 

UNIVERSITIES 


THE  fundamental  differences  existing  be- 
tween the  universities  of  Argentina  and 
those  of  the  United  States,  in  their  general 
outlines,  are  presented  by  Seiior  Ernesto  Nel- 
son in  Estudios,  a  monthly  review  pub- 
lished at  Buenos  Aires. 

While  recognizing  the  practical  inferiority 
of  the  Argentine  universities,  and  admitting 
that  those  of  the  United  States  represent  in 
the  main  a  realization  of  his  ideals,  the 
writer  does  not  think  that  a  mere  grafting 
of  their  forms  on  the  Argentine  stock  would 
have  a  satisfying  result.  The  trouble  lies 
deeper,  in  the  essential  character  of  the  Ar- 
gentine system,  and  proceeds  from  the  direct 
intervention  of  the  state. 

The  European  conception  of  a  university 
figures  it  as  an  organ  of  the  state,  and  this 
is  fatal  for  the  popularization  of  culture ; 
but  the  Argentine  Republic,  at  its  formation, 
committed  the  error  of  preserving  social  in- 
stitutions which  were  in  conflict  with  the 
free  political  institutions  that  were  adopted, 
and  it  is  now  experiencing  the  evils  of  this 
system. 

^  What  is  of  prime  importance  to-day  is 
that  both  the  rulers  of  Argentina  and  the 
youth  of  the  country,  upon  whom  rests  the 
task  of  social  reconstruction,  shall  clearly 
perceive  the  causes  of  the  crisis  for  which 
provision  must  be  made,  and  that  those  who 
take  up  this  work  shall  do  so  with  minds 
freed  from  the  work  of  all  prejudices,  that 
of  admitting  blindly  the  logic  of  the  existing 
order  of  things.  For  this  order  of  things, 
the  right  of  the  state  to  possess  a  monopoly 
of  university  culture,  is  precisely  the  cause  of 
the  troubles,  as  can  be  proved  by  a  com- 
parison between  the  universities  of  the  two 
Americas  divided  by  the  Rio  Grande. 

In  Argentina,  the  writer  remarks,  the 
state  considers  that  it  should  be  the  guar- 
antor of  the  physicians,  engineers,  lawyers, 
and  professors,  since  the  mere  possession  of  a 
title  constitutes  a  privilege  that  opens  up  the 
path  to  renumerative  positions  and  assumes 
social  and  political  prerogatives.  Hence,  for 
the  state  the  higher  culture  is  technical  effi- 
ciency, and  it  would  be  a  useless  task  to 
expect  to  find  in  these  state  universities  any 
place  for  those  admirable  faculties  of  liberal 
arts  which  in  the  United  States  fill  the  soul 
of  the  Latin  American  with  regretful  long- 
ing.    They  do  not  confer  a  professional  but 


a  cultural  title,  while  the  Student  has  a 
choice  among  an  immense  number  of  elective 
courses  covering  the 'widest  field. 

Another  defect  that  the  writer  notes  in 
Argentina  is  the  absence  of  lectures  by  men 
who  can  speak  authoritatively  on  questions 
not  necessarily  professional,  while  in  the 
United  States  such  lectures  are  accorded  a 
prominent  place  in  the  department  of  liberal 
arts.  For  this  reason  this  branch  of  the  uni- 
versity occupies  a  leading  place,  and  attracts 
the  largest  number  of  students,  and  the 
primacy  of  culture  over  professionalism  in- 
fluences the  idea  that  the  public  forms  of 
higher  education.  This  ceases  to  be  only  a 
means  of  acquiring  a  professional  title,  and 
becomes  an  epoch  in  the  intellectual  develop- 
ment of  the  individual,  and  the  students 
flock  to  the  universities,  not  to  secure  a 
diploma,  but  to  live  in  the  atmosphere  best 
fitted  for  a  young  man  between  eighteen 
and  twenty-five  years  of  age. 

Thus  it  is'  that  while  in  Argentina  the 
purely  cultural  branches  seek  to  take  on  a 
professional  form  in  order  to  make  their 
way  into  the  university,  the  reverse  is  the 
rule  in  the  United  States,  where  a  narrow 
professionalism  is  regarded  with  disfavor, 
and  the  candidates  for  degrees  in  law,  medi- 
cine, mathematics,  etc.,  are  led  to  follow 
some  literary,  historical,  or  philosophical 
course  as  an  antidote,  the  choice  of  the  par- 
ticular course  being  left  quite  free,  so  that 
it  may  be  better  in  accord  with  the  special 
vocation  that  has  been  selected. 

From  this  free  play  of  individuality  there 
results  an  enrichment  and  a  diversification  of 
the  student's  fund  of  information  that  can- 
not fail  to  have  its  effect  upon  the  general 
level  of  culture,  increasing  its  efficiency.  As 
pure  light  on  traversing  a  prism  spreads  out 
into  the  various  colors  of  the  spectrum,  so 
the  light  of  science  reveals  all  its  splendid 
diversity  when  emitted  by  the  master  minds 
entrusted  with  the  task  of  its  dissemination. 
The  example  offered  by  the  universities  of 
the  United  States  moves  Senor  Ernesto  Nel- 
son to  declare  that  the  cause  of  higher  edu- 
cation in  Argentina  demands  the  enactment 
of  a  law  severing  the  ties  that  bind  the  uni- 
versity to  the  state,  one  which  shall  give  the 
right  to  found  new  universities,  and  shall 
assure  to  each  of  these  a  subvention  propor- 
tioned to  the  number  of  its  students. 


LEADING   ARTICLES    OF    THE   MONTH 


317 


WHAT  WILL  BECOME  OF  THE 

BREWERIES? 


THE  manufacture  of  malt  liquors  in  the 
United  States  represents  an  invested 
capital  not  far  short  of  seven  hundred  mil- 
lion dollars,  or  did  at  a  recent  date.  What 
does  the  cataclysm  of  nation-wide  prohibition 
mean  to  the  owners  of  this  enormously 
valuable  property  ?  This  question  is  obvious- 
ly one  that  interests  not  only  the  owners  of 
breweries,  but  the  country  at  large.  It  is  an 
economic  question  of  importance. 

In  the  Popular  Science  'Monthly  (New 
York)  Mr.  H.  E.  Howe,  a  chemical  engi- 
neer connected  with  a  large  firm  of  industrial 
chemists,  points  out  various  ways  in  which 
the  brewers  may  adapt  their  plants  to  the 
new  conditions.  Apparently  but  little  has 
yet  been  done  in  this  direction.  While  some 
breweries  have  made  radical  changes  in  order 
to  maintain  their  earning  capacity,  others 
are  preparing  to  quit  business,  and  there  are 
some  brewers  who  believe  that  post-war  leg- 
islation will  permit  them  to  brew  2  per  cent, 
beer  and  accordingly  are  preparing  to  keep 
their  property  in  condition,  at  considerable 
expense.     The  writer  says: 

It  has  been  difficult  at  times  to  make  those  con- 
cerned appreciate  that  virtually  every  brewery 
presents  a  different  problem,  so  far  as  its  use  in 
new  fields  of  endeavor  is  concerned.  There  may 
be  a  class  of  work  that  most  naturally  fits  in 
with  brewery  equipment,  but  raw  materials, 
market,  competition,  location,  and  other  such  fac- 
tors must  be  considered.  The  problem  often  in- 
volves more  of  economics  than  of  science. 

The  modern  brewery  is  especially  designed  for 
a  particular  set  of  operations.  This  is  not  well 
suited,  of  course,  to  other  uses.  Breweries  re- 
quire height  out  of  proportion  to  floor  area  from 
the  view-point  of  other  industries.  The  founda- 
tions will  seldom  carry  additional  weight  on  the 
upper  floors ;  for,  with  few  exceptions,  the  heavy 
portions  of  a  brewery's  equipment  are  on  the 
lower  floors,  if  not  indeed  on  the  ground. 

The  power  plant  will  probably  require  im- 
portant additions  for  any  new  work,  although 
this  may  be  confined  to  the  boiler-room.  The 
refrigeration  equipment  may  prove  useful,  while 
the  bottling  and  labeling  machinery  will  often 
remain  unused. 

A  brewery  is  fortunate  indeed  if  more  than  a 
portion  of  its  building  and  mechanical  equipment 
can  be  put  to  work  on  unfamiliar  products,  or 
if  more  than  a  limited  amount  of  new  apparatus 
is  required.  The  ideal  would  be  a  profitable 
product  to  be  made  with  little  change  in  plant, 
by  methods  differing  as  little  as  possible  from 
those  already  in  vogue.  This  is  seldom  ap- 
proached. 

Brewers  who  have  already  em.barked  upon 


IMMENSE   STORAGE  CASKS  BUILT  FOR  AN  AMERICAN 

BREWERY 

(These  casks  cost  $5000  apiece  when  lumber  was  much 
cheaper  than  it  is  now.  A  large  brewery  had  a  hundred 
or  more  in  its  cellar) 

new  enterprises  have,  in  a  great  many  cases, 
stuck  to  the  raw  material  w^ith  which  they 
are  most  familiar — malt.  Important  malt 
products  include  malted  milk,  malt  syrup, 
maltose  and  malt  flour.  A  certain  Colorado 
brewery  installed  dairy  machinery  and  un- 
dertook the  manufacture  of  malted  milk, 
while  a  part  of  its  capital  was  diverted  to  the 
ambitious  task  of  developing  a  porcelain  in- 
dustry, which  presently  measured  up  to  the 
best  German  standards.  The  dual  experi- 
ment has  been  a  pronounced  success. 

Malt  syrup  is  being  made  by  six  or  eight  con- 
cerns formerly  in  the  brewing  and  malting  in- 
dustry, and  thus  far  the  demand  exceeds  the 
supply.  One  producer  makes  12,000,000  pounds 
a  year,  and  is  sold  to  capacity  four  months  ahead. 
Success  in  manufacturing  malt  syrup  and  mal- 
tose, which  's  malt  sugar,  depends  on  the  purity 
of  the  carbohydrate  raw  material,  as  well  as  care 
and  control  in  filtering,  clarifying,  and  concen- 
trating operations.  Much  fine  malt  syrup  is  made 
from  barley;  corn-starch  is  the  starting-point  in 
other  plants.  The  product  competes  with  corn 
syrup  and  table  syrup  made  from  cane.  It  is 
considered  one  third  sweeter  than  corn  syrup,  and 
has  an  advantage  of  not  reciuiring  the  addition 
of  cane  syrup  to  make  a  high-grade  product,     it 


318 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


can  be  made  of  good  color,  has  a  distinctly  pleas- 
ing taste,  and  is  a  valuable  supplement  to  our 
sugar  supply.  It  makes  superior  hard  candy,  is 
used  in  crackers,  bread,  etc.,  and  enters  into  many 
foods.  As  an  article  for  export  it  finds  a  ready 
market  in  England  for  the  production  of  beer, 
etc. 

Malt  flour  is  thus  far  little  known  in  the  cereal 
market.  As  the  name  indicates,  it  is  made  by 
grinding  malt  between  rolls  and  sieving  the  flour 
to  remove  any  husks.  Being  very  hygroscopic, 
malt  flour  presents  some  minor  difficulties  in 
package  selection  for  storage  and  transport,  so 
that  it  may  be  found  better  to  extract  it  with  cold 
water,  and  after  filtering  concentrate  the  solution 
to  a  paste. 

According  to  C.  A.  Nowak,  these  malt  prod- 
ucts impart  valuable  characteristics  to  bread, 
especially  those  made  from  strong,  harsh  flours. 
The  flavor  is  improved,  and  the  bread  dries  out 
much  more  slowly  and  is  more  easily  digested. 
The  malt  also  feeds  the  yeast,  and  so  shortens  the 
time  required  for  fermentation.  No  doubt  some 
educational  work  will  have  to  be  carried  on  to 
encourage  a  wider  use  of  such  malt  products,  but 
this  is  the  case  with  every  new  material. 

According  to  Mr.  Howe  an  attractive  field 


for  research  and  exploitation  is  offered  by 
yeasts,  with  which  brewers  are  already  more 
or  less  familiar.  Special  yeasts  might  be  de- 
veloped as  a  source  of  valuable  extracts  for 
human  food  and  also  for  use  in  the  prepara- 
tion of  stock  foods.  Compressed  yeast  may 
also  be  made. 

In  dairy  districts  the  brewery  may  become  a 
factory  for  milk  products,  which  are  varied  as 
well  as  numerous.  They  include  lactose,  casein, 
butter,  and  cream.  There  is  always  an  oppor- 
tunity for  a  distinctly  flavored  cheese,  while  many 
believe  this  war  will  establish  dry  milk  in  our 
list  of  foods,  just  as  the  Civil  War  intrenched 
condensed  milk.  Specially  fermented  milk  bev- 
erages improving. on  buttermilk  should  also  be 
considered. 

Other  interesting  possibilities  include  the 
hydrogenation  and  the  refining  of  oils,  the 
dehydration  of  fruits  and  vegetables,  the 
bottling  of  fruit  juices,  the  manufacture  of 
various  soft  drinks,  canning,  ice  manufacture, 
and  so  forth. 


A    GOVERNMENT  CORPORATION   FOR 

AIR  TRANSPORT 


THE  immediate  future  of  aeronautics  in 
America  is  giving  a  great  many  people 
serious  concern.  The  opinion  is  widely  and 
strongly  expressed  that  the  United  States 
Government  must  find  means  of  turning  to 
account  the  immense  amount  of  aeronautical 
material  that  it  has  acquired  during  the  war 
and  giving  employment  to  the  host  of  men 
that  have  lately  been  trained  for  flying  and 
for  the  other  activities  connected  with  the  use 
and  manufacture  of  aircraft.  The  develop- 
ment of  peacetime  aeronautics  is  proceeding 
apace  in  Europe.  Our  authorities  must  act 
promptly  if  they  are  to  keep  alive  the  infant 
aircraft  industry  in  this  country  and  give  our 
nation  a  respectable  standing  in  the  coming 
rivalry  of  the  air. 

According  to  Mr.  Alan  R.  Hawley,  presi- 
dent of  the  Aero  Club  of  America,  whose  re- 
marks are  published  in  the  Aerial  Age 
Weekly    (New  York): 

There  are  three  leading  aeronautic  problems 
of  national   importance  to  be  solved,   as  follows: 

(1)  The  U.  S.  Army,  according  to  the  Senate 
report,  spent  in  the  last  two  years  $1,672,000,000 
in  aircraft,  parts,  aerodromes  and  aeronautic 
equipment  of  different  kinds.  The  Navy  spent 
approximately  $250,000,000  for  aeronautics.  Since 
these  figures  were  made  public  the  figures  may 
have  changed  somewhat  through  cancellations  of 


orders.  But  it  is  a  fact  that  the  Army  Air  Serv- 
ice has  thousands  of  aeroplanes,  about  20,000 
Liberty  motors,  about  7,000,000  yards  of  aero- 
plane linen,  30,000,000  feet  of  aeroplane  spruce 
and  general  equipment  and  accessories  for  sale, 
for  which  the  Government  has  paid  about  $800,- 
000,000.  The  Air  Service  has,  besides,  thirty 
aerodromes  and  aviation  and  balloon  depots,  two- 
thirds  of  which,  according  to  reports,  will  have 
to  be  abandoned  at  a  loss  of  tens  of  millions  of 
dollars.  The  Navy,  also,  has  a  substantial  lot 
of  aeronautic  equipment  to  dispose  of. 

(2)  The  Army  and  Navy  have  a  total  of  about 
30,000  aviators  and  balloon  pilots  in  service,  each 
of  whom  cost  not  less  than  $10,000  to  train,  and 
about  300,000  motor  and  plane  skilled  mechanics 
and  other  trained  assistants.  A  few  thousands 
of  the  pilots  have  already  been  demobilized — 
and  they  are  looking  for  positions.  The  first  few 
thousand  mechanics  who  were  deijiobilized  found 
positions  elsewhere.  The  rest  are  also  looking 
for  positions.  The  Aero  Club  of  America  and 
the  Aerial  League  of  America  and  the  aeronautic 
publications.  Flying,  Aerial  Age  Weekly  and  Air 
Poiver  are  flooded  with  applications  for  positions. 
The  Peace  Program  of  the  Army  and  Navy  plans 
to  use  less  than  2,500  pilots  and  less  than  15,000 
men.  The  Army  Bill,  now  before  Congress,  limits 
the  Air  Service  to  less  than  2,000  commissioned 
officers.  The  Navy  Bill,  now  before  Congress, 
provides  for  the  retention  of  only  350  aviators  in 
the  Navy,  out  of  the  present  10,000  aviators  in 
service. 

(3)  Now  that  we  have  aeroplanes  capable  of 
carrying  fifty  passengers  and  dirigibles  capable 
of  carrying   80   tons   of   useful    load,   and   it  is   a 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE   MONTH 


319 


NAVY  DIRIGIBLE  COMPLETING  ITS  I500.MILE  VOYAGE  FROM  NEW  YORK  TO  KEY  WEST 


common  occurrence  for  aircraft  to  fly  600  or 
800  miles  across  country  between  sunrise  and 
sunset,  it  is  necessary  to  draft  regulations  to 
govern  aerial  navigation  and  air  traffic. 

The  third  problem  is  a  complex  one.  A 
large  body  of  laws  and  regulations,  including 
international  conventions,  will  need  to  be 
drawn  up  in  the  near  future.  In  solving  this 
problem  all  countries  will  profit  by  the  sug- 
gestions set  forth  at  length  in  the  report  of 
the  Civil  Transport  Committee,  recently  es- 
tablished in  England. 

A  plausible  solution  of  the  first  and  second 
problems,  proposed  by  Mr.  Hawley,  would  be 

to  organize  a  Government  Aerial  Transport  Cor- 
poration, similar  to  the  Grain  Corporation,  which 
shall  take  over  and  use  for  aerial  transportation 
all  the  aeroplanes,  motors  and  equipment  not 
needed  by  the  War  and  Navy  Departments.  The 
Grain  Corporation,  it  will  be  recalled,  was  cap- 
italized at  $50,000,000,  all  the  stock  being  owned 
by  the  Government.  It  was  operated  by  a 
civilian  board  of  directors,  who  knew  their  busi- 
ness and  were  not  hampered  in  any  way  by 
official  red  tape.  This  board  purchased,  dis- 
tributed and  transported  all  grain  during  the 
period  of  the  war  and  was  successful  in  every 
way   and   met  with  general    approval. 

This  Aerial  Transport  Corporation  would 
undertake  to  utilize  the  aeroplanes,  motors,  equip- 
ment and  aerodromes  to  the  best  advantage  and 
to   the  best  interests   of  the   Government. 

There  are  380  cities  in  the  United  States  that 
have  asked  the  cooperation  of  the  Aero  Club  of 
America  and  the  Aerial  League  of  America  to 
establish  air  lines  to  carry  passengers,  express 
and  mail. 


It  would  be  a  great  advantage  and  would 
relieve  railroad  congestion,  if  all  first-class  mail 
could  be  carried  by  aeroplanes.  The  Post  Office 
is  ready  to  establish  aerial  mail  lines  throughout 
the  country  and  needs  hundreds  of  twin  motored 
aeroplanes  to  carry  this  plan   into   effect. 

Aerial  ferries  could  be  established  on  water- 
ways throughout  the  United  States.  Aerial  fer- 
ries across  Long  Island  Sound,  from  Newport  to 
Block  Island,  Cape  Charles  to  Norfolk,  Key 
West  to  Havana,  across  the  Mississippi,  etc.,  and 
air  lines  could,  in  fact,  be  established  wherever 
there  are  waterways,  as  well  as  between  cities 
on  land.  These  lines  would  only  be  established 
where  there  are  no  such  lines  operated  by  pri-\»ate 
interests  and,  if  it  is  thought  best,  the  lines  once 
in  operation,  or  the  equipment  for  operating  th". 
lines,  can  be  sold  to  private  interests.  Likewi*'  , 
the  30,000,000  feet  of  spruce  and  7,000,000  yards 
of  aeroplane  linen,  and  the  tons  of  castor  beans 
could  be  sold  when  the  opportunity  occurs.  It 
would  be  wiser  to  use  this  material  rather  than 
sell  it  at  a  fraction  of  its  cost  which  would  create 
industrial  or  labor  problems  by  swamping  the 
market. 

To  establish  these  air  lines  or  to  supply  suitable 
planes  to  the  Post  Office,  it  would  probably  be 
necessary  to  get  larger  or  special  aeroplanes. 
These  could  be  manufactured  by  established  man- 
ufacturers, using  the  Liberty  motors,  the  aero- 
plane spruce,  wheels,  wire,  turnbuckles,  instru- 
ments, etc.,  which  the   Government  has  on   hand. 

In  other  words,  this  corporation  would  be  the 
clearing  house  in  charge  of  utilizing  the  $800,000- 
000  of  idle  aeronautic  equipment  to  the  best  ad- 
vantage and  best  interest  to  the  country. 

Mr.  Hawley  enumerates  the  many  am- 
bitious undertakings  in  coiunK'rcial  and  k:'\\[\ 
aeronautics  now  in  operation  or  projected. 


320 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


A  NEW  GAS  FOR  BALLOONS  AND 

AIRSHIPS 


NO  expositor  of  scientific  truths  has  yet 
done  justice  to  the  romantic  story  of 
helium.  Even  the  latest  and,  in  some  re- 
spects, most  sensational  chapter  of  this  story 
has  thus  far  been  told  but  cursorily.  Let  us 
preface  our  quotation  of  the  contemporary 
record  with  a  brief  retrospect. 

The  element  helium  was  discovered  in  the 
sun  before  it  was  known  to  exist  ^on  earth, 
viz.,  during  a  total  solar  eclipse  in  1868, 
when  a  conspicuous  yellow  line,  at  first  sup- 
posed to  be  due  to  sodium,  was  observed 
in  the  solar  spectrum.  This  line  w*as  soon 
recognized  by  spectroscopists  to  be  that  of 
a  hitherto  unknown  substance.  In  the  year 
1895  William  Ramsay,  on  examining  the 
spectrum  of  the  mineral  clevite,  found  the 
yellow  line  of  helium,  and  thus  proved  that 
it  occurs  on  our  planet.  Later  it  was  found 
to  be  one  of  the  rarer  gases  of  the  atmos- 
phere, of  which  it  constitutes  about  0.0004 
per  cent,  by  volume  at  the  earth's  surface. 
One  of  the  most  remarkable  facts  about 
helium  is  that,  although  an  "element,"  it  is 
produced  from  the  element  radium  and  from 
the  radioactive  elements  actinium  and 
thorium.  In  1909  Kammerlingh  Onnes 
achieved  the  remarkable  feat  of  liquifying 
helium.  In  order  to  become  liquid,  its 
temperature  must  be  lowered  to  268  degrees 
centigrade  below  the  freezing  point  of  water 
— only  5  degrees  above  "absolute  zero."  This 
is  t)ut  a  very  fragmentary  account  of  one  of 
the  most  curious  and  mysterious  substances 
known  to  science. 

On  the  practical  side  helium  has  recently 
proved  to  be  of  immense  interest  by  virtue 
of  two  qualities ;  lightness  and  non-inflam- 
mability. It  is  the  lightest  known  substance 
except  hydrogen,  and,  as  it  has  no  chemical 
affinity  for  any  other  element,  it  cannot  be 
burned.  How  these  qualities  have  been 
turned  to  account  is  thus  reported  by  Baron 
Ladislas  d'Orcy  in  the  Scientific  American: 

Helium,  an  inert,  non-inflammable  gas,  the 
second  lightest  known  (the  lightest  being  hydro- 
gen), is  relatively  abundant  in  all  minerals  which 
contain  radium,  thorium,  or  uranium,  such  as 
thorianite,  cleveite,  etc.,  but  the  operation  of 
separating  helium  from  these  minerals  has  in- 
volved such  a  great  expense — from  $1500  to 
$6000  per  cubic  foot — that  its  use  as  a  hydrogen 
substitute  was  never  seriously  considered  until 
the    war.     When    it    is    considered    that    by    next 


spring  helium  will  be  produced  in  this  country 
on  an  industrial  basis  and  at  a  cost  of  approx- 
imately $100  per  1000  cubic  feet,  the  magnitude 
of  the  achievement  will  be  fully  realized. 

Shortly  before  the  Great  War  an  investigation 
was  made  in  this  country  to  ascertain  the  com- 
position of  the  natural  gases  which  occur  in  large 
deposits  in  the  Southwest,  where  they  serve 
illuminating  purposes.  It  was  then  found  that 
the  natural  gases  of  Kansas,  Oklahoma  and 
Texas  contain  among  other  components  about  1 
per  cent,  helium.  This  discovery  was  not  followed 
up,  however.  There  was  no  demand  that  would 
have  warranted  the  development  of  the  necessary 
apparatus  for  drawing  off  helium,  for  the  very 
good  reason  that  this  gas  could  have  been  used  in 
large  quantities  only  for  filling  airships — and 
there  did  not  exist  at  the  time  a  single  American 
airship. 

However,  when  the  United  States  declared  war 
on  Germany,  the  British  Air  Board  called  the  at- 
tention of  the  American  Government  to  the  fact 
that  one  of  the  important  contributions  this  coun- 
try could  make  toward  winning  the  war  would  be 
the  industrial  production  of  helium.  The  prob- 
lem was  promptly  taken  up  by  the  Bureau  of 
Mines  and  the  Aircraft  Board,  as  a  result  of 
which  an  experimental  plant  was  constructed 
on  original  lines,  while  each  of  two  companies 
engaged  in  the  production  of  liquid  air  was 
induced  to  build  a  plant  to  its  own  designs.  Ail 
three  plants  are  now  in  operation,  but  that  de- 
veloped by  one  of  the  air  products  companies 
has  so  far  given  the  best  results,  and  it  is  only 
fair  to  say  that  the  solution  of  the  whole  problem 
is  almost  exclusively  due  to  its  efforts.  A  large 
production  plant,  to  cost  about  $2,000,000,  is  now 
being  built  for  this  concern  at  Fort  Worth,  Tex., 
by  the  Bureaus  of  Steam  Engineering  and  Yards 
and  Docks  of  the  Navy  Department,  and  will 
be  operated  by  that  firm  for  the  Navy,  which 
alone   uses   airships    in    this   country. 

Helium  is  somewhat  less  buoyant  than 
hydrogen,  hitherto  universally  employed  for 
filling  balloons  and  airships.  It  will  lift 
about  65  pounds  per  1000  cubic  feet,  as 
against  70  pounds  for  commercial  hydrogen. 
But 

The  existence,  underneath  hundreds  of  thou- 
sands of  cubic  feet  of  hydrogen,  of  internal  com- 
bustion engines  occasionally  emitting  flaming  ex- 
haust gases,  not  to  speak  of  the  presence  of  gas- 
oline tanks,  has  ever  been  a  source  of  worry  to 
airship  pilots — while  it  seemed  a  poor  induce- 
ment to  prospective  aerial  travelers,  notwith- 
standing the  comparatively  safe  record  of  the 
Zeppelin  excursion  line.  Considerable  progress 
has  been  made,  it  is  true,  in  enclosing  the  engines 
and  screening  off  the  exhaust  collectors,  but  the 
risk  was  still  latent,  because  even  the  best 
balloon  fabrics  are  not  wholly  gas-tight  and  a 
small  quantity  of  leaking  hydrogen  would,  under 
certain   conditions,   suffice   to   cause   disaster. 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE    MONTH 


321 


NAVlOATINO    ROOM 


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AN  ARTIST'S   CONCEPTION   OF    THE    PASSENGER-CARRYING    DIRIGIBLE    OF    THE    NEAR  FUTURE. 

MAKING  USE  OF    HELIUM  GAS 


A  further  element  of  danger  was  introduced  in 
that  rubberized  fabric  becomes  self-electrified  in 
dry  air,  and  emits  sparks  when  creased  in  any 
way — for  instance,  owing  to  a  loss  of  tautness 
of  the  gas   bags. 

Moreover,  hydrogen  when  mixed  with  a 
certain  proportion  of  air  is  violently  ex- 
plosive, while  helium,  being  chemically  inert, 
is  not  explosive  at  all.  The  combined  danger 
of  fire  and  explosion  limits  the  utility  of  the 
hydrogen-filled  airship  even  in  time  of  peace, 
while  these  dangers  are,  of  course,  greatly 
enhanced  by  the  conditions  of  warfare. 

The  substitution  of  helium,  by  removing 
these  disabilities,  bids  fair  to  revolutionize 
air  navigation.  The  engines  of  the  future 
airship  can  be  safely  placed  inside  the  shell 
of  the  balloon,  instead  of  being  suspended 
underneath,  and  a  much  more  efficient  vessel 
will  thus  be  produced.  Baron  d'Orcy  de- 
clares that  **the  major,  if  not  all  problems, 
of  aerial  transport  will  in  the  near  future  be 
solved  by  the  airship,  and  not  by  the  air- 
plane." 

For  commercial  purposes  the  airship  is  su- 
perior to  the  airplane  in  the  matter  of  security, 
reliability  of  the  power  plant,  loading  efficiency, 
comfort,  prime  cost  per  pound  of  load  carried, 
and  man-power  required  for  operation.  It  is 
inferior  to  the  airplane  only  with  respect  to  speed. 

While  an  airship  can  stay  aloft  regardless  of 
engine  stoppage  (accidental  or  voluntary),  a 
failure  of  the  airplane's  power  plant  necessitates 
an  immediate  descent  in  gliding  flight.  This 
feature  furnishes  one  of  the  most  serious  objec- 
tions to  the  use  of  the  airplane  as  a  passenger- 
carrier,  for  a  forced  landing  is  not  very  pleasant 
to  visualize  when  occurring  on  vast  stretches  of 
Mar.— 7 


wooded  or  mountainous  country,  or  the  Northern 
Atlantic  in  mid-winter,  for  example.  If  a  fog 
bank  covers  the  aerodrome,  an  incoming  airplane 
will  have  to  fly  round  and  round  until  the  fog 
clears  away — or  the  fuel  supply  gives  out;  under 
the  same  circumstances  an  airship  will  stop  its 
engines  and  hover  until  a  landing  can  safely  be 
efi^ected. 

The  superiority  of  the  airship  over  the  air- 
plane in  -affording  security  to  passengers  under 
the  most  difficult  operating  conditions  is  thus 
manifest.  A  Zeppelin-type  airship,  in  which 
flotation  is  secured  by  20  or  more  separate  gas- 
bags, is  fully  comparable  as  to  safety  to  a  steamer 
fitted  with  watertight  compartments.  Just  as 
a  steamer  may  spring  a  leak  and  have  several 
watertight  compartments  flooded  without  sinking, 
so  can  a  Zeppelin  maintain  its  buoyancy  even  if 
several  of  its  gas-bags  should  be  pierced.  Injury 
of  this  sort  may,  by  the  way,  be  mended  in  flight, 
because  balloon  fabrics  can  be  patched  like 
automobile  tires;  it  follows  that  airships  of  the 
rigid  type  have  little  fear  of  accident  on  this 
score. 

Not  only  is  the  question  of  weight  of  minor 
importance  on  airships;  the  whole  architecture 
of  these  craft  is  more  adaptable  to  comfort  than 
even  the  large  airplane.  It  is  obvious  that  a 
hull  some  700  feet  in  length  affords  a  splendid 
opportunity  for  fitting  cabins,  dining  rooms, 
lounges,  etc.,  at  such  a  distance  from  the  propel- 
ling apparatus  as  to  virtually  suppress  in  the 
living  quarters  any  noise  caused  by  engines  and 
airscrews;  furthermore,  the  engines  may  be 
efi^ectually  silenced,  and,  as  the  number  of  exposed 
wires  is  almost  nil  on  rigid  airships,  the  monot- 
onous whistling  of  the  wind  due  to  the  vibration 
of  wire  stays — so  notable  on  fast  airplanes — is 
also   done   away  with. 

Then  there  is  the  possibility  of  having  a 
spacious  promenade  deck  atop  of  the  hull,  which 
should  prove  a  great  iiuiuceinent  for  long  dis- 
tance trips.  Ail  this  installation  is  difficult  to 
conceive  on  airplanes,  where  noise,  vibration  and 
restricted    space    are    prominent    features. 


322  THE   AMERICAN  REVIEW   OF   REVIEWS 

SCANDINAVIA:   A  FUTURE  HOME  OF 

SCIENCE 


AT  last  September's  session  of  the  Nprth- 
ern  Interparliamentary  Congress  was 
delivered  a  long-heralded  report  by  a  com- 
mittee formed  lO  consider  the  question  of 
Scandinavia  as  a  center  of  scientific  work  in 
the  future.  The  report,  dealing  with  prob- 
abilities and  practical  means  anent  this  even- 
tuality, aroused  widespread  interest  in  Scan- 
dinavia. Prof.  Svante  Arrhenius,  recipient 
of  a  Nobel  prize  and  held  to  be  the  foremost 
physicist-astronomer  of  to-day,  gives  in  the 
latest  issue  of  the  Christmas  annual,  Jul- 
stamning,  his  views  on  the  matter. 

In  the  light  of  what  he  calls  the  forth- 
coming ''nationalization  of  science,"  the  sci- 
entific institutions  of  Scandinavia  will  be 
called  upon  to  perform  a  mission  of  uni- 
versal moment. 

The  exceptional  role  of  science  during  the 
war  is  far  from  being  played  out,  though  its 
direction  will  naturally  shift  to  the  produc- 
tion of  instruments  and  goods  essentially  of 
peace,  including,  however,  much  of  'the  raw 
materials  consumed  by  the  eager  demands  of 
warfare.  The  restoration  of  regions  laid 
waste,  the  vast  need  everywhere  for  con- 
sumable necessities,  and  the  simultaneous 
exigencies  of  econorriic  readjustment  and 
trade  rivalry  will  crave  the  same  efficiency, 
the  same  exploitation  of  scientific  brains  in 
the  several  countries  recently  at  war,  as 
during  the  conflict  itself.  Technical  schools, 
too,  will  arise  in  growing  numbers  under 
government  supervision  and  will  thrive  as 
never  before. 

It  is  almost  unthinkable  that  the  Scandinavian 
countries  will  keep  out  of  this  great  movement, 
which  constitutes  a  transfer  of  the  war  to  the 
fields  of  industry  and  trade.  But  it  will  also 
present  an  opportunity  to  introduce  a  new  and 
more  idealistic  direction  in  scientific  work  among 
the  neutral  states — unfortur;ately  small  and  few. 
The  rapid  development  of  science  during  the  last 
hundred  years  has  depended  on  its  international 
character.  Whatever  improvements  or  discoveries 
were  made  in  one  country  were  soon  known  to 
all  the  rest  of  the  civilized  world.  This  most 
advantageous  work  was  accomplished  by  inter- 
national technical  journals,  contributions  from 
which  were  sent  from  all  over  the  world.  Still 
greater  was  the  influence  of  those  educational 
institutions  whose  doors  were  open  to  students  of 
research  from  all  lands.  There  one  learned 
the  most  recent  scientific  tendencies  of  the  day 
among  all  culture-lands  and  came  to  know  the 
newest  and  best  industrial  methods  applied  there. 

It  is  well  known  that  Germany  assumed  leader- 


ship in  this  sphere.  And  to  Germany  streamed 
crowds  of  studious  youth  from  all  over  the  globe, 
especially  from  Russia,  the  Balkan  States,  Eng- 
land, America,  and  Scandinavia.  There  most 
of  the  international  organs  were  edited  and  pub- 
lished. Through  the  war  a  sudden  break  was 
made.  And  it  will  perhaps  take  decades  before 
the  stream  of  foreign  students  of  science,  which 
came  for  the  most  part  from  the  Entente  countries, 
gradually  retraces  its  way  to  the  abodes  of  science 
in  Germany.  It  was  an  unusual  thing  to  see  a 
French  student  in  Germany  even  forty  years 
after  the  Franco-Prussian  War.  Besides,  it  is 
uncertain  whether  the  German  halls  of  learning 
and  institutions  of  research  will  readily  admit 
former  enemies  and  present  competitors.  More- 
over, the  German  journals  will  in  all  probability 
have  to  wait  long  for  contribution  from  the  coun- 
tries which  have  been  fighting  Germany.  Every- 
thing will  be  nationalized,  even  science. 

This  is  where  great  new  possibilities  lie  open 
to  the  neutral  states.  Their  young  scientists  can 
get  their  training  wherever  they  wish,  and  will 
be  welcomed  as  the  only  mediators  in  behalf  of 
science  in  a  rivalizing  world.  After  they  have 
seen  to  their  education  in  the  best  possible  way 
they  will  come  home  and  apply  their  experiences 
in  our  own  and  other  neutral  seats  of  learning 
and  fields  of  research.  There  also  young  in- 
vestigators from  all  countries  will  assemble  to 
acquire  knowledge  of  important  innovations  in 
many  quarters,  even  those  who  come  from  for- 
merly belligerent  states.  In  this  way  the  pick 
of  the  world's  scientific  youth  will  gravitate 
towards  the  learned  institutions  of  the  neutral 
countries. 

Thus  the  neutrals  will  under  the  circum- 
stances be  given  more  than  their  propor- 
tionate share  of  scientific  production  and  edu- 
cation, in  a  world  where  such  production  and 
education  will  for  a  long  time  to  come  be 
elevated  in  an  unwonted  degree.  The  work 
of  Scandinavian  scientists  will  likewise  re- 
ceive wider  publication  than  has  heretofore 
been  the  case. 

Thereby  their  work  will  acquire  that  impor- 
tance which  is  impossible  of  attainment  without 
active  collaboration  with  foreign  scientists.  Even 
purely  material  advantages  will  follow  from  this 
immigration  of  foreigners.  They  will  come  to 
know  and  esteem  the  country  where  they  have 
enjoyed  hospitality  and  gotten  the  knowledge 
necessary  for  their  development.  They  will  act 
as  promoters  of  this  country's  interests  and  make 
its  institutions  and  products  known  wherever  they 
go.  Gainful  industrial  and  trade  connections 
will   also  be   established. 

An  active  and  well-organized  cooperation  be- 
tween the  Scandinavian  countries  will  by  all 
means  contribute  to  a  good  result.  We  have 
every  reason  to  hope  that  the  authorities  con- 
cerned will  in  all  possible  ways  seek  to  promote 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE    MONTH 


323 


that  international  movement  which  through  un- 
avoidable necessity  will  drive  seekers  after  knowl- 
edge to  our  shores.  ...  If  we  in  addition  could 
establish  some  international  journals  in  Scandi- 
navia, it  would  be  of  the  greatest  benefit  to 
research  work  here  and  to  our  scientific  mission. 


It  is  in  any  case  certain  that  scientific  re- 
search and  assiduity  in  the  Scandinavian  countries 
will  in  time  to  come  meet  with  vigorous  pros- 
perity, the  possibilities  of  which  will  in  all  likeli- 
hood be  utilized  in  a  wise  and  far-sighted  man- 
ner by  our  people. 


SVANTE  ARRHENIUS,  MASTER 

THEORIST 


PROFESSOR  SVANTE  ARRHENIUS 
was  sixty  years  old  on  the  nineteenth  of 
February. 

The  great  chemist  and  cosmologist  was 
born  near  Upsala,  Sweden,  in  1859.  His 
father  was  superintendent  of  parks  in  that 
city.  He  was  precocious  as  a  boy,  especially 
in  his  mathematical,  physical,  and  biological 
studies.  In  1876  he  entered  the  University 
of  Upsala.  In  the  years  1881-83  he  col- 
laborated with  Professor  Edlund  in  the  study 
of  the  conductivity  of  electrolytes  in  various 
kinds  of  solutions.  In  1884  he  became  in- 
structor in  physical  chemistry  at  Upsala  after 
receiving  his  doctorate  in  physics.  His  thesis 
comprised  the  results  of  his  studies  with 
Professor  Edlund,  and  aroused  widespread 
interest,  especially  in  Germany. 

The  following  years  found  him  in  Ger^ 
many.  Working  at  the  laboratories  of 
Kohlsrauch,  Boltzmann,  Ostwald,  and  van't 
Hoff,  he  formulated  the  theory  of  electro- 
lytic dissociation  in  1887.  In  1891,  the 
young  scientist  received  a  call  to  the  Uni- 
versity of  Giessen,  consequent  upon  his  rapid 
and  unopposed  success.  He  refused  the  offer, 
accepting  instead  a  position  as  instructor  in 
Stockholm  College,  where  (largely  through 
the  influence  of  foreign  scientists)  he  was 
appointed  professor  in  1895.  In  1897  his 
colleagues  elected  him  to  the  rectorship 
(presidency),  which  post  he  yet  holds. 

Becoming  interested  in  the  electro-chem- 
ical aspects  of  serotherapy,  he  spent  the  years 
1902-3  at  the  serum  institutes  of  Denmark 
and  Prussia.  Shortly  thereafter,  in  1903, 
he  was  awarded  the  Nobel  prize  in  chemistry 
— being  the  first  Sw^ede  to  receive  one  of 
those  prizes.  In  1905  he  became  director 
of  the  Nobel  Physical  Institute. 

Dr.  Arrhenius  is  a  man  with  a  singular 
wealth  of  ideas  and  a  remarkable  capacity 
to  apply  himself  to  various  branches  of 
science.  He  has  attained  distinction  not 
only  as  chemist  and  physicist,  but  also  as 
geo-  and   astrophysicist,   meteorologist,   phys- 


DR.    SVANTE   ARRHENIUS,   THE   GREAT    SWEDISH 
SCIENTIST 

iologist,  etc. ;  directing  his  theories  not  into 
single,  but  many  paths.  He  is  in  addition 
the  author  of  several  textbooks  in  those  prov- 
inces of  science  wherein  he  has  busied  him- 
self. Of  late  years  he  has  adverted  chiefly 
towards  cosmology,  as  is  evinced  by  the  titles 
of  his  latest  works:  "Worlds  in  the  Mak- 
ing," *'The  Life  of  the  Universe  as  Con- 
ceived by  Man  from  the  Earliest  Ages  to  the 
Present  Time,"  and  **The  Destinies  of  the 
Stars." 

He  caused  a  sensation  some  years  ago  by 
his  arguments  over  the  nebular  theory  as 
applied  to  the  Milky  Way.  He  is  also  the 
foremost  advocate  of  the  theory  of  cosmic 
pan-spermatism,  which  holds  that  omni- 
present spores,  fully  capable  of  survival  in 
the  intense  cold  of  space,  wander  over  im- 
mense distances  under  the  pressure  of  light, 
and  give  rise,  under  favorable  circumstances, 
to  various  forms  of  life  on  the  planetary 
bodies  intercepting  them. 


324 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


THE  CRADLE  OF  THE  WORLD? 


ALL  of  us  like  to  gratify  our  sense  of 
curiosity,  and  now  comes  Dr. .  Joseph 
Beech,  who  offers  us  a  peek  into  the  back- 
lands  of  China.  He  comes  with  strange 
tales  and  experiences  covering  a  period  of 
twenty  years,  and  were  it  not  for  his  reputa- 
tion as  a  missionary  perhaps  one  might  be 
tempted  to  liken  some  of  these  mysterious 
stories  to  those  of  Jules  Verne,  or  Shehera- 
zade. 

Having  visited  sections  of  western  Chiha 
where  the  foot  of  white  man  had  never  be- 
fore trod,  he  told  in  New  York,  according 
to  the  Sun,  how  he  had  encountered  in  the 
foothills  of  the  Himalayas  forty  or  fifty  dif- 
ferent tribes ;  actually  saw  a  race  of  w^hite 
men  who  resembled  Bohemians ;  found  a  race 
of  four-foot  dwarfs,  and  was  amazed  at  the 
variety  of  peoples  in  this  cradle  of  the  world. 

The  fighting  white  men  of  Sung  Pan, 
which  is  ten  days'  journey  northwest  of 
Chengtu,  a  distance  of  only  300  miles,  are 
the  people  of  greatest  interest,  and  Dr.  Beech 
goes  on  to  say  of  them : 

This  tribe,  resembling  Anglo-Saxons,  was  de- 
scribed to  me  as  consisting  of  large,  furious  men, 
whose  bravery  is  considered  somewhat  of  a 
marvel  to  the  Chinese.  'They  never  run  away, 
any  more  than  you  [meaning  Americans  and 
Europeans]  do,"  my  Chinese  friend  told  me. 
'They   love  to   fight." 

SURVIVAL    OF    CHIVALRY? 

I  was  told  the  men  often  fight  duels  on  horse- 
back, which  in  some  respects  recall  the  duels  of 
the  Middle  Ages.  The  duelists  start  the  fight 
with  a  discharge  of  short  blunderbusses.  These 
are  so  heavy  they  have  to  rest  them  on  a  wooden 
cross  attached  to  the  saddle  bow.  I  judged  they 
were  made  by  native  workmen  and  rather  in- 
efficient weapons,  hurling  a  handful  of  slugs. 

The  second  stage  of  the  duel  is  fought  with 
stones,  of  which  each  has  a  bag.  If  the  bags  are 
exhausted  without  doing  serious  injury  to  either 
man,  the  duellists  draw  nearer  and  throw  spears 
tied  to  the  ends  of  ropes  so  they  can  be  pulled 
back  and  thrown  again.  Meanwhile  the  two 
horsemen  are  circling  around' and  constantly  get- 
ting closer. 

In  the  final  stage  the  antagonists  ride  up  to 
each  other  and  fight  hip  to  hip  with  great  swords, 
after  the  fashion  of  Richard  the  Lion-Hearted. 
The  duel  always  goes  to  a  decision,  my  Chinese 
friend  told  me. 

On  the  border  between  China  and  the 
country  of  this  tribe  Dr.  Beech  saw  an  enor- 
mous castle,  built  many  centuries  ago  along 
medieval  lines,  and  capable  of  holding  thou- 
sands of  soldiers,  stretching  over  the  hills  for 


some  distance.  The  old  flags  on  the  four 
little  turrets  of  each  tower  have  now  been 
supplanted  by  the  Buddhist  emblems  of  the 
Llamas.  And  in  the  hills  nearby  he  passed 
numerous  great  battlefields  of  past  centuries, 
marking  with  thousands  of  tombstones  the 
graves  of  heroes  long  dead  in  the^defense  of 
the  tribe  domains  against  the  Chinese. 

One  tribe  looks  like  Tibetans,  but  speaks 
a  different  language  and  disclaims  relation- 
ship. Another  resembles  the  Chinese,  but 
differs  widely  both  in  language  and  customs. 
In  speaking  with  the  tribesmen  through  in- 
terpreters, Dr.  Beech  learned  that  all  of  these 
tribes  have  traditions  of  greatness,  and  that 
they  had  once  controlled  a  vast  territory; 
were  driven  back  to  smaller  domains;  and 
finally  beaten  back  again  to  the  mountains. 

A  conqueror's  breed 

It  is  interesting  to  speculate  how  much  truth 
there  is  in  these  traditions.  We  know  most  of 
the  races  of  Europe  came  in  successive  waves  of 
migration  out  of  the  depths  of  Central  Asia.  It 
is  natural  to  suppose  that  each  migration  would 
leave  some  of  the  same  people  behind  and  this 
remnant  would  flee  into  one  of  these  mountain 
valleys  if  attacked  by  superior  force.  A  little 
to  the  north  of  this  country  the  greatest  conqueror 
the  world  has  known,  Genghis  Khan,  arose,  and 
other  historic  conquerors  are  believed  to  have 
originated  hereabouts. 

The  total  population  of  these  tribes  is  un- 
known, but  estimates  run  from  4,000,000  to 
10,000,000  people.  The  signs  of  ancient 
civilization,  as  well  as  the  people  themselves, 
invite  a  good  deal  of  speculation,  and  perhaps 
some  traveler  will  find  in  them  the  Lost 
Tribes  of  Israel,  for  Dr.  Beech  says: 

In  some  parts  of  the  country  I  saw  a  style  of 
architecture  like  that  of  Palestine,  with  flat  roofs. 
The  tiled  roofs  and  other  characteristics  of  Chi- 
nese architecture  were  entirely  absent. 

High  on  a  mountain-top,  surrounded  by 
peaks  ranging  from  6000  to  18,000  feet  high, 
and  overlooking  these  valleys  of  the  Kwan- 
lung  Mountains,  Dr.  Beech  once  spent  the 
night  in  a  king's  palace,  which  is  in  the  heart 
of  a  country  rich  in  undeveloped  resources. 
Five  men  joining  hands  cannot  span  some  of 
the  trees  in  the  immense  forests.  Who  knows 
but  that,  in  the  great  palace  on  the  mountain 
top,  even  the  Queen  of  Sheba  may  have 
reigned  ?  Certainly  there  are  evidences  of 
a  bygone  splendor  that  would  rival  if  not 
equal  hers. 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE   MONTH  325 

NEW  LIGHT  ON  THE  EARTH'S  AGE 

THE   old    estimate   of    100,000,000   years  The  life  of  man  and  of  his  present  astronomical 

for  the  age  of  the  habitable  earth  was  a  records  were   recognized   as  too  brief  to   prove 

compromise  between  the  ten  to  twenty  mil-  t!\Tt\  'th'         /^   '"   spectrum   as   stars   grow 

,.      ^  ,  1         1     n  1  L      TT  1  °'"'    "^^  ^"^  continuous   gradations   from   type   to 

lion  years  on  the  one  hand  allowed  by  Helni-  type,  combined  with  extensive  information  as  to 

holtz's  theory  of  the  maintenance  of  the  sun's  motions  and  brightness  and  chemical  nature,  left 

life-giving  radiation  by  contraction  and  con-  ''"le   doubt   that,   given   time   enough,    a   typical 

densation,  and  by  Kelvin's  deductions  from  ''^J  ^'"  P'*Y'''  '!J'°"^^  many  of  the  spectral 

,  1-11  f      1  stages   now   observed   as   essentially   static, 

the   rate   at   which   the   temperature   or    the 

earth's   crust  increases   toward   the   interior,  Eddington  has  computed  that  all  known 

and   the  far  longer   duration,   on   the  other  sources   of   energy   will   operate   to   make    a 

hand,   inferred   by  geologists   from   rates   of  gaseous    giant    star    pass    in    100,000    years 

sedimentation,    erosion,    and   other   slow   ac-  through  all  stellar  spectral  types,  from  a  state 

tions.  ^  of  highest  rarefaction  to  a  condition  in  which 

The  discovery  of   radioactivity   in   terres-  it  can  no  longer  be  considered  as  a  perfect 

trial  rocks,  less  than  twenty  years  ago,  pre-  gas.      The    evolution   of   far-advanced    stars 

senting  a  source  of  energy  fully  sufficient  to  such  as  the  sun  would  presumably  proceed 

maintain  the  earth's  interior  temperature,  not  much  more  slowly.     By  several  trustworthy 

only  rescued  the  problem  of  the  age  of  the  lines  of   reasoning   Shapley   has   found   that 

earth  from  one  of  the  difficulties  in  its  solu-  the  globular  star  clusters  are  enormously  dis- 

tion,  but  provided,  also,  a  new  time-scale  for  tant  from  us.     For  the  six  clusters  selected, 

geologic  history.  the   distances   from   the   earth   are   given   in 

The  rate  at  which  uranium  breaks  up  into  terms  of  the  time  required  for  the  transmis- 

helium  and  lead  is  now  known  within  a  few  sion  of  light  across  intervening  space: 
per   cent.      By    measuring    the    quantity    of  . 

these  end  products  and  comparing  with  the  ^^^%\         22 25^000^years 

quantity  of  uranium  still  present  in  the  same  Messier         13 3 5  000      " 

material,    data    are    obtained    for    measuring  Messier  5 40,000      " 

the  age  of  the  mineral  and  with  it  the  age  Messier  3 45,000      *| 

of  the  rock-formation  of  which  it  is  a  part.  ^^!^'^^    -„J,^ o\^Ail      !! 

rj^i  .     1.  f        -1  J    ^u    ^  x         •  u    J   u  rsi.  <J.  Cj.    7006 220,000 

1  his  line  of  evidence  and  that  furnished  by 

the  thickness  and  character  of  sediments  lead  Granting  that  it  is  highly  improbable  that 

to  estimates  that  life  started  on  the  earth  at  the  actual  time  of  origin  of  these  clusters  is 

least  a  billion  years  ago.  in  any  way  dependent  upon  distance  from  the 

Since  the  inception  of  life  there  has  been  earth,  we  readily  realize  that,  as  seen  from 

no    interruption    in    its    existence.      Astron-  the  earth,  the  first  cluster  in  the  list  is  twice 

omers  are  thus  faced  with  the  problem  of  ex-  as  old  as  the  fifth,  and  nearly  2000  centuries 

plaining  how  the  sun,  whose  energy  has  alone  older  than  the  last.     If,  as  the  theory  which 

made  terrestrial  life  possible,  can  have  main-  recognizes  all  known  sources  of  energy  pre- 

tained  its  radiation  through  this  great  length  diets,  the  change  from  a  giant  red  star  into 

of  time  with  very  little  variation  from  the  a  giant  yellow  star  takes  but  25,000  years, 

present    rate    of    outflow.      Apparently    all  we  should  find  evidence  of  such  changes  in 

known  sources  of  energy,  even  with  the  help  the  study  of  these  globular  clusters.     Counts 

of  radioactivity,  are  woefully  insufficient  to  of  stars,  however,  show  that  all  six  clusters 

prolong  the  solar  radiation  to  meet  geologic  contain  stars  of  the  various  colors  in  the  same 

requirements.  proportions. 

Dr.  Harlow  Shapley,  after  discussing  the  This  similarity  of  color  in  clusters  of  such 

present  state  of  the  problem,  in  the  October,  different  ages  must  apparently  be   taken  as 

1918,  number  of  the  Publications  of  the  As-  evidence  of  very  slow  evolution,  giving  com- 

tronomical  Society  of  the  Pacific,  makes  an  fort  to  the  geologist  and  countenance  to  his 

interesting  application  of  his   recent  studies  assumption  of  very  little  change  in  the  sun's 

of  globular  star  clusters.     Astronomers  have  radiation  during  the  time  required  for  a  rea- 

come  to  believe  that  the  spectrum  of  a  star  sonable    interpretation   of   geological    record, 

is  an  indication  of  its  stage  of  development,  The    problem    of    the   slow    development   of 

and  reasonable  conclusions  have  been  formed  suns,  of  the  storing  up  and  releasing  of  their 

of  the  order  in  which  a  star  passes  through  observed   energies,   still    remains.      We   must 

the  ^ectral  types.  seek  new  properties  of  matter. 


326 


THE   AMERICAN  REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


CLEMENCEAU— LITTERATEUR 

^T^HE  important  part  played  by  Georges      But   he  specially   delights   in   depicting   the 


A  Clemenceau  in  French  political  life  has 
been  accentuated  by  his  activities  in  the  great 
war.  His  indomitable  energy — at  an  ad- 
vanced age ;  he  is  seventy-eight — his  ceaseless 
activity,  his  striking  ability,  have  aroused  a 
general,  wondering  admiration.  That  he 
should  add  to  his  shining  qualities  as  states- 
man the  literary  gift  and  the  gift  of  elo- 
quence is  certainly  worthy  of  comment. 

The  Revue  (Paris)  contains  an  interest- 
ing characterization  of  the  Premier's  literary 
efforts,  by  N.  Segur.  As  illus- 
trative of  Clemenceau's  style 
and  mode  of  thought,  he  gives 
a  number  of  quotations  from  his 
different   productions. 

The  French  Academy,  says 
the  writer,  has  consecrated  the 
unanimous  acclamation  of  the 
nation  by  electing  as  one  of  its 
members  the  man,  perennially 
young,  who  above  all  others  de- 
serves well  of  his  country.  And 
since  he  occupies  the  academic 
chair  not  only  as  a  contributor 
to  victory  but  as  a  writer  as 
well,  it  is  worth  casting  a  glance 
at  his  literary  work  and  indicat- 
ing its  leading  tendencies. 

He  has  through  a  long  life  ardently  run 
the  gamut  of  human  sensations,  thrown  him- 
self heart  and  soul  into  the  midst  of  every 
fray.  In  turn,  doctor,  journalist,  dramatist, 
philosopher,  politician,  Cabinet  minister, 
Northern  by  temperament,  thoroughly  South- 
ern by  his  vivacity  of  thought,  Clemenceau 
has  excelled  in  every  field  of  human  en- 
deavor. 

Though  a  litterateur,  Clemenceau  is  pri- 
marily a  man  of  action ;  pen  in  hand,  he 
continues  to  expend  his  energy,  and  the  form 
and  content  of  his  writings  show  his  ruling 
passion — to  act,  to  combat,  to  assert  himself. 
His  style,  rapid,  nervous,  at  times  negligent, 
but  always  racy,  vibrant,  imaginative,  is 
another  indication  of  his  impassioned  ardor. 

It  is  ideas,  to  be  sure,  which  interest  him 
most;  he  is  mainly  concerned  in  discussing 
political  and  social  problems.  However,  he 
does  not  disdain  fiction  or  descriptive  writ- 
ing; in  his  two  collections  of  tales  we  find 
picturesque    and    realistic    scenic    portrayals. 


PREMIER       CLEMENCEAU, 

WHOSE    LITERARY    WORK 

IS    HERE    DISCUSSED 


simple  life  of  the  peasants  of  the  Var  and  the 
Vendee. 

As  he  is  a  born  fighter,  he  excels,  likewise, 
in  social  satire,  where  his  impetuous  temper, 
his  distinctive  talents — more  vigorous  than 
delicate — appear  most  marked.  What  spe- 
cially characterizes  him  as  a  writer  is  his 
eloquence.  He  is  eloquent  everywhere  and 
alwaj^s.  But  it  is  of  ideas  that  he  is  par- 
ticularly enamored.  It  is  his  wide  knowl- 
edge and  interests  which  enable  him  to  dis- 
cuss with  equal  ability  Mycen- 
ian  art,  French  Impressionism, 
Edmond  de  Joncourt,  Tolstoi, 
or  Shakespeare. 

But  in  reality  his  true  voca- 
tion is  to  fight  in  the  political 
and  social  arena. 

In  his  two  works  of  synthetic 
history.  La  Melee  so  dale  and 
Le  Gran  Pan,  which  are,  after 
all,  his  most  important  works, 
he  treats  superficially  it  may  be, 
some  of  the  leading  problems  of 
our  time.  It  is  a  lesson  in 
Socialism,  a  lesson  in  fraternity, 
which  concludes  the  introduc- 
tion of  Le   Grand  Pan. 


If  in  summing  up  we  try  to  define  the  leading 
thought  which  has  thus  far  animated  M.  Clemen- 
ceau's efforts,  we  find  it  is  a  thought,  more  gen- 
erous than  original,  of  individual  activity  and 
social  fraternity.  To  act,  to  work,  to  fight  in 
order  to  fulfil  one's  own  destiny  and  aid  one's 
brethren — that  is,  I  believe,  M.  Clemenceau's 
creed. 

His  thought,  too  passionate,  even  somewhat 
Utopian,  is  but  a  modern  continuation  of  that  of 
the  eighteenth  century  philosophers,  and  seems 
to  be  based — as  Taine  said  of  the  philosophy  of 
Rousseau — upon  the  consideration  of  a  theo- 
retical and  abstract  being. 

Yes,  M.  Clemenceau,  as  writer,  belongs  to  the 
high-strung,  mystically  humanitarian  line  of  the 
Enclypedists,  and  while  his  acts  as  a  statesman 
are  marked  by  such  a  clear  sense  of  reality,  his 
writings,  despite  their  scientific  seeming,  are  a 
reproduction  of  the  generous  dreams  of  the 
eighteenth  century. 

And  we  may  conclude  by  saying  that  more 
than  any  one  the  author  of  Le  Grand  Pan  con- 
tinues the  French  tradition.  For,  in  fact,  in  point- 
ing out  in  M.  Clemenceau  that  union  of  exact 
action  and  idealist  day-dreaming,  we  are  but 
repeating,  we  may  say,  the  definition  of  a  French- 
man which  he  himself  once  formulated  in  dedi- 
cating the   monument  to  Goblet. 


THE  NEW  BOOKS 

INTERNATIONAL  RELATIONS 


MR.    THEODORE    MARBURG 


League  of  Nations:  A  Chapter  in  the  His- 
tory of  the  Movement.  By  Theodore  Marburg. 
The  Macmillan  Company.     139  pp.     50  cents. 

In  the  seething  discussion  of  the  several  plans 
to  achieve  a  League  of  Nations  we  should  not 
lose  sight  of  the  fact  that  the  movement  to  such 
an  end  in  this  and 
other  countries  had 
from  the  very  outset 
the  devoted  service  of 
a  group  of  wise  and 
highly  trained  leaders 
who  had  long  been 
preparing  for  just  this 
outcome.  In  America 
one  of  the  initiators  of 
the  League  to  Enforce 
Peace  was  Mr.  Theo- 
dore Marburg,  of  Bal- 
timore, formerly  our 
Minister  to  Belgium, 
who  had  been  active 
in  work  for  interna- 
tional peace  for  a 
number  of  years  pre- 
ceding the  outbreak 
of  the  great  war.  In 
writing,  as  he  does 
in  this  little  volume, 
of     the     developments 

with  which  he  has  been  personally  connected  Mr. 
Marburg  is  giving  an  admirable  summary  of  the 
trend  of  the  League  movement  in  the  United 
States.  His  book  is  strongly  commended  by  Ex- 
President  Taft  and  by  other  active  leaders  in  the 
agitation. 

League  of  Nations:  Its  Principles  Ex- 
amined. Vol.  II.  By  Theodore  Marburg.  The 
Macmillan  Company.     137  pp.,  60  cents. 

Very  recently  there  has  appeared  a  second 
Volume  by  Mr.  Marburg  which  considers  in  more 
detail  the  basic  elements  and  human  motive,  as 
Well  as  the  philosophy  of  the  League  movement 
as  a  whole.  He  also  examines  and  explains  the 
failure  of  past  leagues  and  meets  the  principal 
triticisms  that  have  been  advanced  against  the 
;)resent  project. 

A  League  to  Enforce  Peace.  By  Robert 
Goldsmith.    Macmillan  Company.    331   pp.    $1.50. 

A  popular  exposition  from  the  American  stand- 
|)oint  of  the  principles  on  which  the  League  to 
Enforce  Peace  has  been  organized.  The  discus- 
sion meets  all  of  the  familiar  objections  that 
have  been  urged  by  critics  of  the  project,  and 
while  the  working  out  of  details  is  left  to  the 
Conference  at  Paris,  the  broader  aspects  of  the 
scheme  are  clearly  set  forth.  With  its  documen- 
tary   material    and    bibliography    and    the    intro- 


ductory statement  by  President  Lowell,  of  Har- 
vard, the  volume  forms  a  most  serviceable  hand- 
book for  current  use. 

The  League  of  Nations  To-day  and  To- 
morrow.     By  Horace  M.  Kallen.  181  pp.  $1.50. 

A  concise  statement  for  the  argument  for  inter- 
national organization,  with  a  concluding  chapter 
written  since  the  signing  of  the  armistice.  Dr. 
Kallen  is  the  author  of  "The  Structure  of  Lasting 
Peace,"  a  book  that  has  been  widely  recognized 
as  a  valuable  contribution  to  current  thinking. 

A  League  of   Nations.    By  Edith  M.  Phelps. 

The  H.  W.  Wilson  Company.     256  pp.     $1.50. 

A  selection  of  the  most  important  articles  and 
documents  relating  to  the  League  of  Nations. 
This  is  a  volume  in  the  "Handbook  Series,"  and, 
in  accord  with  the  purpose  of  that  series,  it  re- 
flects, impartially,  the  development  of  the  idea, 
and  states  the  arguments  both  for  and  against 
it.  An  extended  bibliography  of  the  subject  is 
included. 

Experiments  in  International  Administra- 
tion. By  Francis  Bowes  Sayre.  Harper  and 
Brothers.     200  pp.     $1.50. 

A  helpful  record  of  the  various  attempts  thus 
far  made  in  the  history  of  the  world  to  secure 
international  cooperation.  The  epoch-making 
treaties  of  the  past — Munster,  Utrecht,  Vienna — 
are  described,  and  reasons  given  for  their  failure. 
The  author  proceeds  to  outline  three  types  of  in- 
ternational executive  organs,  each  of  which  is  il- 
lustrated from  history.  From  the  records  of  these 
international  agencies  the  author  deduces  con- 
clusions regarding  the  chances  of  such  organiza- 
tions for  ultimate  success.  The  facts  here  pre- 
sented have  never  before  been  brought  together 
in  a  single  volume.  They  have,  of  course,  a 
direct  and  important  bearing  on  the  whole  dis- 
cussion of  the  League  of  Nations. 

National  Governments  and  the  World  War. 
By  Frederic  A.  Ogg  and  Charles  A.  Beard.  The 
Macmillan   Company.     603  pp.     $2.50. 

This  book  is  not  merely  an  addition  to  the 
already  long  list  of  treatises  on  the  theory  of 
government.  It  undertakes  rather  to  show  how 
the  governments  of  the  several  groups  of  na- 
tions are  organized  and  how  they  actually  work. 
More  than  one-fourth  of  the  volume  is  devoted 
to  an  account  of  the  processes  of  government  in 
the  United  States,  and  this  is  followed  by  in- 
forming chapters  on  the  governments  of  the  Al- 
lied nations,  as  well  as  of  the  Teutonic  states — 
the  latter,  of  course,  representing  conditions  prior 
to  the  general  collapse  of  1918.  The  two  co  i- 
rluding  chapters  deal  with  "American  War  Aims 
in    Relation    to    Ciovernmcnt"    and    "I'he    Problem 

327 


328 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


of  International  Government."  The  authors  are 
both  specialists  in  political  science — Professor 
Ogg  at  the  University  of  Wisconsin  and  Dr. 
Beard  as  Director  of  the  New  York  Bureau  of 
Municipal   Research. 

The  State.     By     Woodrow     Wilson.       D.     C. 

Heath  &  Company.     554  pp.     $2. 

Thirty  years  ago  President  Wilson,  then  a 
professor  at  Wesleyan  University  and  lecturer  at 
Johns  Hopkins,  prepared  this  statement  of  "The 
Elements  of  Historical  and  Practical  Politics." 
For  present-day  use  by  students  a  revision  has 
been  made  by  Professor  Edward  Elliott,  of  the 
University  of  California.  The  chapters  of  a 
general  character,  dealing  with  the  origin,  na- 
ture, functions  and  objects  of  government  and 
with  the  nature  of  law,  are  retained  without 
change,  as  they  are  believed  to  represent  sub- 
s  antially  President  Wilson's  views  to-day.  New 
chapters  on  Italy,  Belgium,  Serbia,  Rumania,  Bul- 
garia, Turkey  and  Japan  have  been  added,  as 
has  a  chapter  on  "After  the  War." 

World  War  Issues  and  Ideals.  By  Morris 
Edmund  Speare  and  Edmund  Blake  Norris.  Ginn 
and   Company.  461  pp.     $1.40. 

A  book  of  selective  readings  in  current  history. 
The  materials,  consisting  of  excerpts  from  books, 
magazine  articles,  addresses  and  speeches,  are 
grouped  under  the  following  headings:  "The  Is- 
sues of  the  World  War";  "The  Atmosphere  of 
the  World  War";  "The  Spirit  of  the  Warring 
Nations";  "Democratic  and  Autocratic  Ideals  of 
Government";  "The  New  Europe  and  a  Lasting 
Peace";  "Features  of  American  Life  and  Char- 
acter"; and  "American  Foreign  Policy."  Help- 
ful references  for  collateral  reading  are  sup- 
plied by  the  compilers. 

The  Great  Peace.     By.  H.    H.    Powers.      The 

Macmillan   Company.     333   pp.     $2.25. 

This  author's  exceptional  knowledge  of  Euro- 
pean conditions,  combined  with  a  lively  and  force- 
ful literary  style,  won  for  his  earlier  books,  "The 
Things  Men  Fight  For"  and  "America  Among 
the  Nations,"  a  wide  reading.  Even  those  who 
disagreed  with  his  conclusions  were  attracted  by 
the  brilliancy  with  which  they  were  stated.  The 
present  volume,  which  was  completed  shortly  be- 
fore the  signing  of  the  armistice,  is  important  as 
a  statement  of  the  terms  of  peace  which  the  Con- 
gress at  Paris  has  begun  to  work  out.  Mr. 
Powers  bravely  faces  the  difficulties  that  must  be 
encountered  in  effecting  the  readjustments  conse- 
quent on  peace,  and  he  makes  no  attempt  to 
minimize  them.  The  first  half  of  the  book  is 
devoted  to  the  general  principles  on  which  peace 
must  be  based  and  the  second  half  to  concrete 
problems. 

The  Only  Possible  Peace.  By  Frederic  C. 
Howe.     Charles  Scribner's  Sons.     265   pp.     $1.50. 

Dr.  Howe's  book  is  remarkable  for  its  insist- 
ence on  the  economic  basis  of  peace.  Differing 
from  many  writers  on  the  Great  War,  he  traces 
the  beginnings  of  the  conflict  to  the  industrial 
rather  than  exclusively  to  the  Junker  class.  Does 
the  world  want  a  durable  peace?  Then  we  must 
find  a  way  to  end  the  struggle  for  exclusive  terri- 
tories   and    the    economic    exploitation    and    con- 


quests of  weak  peoples.  International  control  of 
the  Mediterranean,  Balkan  states,  Turkey  and 
Asia  Minor  will  help  to  attain  such  a  result. 

A  Peace  Congress  of  Intrigue.  Compiled  by 
Frederick  Freksa.  Translated,  with  an  Intro- 
duction and  Notes  by  Harry  Hansen.  The  Cen- 
tury Company.     448  pp.     $2.50. 

It  is  frequently  said  that  the  origin  of  the  Great 
War  of  1914-18  dates  back  to  the  Congress  of 
Vienna  in  1815,  for  it  was  there  that  the  Prussian 
autocracy  made  certain  its  domination  of  Ger- 
many, which  one  hundred  years  later  was  to 
disrupt  the  peace  of  the  world.  Any  account  of 
the  Congress  of  Vienna  becomes,  from  the  stand- 
point of  international  justice,  a  vivid  exposition 
of  how  not  to  do  it.  The  present  volume  de- 
scribes in  detail  the  two  forms  of  intrigue — so- 
cial and  political — by  which  the  Congress  of 
Vienna  was  manipulated  from  start  to  finish. 
Moreover,  these  details  are  no  idle  inventions  of 
a  later  date.  They  are  all  related  by  the  par- 
ticipants themselves  in  contemporary  journals  and 
correspondence. 

The  Chaos  in  Europe.     By  Frederick  Moore. 

G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons.     192  pp.     $1.50. 

President  Eliot  commends  this  book  to  Ameri- 
can readers  who  wish  to  understand  the  poli- 
tical and  commercial  situation  in  Russia,  the  Bal- 
kan states,  and  the  Near  and  Far  East.  Mr. 
Moore,  as  a  newspaper  correspondent,  has  made 
repeated  visits  to  Russia  and  Siberia,  has  lived 
for  several  years  in  China  as  an  agent  of  the 
Associated  Press,  and  has  spent  much  time  in 
the  Balkan  countries  and  Turkey,  both  before  and 
during  the  war.  Mr.  Moore  is  an  advocate  of 
the  League  of  Nations. 

From  Isolation  to  Leadership.  By  John 
Holladay  Latane.  Doubleday,  Page  L  Company. 
215  pp.     $1. 

Professor  Latane,  of  the  Johns  Hopkins  Uni- 
versity, gives  in  this  little  book  an  admirable 
resume  of  American  foreign  policy  from  Wash- 
ington to  Wilson.  Nothing  could  be  more  valu- 
able in  these  days  to  the  serious  student  of 
American  history  than  the  clear  distinction  which 
Dr.  Latane  draws  between  two  intimately  re- 
lated phases  of  American  diplomacy,  the  Mon- 
roe Doctrine  and  the  policy  of  isolation.  It  is 
also  highly  important  that  Americans  should  have 
a  definite  knowledge  of  the  actual  achievements 
already  reached  in  the  field  of  international  co- 
operation without  the  sanction  of  force.  These 
are  well  stated  by  Professor  Latane.  His  con- 
cluding chapter  is  an  excellent  summary  of  the 
war   aims   of  the    United    States. 

China  and  the  World  War.  By  W.  Regi- 
nald Wheeler.  The  Macmillan  Company.  263 
pp.     111.     $1.75. 

More  than  one  of  the  problems  in  statecraft 
which  are  about  to  challenge  the  attention  of 
the  world  will  center  in  China.  The  author  of 
this  book,  who  for  the  past  three  years  has  been 
a  member  of  the  faculty  of  Hangchow  College, 
seeks  to  put  before  the  American  reader  some 
of  the  questions  that  are  now  facing  the  new 
republic,  and  especially  to  show  how  these  relate 
themselves  to  the  issues  of  the  Great  War. 


THE    NEW   BOOKS 


329 


WAR  EXPERIENCES 


"With  the  Help  of  God  and  a  Few  Ma- 
rines." By  Brigadier-General  A.  W.  Catlin. 
Doubleday,  Page  &  Co.     425  pp.     111.     $1.50. 

General  Catlin,  who  commanded  the  Sixth  Regi- 
ment of  U.  S.  Marines  at  Chateau-Thierry,  is  not 
only  qualified  in  every  way  to  tell  the  story  of 
the  brilliant  exploit  that  caused  the  French  to 
rename  Belleau  Wood  as  La  Bois  de  la  Brigade 
de  Marine;  he  is  also,  as  it  happens,  an  officer 
whose  service  with  the  Marines  antedates  even 
the  Spanish  War  and  who  had  a  great  deal  to 
do  with  training  the  new  men  for  the  work  that 
won  the  admiration  of  the  Allies  in  France  last 
year.  In  this  volume  he  gives  a  condensed  his- 
tory of  the  Corps. 

The  British  Navy  in  Battle.  By  Arthur 
H.  Pollen.  Doubleday,  Page  &  Company.  358 
pp.     111.     $2.50. 

Mr.  Pollen  holds  a  very  high  place* in  England 
as  a  naval  writer.  The  admiralty  itself  has 
such  confidence  in  him  that  its  records  were 
placed  at  his  disposal  for  the  writing  of  this 
book,  which  is  the  first  serious  attempt  to  tell  the 
story  of  Britain's  naval  activities  in  the  great 
war.  Besides  giving  much-desired  information, 
the  author  makes  clear  to  the  lay  reader  many 
technical  naval  matters  of  great  interest. 

Naval  Power  in  the  War.    By    C.    C.    Gill. 

George  H.  Doran  Company.     302  pp.     111.     $1.50. 

Commander  Gill,  in  this  revised  and  enlarged 
edition  of  "Naval  Power  in  the  War,"  brings  the 
story  of  naval  operations  down  to  the  signing  of 
the  armistice.  Read  in  connection  with  Mr. 
Pollen's  account  of  the  British  navy's  exploits, 
this  book  is  especially  useful  for  its  graphic  story 
of  the  part  played  by  the  United  States  in  the 
sea-fighting. 

Hunting  the  German  Shark.  By  Herman 
Whitaker.  The  Century  Company.  310  pp. 
111.     $1.50. 

What  the  American  Navy  did  in  the-  under- 
seas  war,  as  related  by  a  man  who  cruised  for 
many  months  with  our  battleship  fleet  and  him- 
self took  a  voyage  in  a  submarine.  AH  the  dif- 
ferent methods  and  instrumentalities  used  against 
the   German   menace   are   described   in   detail. 

Campaigning  in  the  Balkans.  By  Lieuten- 
ant Harold  Lake.  Robert  M.  McBride  Company. 
229  pp.     $1.50. 

A  British  officer's  account  of  the  Salonica  ex- 
pedition, with  a  brief  survey  of  the  part  played 
by  the  Balkans  in  the  Great  War  and  in  the 
events  that  led   to  the  war. 

» Rumania,  Yesterday  and  To-day.  By  Mrs. 
Will  Gordon.  John  Lane  Company.  270  pp. 
111.     $3. 

In  this  volume  Mrs.  Gordon's  account  of  Ru- 
manian history,  life,  customs  and  literature  is 
supplemented  by  an  introduction  and  two  chap- 
ters by   Her   Majesty   Queen   Marie,   who  gives   a 


pathetic   account  of  the   sufferings  that  her  coun- 
try has   undergone. 

A  Poet  of  the  Air.      Edited  by   Sarah   Greene 

Wise.     Houghton,  Mifflin.     246  pp.     $1.50. 

In  the  phrase,  "A  Poet  of  the  Air,"  Lieut.  Jack 
Wright's  mother,  Mrs.  Wise,  has  found  perhaps 
the  only  title  that  would  convey  the  living  lyri- 
cism that  breathes  from  the  eloquent  letters  of 
this  eighteen-year-old  First  Lieutenant  Pilot-Avia- 
tor of  the  American  Aviation.  These  letters  have 
been  brought  together  in  the  hope  that  they  may 
give  other  boys  something  of  his  fine  courage 
and  spirit,  and  give  to  other  mothers  comfort 
and  hope.  Jack  Wright  was  an  American  boy, 
born  in  New  York  City  and  educated  in  French 
schools.  French  was  his  language,  which  explains 
his  great  desire  to  sferve  France  and  his  love  for 
her  people.  He  had  graduated — although  but 
eighteen — at  I'Ecole  Alsacienne  at  Paris  and  at 
Andover  in  America  and  had  entered  Harvard. 
He  went  over  early  in  1917  with  the  Phillips 
Academy  Ambulance  Unit,  and  soon  went  into 
training  for  the  air  service.  He  was  typical  of 
all  that  is  finest  and  best  of  our  young  American 
manhood,  one  for  whom  we  cannot  mourn,  so 
great  was  the  gladness  of  his  sacrifice. 

Zigzagging.  By  Isabel  Anderson.  Hough- 
ton, Mifflin.     269  pp.     111.     $2.50. 

It  is  one  thing  to  have  had  thrilling  contacts 
with  the  war  and  another  to  be  able  to  relate 
them  in  an  agreeable  manner.  Isabel  Anderson 
(Mrs.  Larz  Anderson)  had  the  opportunity  fcr 
amazing  experiences  in  her  work  of  running  a 
Red  Cross  canteen  on  the  Marne  for  eight  months, 
and  she  has  set  down  these  experiences  in  grace- 
ful, flowing  prose  that  not  only  vividly  pictures 
war  work  at  the  front,  but  suggests  the  possi- 
bilities of  woman's  activity  in  the  future  in  the 
field  of  organization.  The  book  is  lavishly  illus- 
trated and  contains  in  an  appendix  several  pages 
of  general  information  for  Canteen  Workers  of 
W.  W.  R.  C.  of  A.  R.  C.  in  France. 

Hospital  Heroes.  By  Elizabeth  Walker 
Black.     Scribners.     222  pp.     $1.35. 

In  "Hospital  Heroes,"  Miss  Elizabeth  Walker 
Black  gives  a  vivid  picture  of  her  experiences 
in  a  front-line  hospital  on  the  Aisne  for  ten 
months  before  and  during  the  great  German 
drive  one  year  ago.  For  her  ability  to  "stick 
it,"  as  she  writes,  she  thanks  the  letters  written 
to  her  by  her  mother  and  a  Civil  War  Uncle, 
who  believed  that  girls  as  well  as  boys  should 
stand  by  the  colors.  Hospital  life  at  the  front 
from  a  nurse's  point  of  view  is  well  pictured 
in  the  narrative.  Different  treatments  for 
wounds  are  explained,  and  the  daily  life  of  the 
wounded  set  down  with  rare  skill.  One  inter- 
esting paragraph  contains  a  comparison  between 
the  wounded  of  different  nationalities.  Miss 
Black  writes:  "English  and  American  wounded 
are  restless  and  their  spirits  re(|uire  activity,  but 
the  Frenchman  can  lie  in  bed  month  after  month 
discussing  politics,  reading,  and  writing  letters. 
His  stoicism  under  great  pain  is  incredible." 


330 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


ESSAYS  ON  RECONSTRUCTION  AND 
LITERARY  CRITICISM 


DR.    RALPH     ADAMS    CRAM 

WITHIN  the  past  three  years  we  have  had 
four  books  of  profound  scholarship  from 
the  pen  of  Dr.  Ralph  Adams  Cram.  They  are  all 
of  deep  significance  to  the  builders  of  the  new 
civilization  who  are  now  beginning  their  task. 
Whether  we  agree  wholly,  or  in  part,  with  Mr. 
Cram's  conclusions,  we  cannot  mistake  his  pur- 
pose, which  is  to  awaken  the  American  people  to 
the  serious  work  of  reconstruction  that  lies  before 
them.  Of  the  first  book,  "The  Substance  of 
Gothic,"  Professor  Richard  Burton  wrote:  "For 
that  combination  of  authoritative  knowledge  and 
accomplishment,  with  such  power  of  statement  as 
shall  carry  the  message  to  large  numbers,  I  should 
be  inclined  to  give  first  place  to  Mr.  Cram's  The 
Substance  of  Gothic'  ...  It  is  a  most  elo- 
quent book."  Former  Senator  Albert  J.  Beveridge 
said  of  the  second  volume,  "The  Nemesis  of 
Mediocrity":  "I  wish  it  might  be  in  the  hands 
of  every  man  and  woman,  old  and  young,  in  the 
United  States."  (Both  these  books  have  been 
commented  upon  previously  in  the  Review  of  Re- 
views.) The  first  of  the  two  more  recent  books, 
"The  Great  Thousand  Years,'"  contains  two 
essays.  The  title  essay,  written  in  1908,  and  pub- 
lished in  England  in  1910,  is  a  prophecy  of  the 
catastrophic  breakdown  of  civilization,  a  break- 
down foreseen  by  Dr.  Cram  when  it  was  gener- 
ally least  foreseen.     He  prophesied  what  has  since 

^The  Great  Thousand  Years.     By  Ralijh.  Adams  Cram. 
Marshall  Jones.     63  pp.     $1. 


happened  by  means  of  his  interesting  theory  of 
the  rhythm  of  history,  a  postulate,  that  so  far  back 
as  we  can  measure,  civilization's  tides  ebb  and 
flow  in  periods  of  five  hundred  years.  The  sec- 
ond paper,  "Ten  Years  After,"  discusses  certain 
changes,  moral  and  spiritual,  that  must  be  ef- 
fected if  we  are  to  escape — in  the  author's  opinion 
— a  second  era  of  Dark  Ages.  He  writes  that  the 
world  must  be  remade  upon  the  basic  idea  of. 
"Communal  life  conceived  in  the  human  scale." 
There  must  be  a  larger  "unity  without  the  sur- 
render of  independence  and  autonomy."  "The 
Sins  of  the  Fathers,"^  published  in  January,  1919, 
continues  the  reconstructive  thought  that  runs 
through  the  three  previous  volumes.  Following 
the  introduction,  there  are  three  papers.  The 
first  is  on  imperialism.  He  proposes  a  substitute 
for  this  reach  toward  world-dominion.  Follow- 
ing a  spiritual  revolution  in  the  minds  of  men, 
they  must  "return  to  the  unit  of  the  human  scale. 
.  .  .  small,  compact,  self-contained  and  au- 
tonomous states  conceived  in  human  scale."  In  the 
second  paper,  "The  Quantitative  Standard,"  he 
would  substitute  for  this  modern  standard  the 
passion  for  quality,  for  perfection  and  beauty. 
In  the  third  discussion,  which  he  calls  "Material- 
ism," he  demands  the  intimate  living  union  of 
matter  and  spirit  as  a  fundamental  condition 
necessary  to  the  upbuilding  of  a  civilization  that 
shall  safely  evade  the  dangers  of  both  imperial- 
ism  and   Bolshevikism. 

In  these  four  books  the  reader  will  find  a  bril- 
liant analysis  of  modern  civilization,  and,  how- 
ever much  one  may  differ  with  certain  conclusions, 
an  eloquent  appeal  for  true  democracy  and  the 
blending  of  all  existing  civilizations  in  the  future 
into   one   gracious    and    harmonious   whole. 

Mainly  in  the  interest  of  reconstruction  Mr. 
John  Galsworthy  has  brought  together  a  number 
of  brilliant  papers  which  are  published  under 
the  title,  "Another  Sheaf."^  All  of  the  twelve  dis- 
cussions are  characteristic  of  the  novelist's  intel- 
lectual-emotional manner  of  dealing  with  practi- 
cal subjects.  A  few  are  bits  of  vivid  impression- 
ism, as  "The  Road"  and  "France  1916-17";  others 
deal  with  the  restoration  of  the  wounded  soldier 
to  his  pre-war  state  of  health  and  happiness,  and 
with  the  fitting  in  of  the  returned  soldier,  with 
his  enlarged  point  of  view,  into  industry.  Two 
chapters  present  the  land  question  as  it  existed 
in  England  in  1917  and  in  1918,  and  there  is  also 
a  spirited  contrast  of  the  Englishman  and  the 
Russian;  speculations  as  to  the  future;  an  essay  on 
Anglo-American  drama,  and,  "Grotesques,"  which 
records  the  official  visit  of  an  angel  to  England 
in  the  year  1947.  In  "American  and  Briton"  Mr. 
Galsworthy  writes  of  his  hopes  of  the  mutual 
understanding  of  America  and  Great  Britain, 
On  this  understanding  he  feels  the  happiness  of 
nations  depends  more  than  on  any  other  world 
cause.     He  writes  that  the  friendly  union  of  these 

^The  Sins  of  the  Fathers.  By  Ralph  Adams  Cram. 
Marshall   Jones.      114   pp.    $1. 

^Another  Sheaf.  By  John  Galsworthy.  Scribners.  336 
pp.    $1.50. 


THE    NEW   BOOKS 


331 


two  great  nations  is  the  "ballast  of  the  new 
order,"  that  there  is  no  bottom  upon  which  to 
build  unless  we  build  upon  the  solidarity  of  the 
English-speaking  races. 

Mr.  Wilson  Follett's  study  of  the  purpose  and 
meaning  of  fiction,  "The  Modern  Novel,"'  will 
convince  any  skeptic  that  splendid  literary  criticism 
is  being  written  at  the  present  time  in  this  coun- 
try. The  chapters  are  mellow  with  finely  ripened 
knowledge,  fascinating  with  a  deftly  interwoven 
humor,  and  alight  with  spiritual  understanding. 
There  are  only  a  few  volumes  touching  on  fiction 
that  even  approach  this  admirable  outline  of  the 
development  of  the  English  novel  during  two 
centuries,  none  that  come  at  once  to  mind  which 
seriously  rival  it.  The  attention  of  all  fiction- 
writers    should    be    called    to    this   helpful    study. 

"The  poets  whose  profiles  I  shall  attempt  to 
etch,"  writes  T.  B.  Rudmose-Brown  in  "French 
Literary  Studies,""  "are  alike  in  one  thing  only. 
They  loved  Art  with  a  love  as  passionate  as  a 
lover's  for  his  mistress  or  a  mystic's  for  his 
God."  In  a  moment  of  blazing  inspiration,  the 
author  of  these  studies  unfolds  the  inmost  soul 
of  the  French  nation.  He  has  caught — as  it  were 
in  instant  vision — the  profiles  of  certain  poets  of 
France,  the  outlines  blending  under  his  hand  to 
a  composite  portrait  of  the  undying  individuality 
of  the  French  race.  Following  the  introduction, 
which  records  his  own  point  of  view  regarding 
the  art  of  the  poet  (one  shared  with  James  Elroy 
Flecker,  that  it  is  a  matter  of  individual  ex- 
pression alone),  are  studies  of  Maurice  Sceve 
and  the  poetic  school  of  Lyons,  the  stories  of  the 
love  and  art  of  the  beautiful  Pernette  du  Guillet 
and  Louise  Labe,  la  Belle  Cordiere ;  of  the  im- 
mortal Ronsard ;  of  the  poets  of  the  Eighteenth 
Century;  of  Leconte  de  Lisle,  Paul  Verlaine, 
Stuart  Merrill  and  Francis  Viele-Griffin.  Many 
quotations  from  the  verse  of  the  various  poets  are 
given  in  translation. 

Professor  Otto  Heller  presents,  in  "Prophets  of 


Dissent,"^  critical  estimates  of  Tolstoy,  Maeter- 
linck, Strindberg  and  Nietzsche.  The  papers  have 
breadth,  clarity,  and  a  most  admirable  simplicity 
of  style.  There  is  in  this  group  a  certain  unity, 
says  the  author.  They  are  all  radicals  and  re- 
formers; they  are  all  mystics  by  "original  cast 
of  mind,"  and  in  them  the  basic  issues  of  the 
modern  struggle  for  social  transformation  are 
sharply  and  clearly  joined.  Also,  they  all  follow 
the  introspective  path  toward  their  individual 
discoveries  of  the  law  of  life.  By  the  measure  of 
recent  world  events,  he  endeavors  to  find  whether 
Tolstoy's  three  articles  of  faith,  viz.,  that  true 
faith  gives  life,  that  man  must  live  by  labor,  that 
evil  must  never  be  resisted,  are  sound  doctrine; 
whether  Nietzschean  Superman  conceptions  have 
furnished  a  basis  for  world  imperialism;  and  if 
Maeterlinck's  stoic  idealism  will  emerge  untouched 
and  untarnished  from  the  emotions  attendant  on 
experiencing  the  harrowing  circumstances  con- 
nected with  the  war.  Professor  Heller  occupies 
the  recently  created  chair  of  Modern  European 
Literature  in  Washington  University,  St.  Louis. 

Four  books  published  in  the  Bobbs-Merrill  series 
of  "Authors  And  How  To  Know  Them"*  include 
a  fresh  estimate  of  Matthew  Arnold  by  that  emi- 
nent critic,  Professor  Stuart  P.  Sherman,  for 
which  all  lovers  of  Arnold's  clear  sanity  and 
poise  will  be  extremely  grateful.  In  the  same 
series  is  an  eloquent  study  of  Tennyson  by  Pro- 
fessor Raymond  M.  Alden,^  with  many  quotations 
and  a  closing  chapter  that  discusses  Tennyson's 
relation  to  modern  thought,  "Tennyson,  The  Vic- 
torians and  Ourselves."  Also  a  fascinating  vol- 
ume on  Robert  Burns,^  by  William  Allan  Neilson, 
Professor  of  English  in  Harvard  University,  and 
an  estimate  of  Nathaniel  Hawthorne  by  George 
Edward  Woodberry.^  For  their  particular  pur- 
poses these  volumes  are  unexcelled;  they  give  all 
that  is  required  by  the  student  or  person  of  cul- 
ture in  brief  compact  form,  with  ample  quotation, 
and  they  are  all — so  far  as  the  series  has 
progressed — written  by  men  of  authority  in  the 
critical    and    literary   world. 


J.   M.   BARRIE:    BRITISH   DRAMATISTS: 

DRAMATIC  CRITICISM 


IT  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  American  people 
have  not — like  the  French — cultivated  the 
habit  of  reading  fine  plays  as  well  as  seeing  them 
presented  on  the  stage.  If  such  were  the  case, 
It   would    not   have    been    necessary    to    turn    the 

^The  Modern  Novel.  By  Wilson  Follett.  Knopf.  336 
pp.     $2. 

-French  Literary  Studies.  By  T.  B.  Rudmose-Brown. 
Lane.     829  pp.     $1.25. 

^Prophets  of  Dissent.  By  Otto  Heller.  Knopf.  286 
pp.    $1.50. 

^Matthew  Arnold:  How  To  Know  Him.  By  Stuart  P. 
5Uaerman.    Bobbs  Merrill.     326  pp.    $1.50. 

"'Alfred  Tennyson:  How  To  Know  Him.  By  Raymond 
M.  Alden.    Bobbs  Merrill.    276  pp.    $1.50. 

"Robert  Burns:  How  To  Know  Him.  By  William  Allan 
Neilson.     Bobbs  Merrill.    332  pp.    $1.50. 

'Nathaniel  Hawthorne:  How  To  Know  Him.  Bv  Ed- 
ward  Woodberry.      Bobbs   Merrill.      242    pp.      $1.50. 


war  plays  of  J.  M,  Barrie  into  a  form  of  short 
story  to  insure  their  welcome.  Four  plays  are 
published  in  a  clipped,  half  play,  half  short- 
story,  form  under  the  title  of  "Echoes  of  the 
War."^  They  are  the  well-known  plavs:  "The 
Old  Lady  Shows  Her  Medals,"  "The  New  Word," 
"Barbara's  Wedding,"  and  "A  Well-Remembered 
Voice."  Even  as  they  are,  to  read  them  is  to 
enjoy  a  Barrie  play  all  over  again.  Structurally, 
they  follow  the  usual  Barrie  formula,  viz:  Take 
a  basic  fact  of  human  experience ;  work  out  senti- 
mental values  and  dramatize  it  as  Fancy  drama- 
tizes the  fulfillment  of  our  wishes  in  day  dreams. 
Give  the  drama  a  local  habitation  and  a  name, 
touch    it   with    a    breath    of    immortal    youth    from 

''Kchoes    of    the    War.       By    J.    M.    Barrie.      Scribncrs. 
188  pp.     $1.50. 


332 


THE   AMERICAN  REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


WILLIAM   GILLETTE  AND  HELEN   HAYES  IN  THE  NEW 
PLAY,    "dear    BRUTUS" 

the  land  of  faery,  give  the  Commonplace  bright 
glittering  fragile  wings  that  sweep  through  the 
chambers  of  the  mind  leaving  behind  a  trail  of 
ethereal  star-dust,  and  you  have  a  Barrie  play. 
A  second  volume  in  uniform  edition,  "Half 
Hours,"  contains  "Pantaloon,"  "The  Twelve- 
Pound  Look,"  "Rosalind,"  and  "The  Will;"  and 
a  third  brings  together  "What  Every  Woman 
Knows,"  "Quality  Street,"  and  "The  Admirable 
Crichton." 

The  newest  Barrie  play,  "Dear  Brutus,"  which 
has  been  given  a  careful  production  and  a  partic- 
ularly fine  cast,  is  now  playing  at  the  Empire 
Theater  in  New  York.  It  takes  its  name  from 
Cassius's  speech  in  the  second  scene  of  the  first 
act  of   "Julius   Caesar:" 

"Men   at   some   time   are   masters   of   their   fates: 
The  fault,  dear  Brutus,   is  not  in   our  stars, 
But  in  ourselves,  that  we  are  underlings." 

The  play  begins  with  speculations  concerning 
a  mysterious  "wood"  which  appears  every  Mid- 
summer Eve  in  a  certain  part  of  England. 
Everyone  who  goes  into  this  wood  has  a  "second 
chance"  at  life  and  love  and  ambition.  The  pos- 
sibilities of  this  theme,  under  Barrie's  whimsical 
treatment,  are  apparent  to  every  one  who  knows 
his  method  and  previous  plays.  This  play  will, 
be  published  later. 

With  the  possible  exception  of  John  Masefield's 
last  collection  of  verse,  which  includes  that 
memorable  poem  "August,  1914,"  one  gains  a 
much  more  satisfying  conception  of  Masefield, 
the  man,  and  of  his  life  experiences  from  reading 
his  plays  than  from  his  poems.  Nine  plays  are 
now  published  in  a  single  volume.'     They  include, 

H  ollected  Plays  of  John  Masefield.  Macmillan,  640 
pp.      $2.75. 


among  other  plays,  "The  Sweeps  of  Ninety-eight." 
"The  Tragedy  of  Pompey  the  Great,"  and  those 
dramas  that  are  particularly  of  England  and 
phases  of  English  life— "The  Camden  Wonder," 
"Mrs.  Harrison,"  and  his  greatest  play,  "The 
Tragedy  of  Nan."  In  this  work  one  feels  the 
breadth  of  Masefield's  genius,  the  power  that 
later  made  itself  felt  in  "Gallipoli,"  and  "The 
Old  Front  Line,"  the  poetic  fervor  that  gave  us, 
"Dauber,"  "The  Everlasting  Mercy,"  and  "The 
Widow  in  Bye  Street."  Mr.  Montrose  Moses 
writes  that  there  is  in  Masefield  a  "touch  of  Shrop- 
shire, of  Devonshire,  of  Hertfordshire,"  and  it 
follows  that  whenever  he  is  closest  to  the  soil 
of  this  England — so  particularly  his  own — he  is 
at  his  best. 

The  second  volume  of  Arthur  Wing  Pinero's 
"Social  Plays"'  contains  "The  Gay  Lord  Quex,"  (re- 
cently revived  in  New  York  with  a  notable  cast). 
The  character  of  "Iris,"  may  be  compared  as  the 
way  of  least  resistance  in  life,  which  is  adjudged 
the  playwright's  masterpiece.  While  "The  Gay 
Lord  Quex"  is  interesting  as  a  technical  achieve- 
ment in  play-making,  which  no  student  of  dra- 
matic art  can  ignore,  it  has  small  literary  value. 
"Iris"  presents  the  gradual  disintegration  of 
a  woman  of  cultured  tastes  and  luxurious 
habits,  who  has  not  sufficient  intellectual  fibre  to 
face  and  conquer  poverty.  She  is  a  slave  to  her 
esthetic  sensibilities — not  evil,  rather  the  contrary. 
Mr.  Hamilton  sums  up  her  character  thus:  "She 
is  never  vulgar;  she  ends  in  the  gutter,  but  re- 
mains to  the  end  the  kind  of  woman  one  would 
like  to  dine  with."  The  prefaces  to  the  plays 
are  to  a  high  degree  informative  and  exceedingly 
well    written. 

A  unique  volume  of  dramatic  criticism,  "Eu- 
ropean Theories  of  the  Drama, "^  places  enthu- 
siastic readers  of  the  literature  of  plays  and  play- 
making  still  more  deeply  in  the  debt  of  Mr. 
Barrett  Clark,  to  whose  industry  we  owe  many 
translations  and  much  of  our  knowledge  of  Con- 
tinental drama.  It  is — arrtong  the  critical  offer- 
ings— the  most  important  dramatic  publication 
of  the  year — one  that  cannot  fail  to  prove  fas- 
cinating as  well  as  extremely  useful,  inasmuch 
as  it  is  an  anthology  of  theory  and  criticism  of 
the  drama  from  the  time  of  Aristotle  to  the 
present  day.  To  a  series  of  selected  texts  Mr. 
Clark  has  added  painstaking  and  invaluable  com- 
mentary, bibliography  and  biography.  The  whole 
graphically  pictures  the  stream  of  the  drama 
through  the  civilizations  of  the  world  from  the 
high  mark  of  Greek  culture  onward,  and  offers 
much  that  is  valuable  to  the  poet  concerning 
dramatic  poetry.  Mr.  Clark  subscribes  to  gen- 
eral opinion  in  conceding  that  there  is  little 
criticism  to  be  found  in  this  country.  Admitting 
that  Irving,  Poe,  Lowell,  and  many  others  more 
recently  with  us,  wrote  much  that  was  excellent, 
he  does  not  find  that  their  comment  shaped  the 
native  drama,  or  had  effect  thereon. 

2The  Social  Plays  of  Arthur  Wing  Pinero.  Edited  by 
Clayton    Hamilton.      Dutton.      423    pp.      $2. 

"European  Theories  of  the  Drama.  By  Barrett  Clark. 
Stewart,  Kidd.     503  pp.     $3. 


THE    NEW   BOOKS 


333 


POETRY  OF  THE  HOUR 


JOHN  MASEFIELD  states  in  the  preface  to  his 
collected  poems^  that  the  first  months  of  the 
war  marked  the  end  of  his  verse-writing.  "Per- 
haps," he  says,  "when  the  war  is  over  and  the 
mess  of  war  is  cleaned  up  and  the  world  is  at 
some  sort  of  peace,  there  may  be  leisure  and  feel- 
ing for  verse-making."  And  it  is  his  hope  that 
when  that  time  comes  he  may  see  more  and  be 
able  to  tell  more,  and  know  in  fuller  measure 
what  the  poets  of  his  race  have  known  of  the 
world  of  beauty,  and  the  people  existing  forever 
over  England,  the  images  of  what  England  and 
the  English  may  become,  or  spiritually  are.  He 
says:  "Chaucer  and  Shakespeare,  some  lines  of 
Gray,  of  Keats,  of  Wordsworth,  and  of  William 
Morris,  the  depth,  force  and  tenderness  of  the 
English  mind,  are  inspiration  enough,  and  school 
enough  and  star  enough  to  urge  and  guide  in  any 
night  of  the  soul,  however  wayless  from  our 
blindness  or  black  from  our  passions  and  our 
follies."  This  new  volume  contains  "Salt-Water 
Ballads,"  "Miscellaneous  Poems,"  "The  Everlast- 
ing Mercy,"  "The  Widow  in  Bye  Street,"  "Daub- 
er," "The  Daffodil  Fields,"  "Sonnets  and  Other 
Poems"  (including  "August,  1914"),  "Lollingdon 
Downs  and  Other  Poems,"  and  "Rosas." 

The  war  has  had  quite  the  opposite  effect  upon 
one  of  the  younger  English  poets,  Siegfried  Sas- 
soon.  \i  one  were  venturing  to  name  three  Eng- 
lish poets  who  saw  the  war  as  soldiers,  and 
whose  work  will  be 
judged  in  the  future  as 
incomparably  the  most 
vivid  poetry  that  has 
come  out  of  the  ruck  of 
war,  one  would  name 
Gilbert  Frankau,  Rob- 
ert Nichols,  and  Sieg- 
fried Sassoon.  The  in- 
troduction to  "Counter 
Attack,"-  Mr.  Sassoon's 
second  book,  is  by  Mr. 
Nichols.  He  says  of 
the  poet's  personal  ap- 
pearance: "He  is  tall, 
big-boned,  loosely  built. 
He  is  clean-shaven,  pale, 
or  with  a  flush;  has  a 
heavy  jaw,  wide  mouth 
with  the  upper  lip 
slightly   protruding   and 

the  curve  of  it  very  pronounced,  like  that  of  a 
shriveled  leaf.  His  nose  is  aquiline,  the  nostrils 
being  wide  and  heavily  arched.  This  charac- 
teristic and  the  fullness,  depth  and  heat  of  his 
dark  eyes  give  him  the  air  of  a  sullen  falcon." 
Before  the  war  Sassoon  loved  hunting;  it  was 
a  passion  with  him,  and  he  wrote  of  the  chase, 
of  English  sport  and  the  beauty  of  the  English 
fields.  His  early  books  were  privately  printed. 
In  1917,  a  collection  of  poems,  "The  Old  Hunts- 
man," won  deep  appreciation,  particularly  from 
the  soldiers  in  France.     In  "Counter-Attack,"  the 

1  Collected  Poems  of  John   Masefield.    Macmillan.     521 
pp.,  $2.75. 

2  "Counter-Attack."     By    Siegfried    Sassoon.     Introduc- 
tion by  Robert  Nichols.     Button.     64  pp.      $1.25. 


SIEGFRIED   SASSOON 


English  sportsman  has  disappeared;  there 
emerges  the  indignant  choking  expression  of  one 
who  feels  himself  and  the  world  outraged  by  the 
crime  of  war.  He  has  seen  the  war  as  Barbusse 
saw  it.  "Counter-Attack"  was  frankly  written  to 
help  end  war  forever,  but  like  many  another  man 
who  hated  war,  Sassoon  went  on  fighting  in 
France  and  in  Palestine.  These  poems  should  be 
read  by  everyone  interested  in  peace.  They  are 
grim-visaged,  merciless  in  their  indictment,  bit- 
terness in  quintessence,  horror  recoiling  upon  it- 
self, yet  never  quite  losing  beauty  from  the 
images  and  tumbling  words,  or  human  compassion 
and  love  from  the  arraignment  of  the  sinful. 

A  quotation  from  the  Book  of  Job  is  used  as 
the  preface  of  the  "Hymn  Of  Free  Peoples 
Triumphant,"^  by  Hermann  Hagedorn.  The 
poem  is  one  of  praise  and  thanksgiving  for  de- 
liverance from  the  "mad-eyed"  terror  of  war,  a 
work  of  inspiration  that  cries  with  Job:  "I 
would  seek  unto  God,  and  unto  God  would  I 
commit  my  cause."  There  is  in  it  the  beauty  of 
great  art  and  the  fervor  of  sorrow  that  is  in  the 
process  of  becoming  joy: 

"Under   the   beak   of  black  hours    ravenous, 
God  of  free  peoples,  Thou  hast  been  true  to  us, 
Friend  of  the  free,  when  man's  weak  barriers  fall. 
Thou  art  a  wall,  great  Lord,  Thou  art  a  wall. 

*^  ^  iie.  :ie.  ^  :le.  ill.  ^  :^  ik,  lie.  ^u 

"Conqueror,  we  come, 
Devouring  fire,  invincible   light. 
Builder  of  dawn  on  the  ruins  of  night, 
Builder  with  music  of  the  crystal  halls  of  day, 
God,  we  are  Thine,  command  and  we  obey." 

In  the  enlarged  edition  of  her  anthology, 
"Christ  in  the  Poetry  of  To-day,"^  Mrs.  Martha 
Foote  Crow  presents  a  new  biography  of  Jesus, 
each  chapter  of  which  is  a  poem  written  by  a 
different  author,  the  whole  forming  a  lyrical  ex- 
pression of  the  reaction  of  our  minds  at  the  pres- 
ent time  to  the  ideals  exemplified  in  the  Man 
Jesus.  Mrs.  Crow  states  that  before  1910  she 
could  find  very  few  poems  about  Jesus,  but  that 
since  that  time  they  have  been  written  in  ever- 
increasing  numbers,  as  if  heralding  a  belief  ex- 
pressed in  one  of  the  Rev.  Josiah  Strong's  trea- 
tises, that  "the  return  of  Christ  is  now  taking 
place."  A  section,  "Christ  and  the  World  War," 
has  been  added  to  the  original  volume,  and  a  fine 
frontispiece,  reproduced  from  the  painting  by 
Munkaczy  of  "Christ  Before  Pilate."  The  new 
poems  are  from  well-known  poets.  There  is  a 
lyric  on  the  selflessness  of  Christ  by  Mrs.  Crow; 
others  by  the  late  Joyce  Kilmer,  by  Hermann 
Hagedorn,  Daniel  Henderson,  Amelia  Josephine 
Burr,  and  Isabel  Fiske  Conant.  Aside  from  its 
value  as  poetry,  this  volume  will  be  sincerely  ap- 
preciated for  its  "lifting  up"  of  the  Christ  idea. 
It  is  a  sign  of  the  world's  newly  found  religious 
mood,  a  prophecy  that  righteousness  will  be  the 
foundation  oif  the  new  world  now  in  the  making. 

•''  Ilymn  of  Free  Peoi)Ies  Triumphant.  By  Hermann 
Hagedorn.      Macmillan.     49  pp.      75   cents. 

'Christ  in  the  Poetry  of  To-day.  By  Martha  Foote 
Crow.      Woman's  Press    (New   York),     227   pp.      $2. 


FINANCIAL  NEWS 

I.— BUSINESS  AND  ECONOMIC  SITUATIONS  THAT 
ARE  CAUSING  MOST  CONCERN 


THE  inanimation  that  has  characterized 
the  financial  markets  for  some  time  is 
symptomatic  of  the  uncertain,  one  might  say 
almost  apprehensive,  frame  of  mind  of  the 
business  leaders  of  the  country.  The  prob- 
lems created  by  the  cessation  of  hostilities 
have  at  no  time  been  so  thoroughly  appreci- 
ated from  the  standpoint  of  their  complexity 
as  at  present.  It  is  not  the  magnitude  of 
these  problems  that  makes  for  hesitancy  (the 
war  has  demonstrated  our  ability  to  under- 
take Herculean  tasks  successfully),  but 
rather  the  delicate  ramifications  that  lead 
us  onto  uncharted  seas. 

It  is  by  far  easier  to  create  a  pyramid  of 
inflation  than  it  is  to  level  it  without  at  the 
same  time  disturbing  some  of  the  founda- 
tions. This  describes  the  present  situation; 
yet  while  it  is  delicate  in  the  extreme,  cir- 
cumstances are  so  shaping  themselves  that 
there  is  justification  for  the  conviction  that  a 
rift  is  appearing  in  the  clouds. 

Before  the  nation  can  be  restored  to  nor- 
mal peace-time  prosperity  there  are  three 
fundamentals  (eliminating  from  this  discus- 
sion the  vital  factor  of  the  settlements  made 
at  the  peace  conference)  that  must  be  satis- 
factorily adjusted.  These  are,  in  the  order 
of  their  importance,  the  readjustment  of 
labor  and  commodities;  the  banking  and 
mechanical  facilities  for  conducting  our 
overseas  commerce ;  and  finally  the  railroad 
transportation  problem  at  home. 

Labor  and  commodities  occupy  the  first 
rank  because  of  the  extraordinary  degree 
to  which  they  have  been  inflated.  For  ex- 
ample, in  the  cost  of  a  ton  of  steel  from  the 
ore  in  the  mine  to  the  finished  product,  the 
labor  item  probably  represents  75  per  cent. 
Since  the  early  months  of  1916  the  wage 
cost  per  ton  of  steel  at  the  mills  for  the 
integrated  and  low-cost  producers  has  in- 
creased from  $17  to  about  $28.  This,  how- 
ever, has  not  kept  pace  in  full  with  wage 
increases  because  of  improved  methods  of 
production  and  the  fact  of  capacity  output, 
which  in  itself  has  had  a  tendency  to  reduce 
costs.     In  the  same  period  wages  at  the  steel 

334 


mills  have  increased  from  140  to  175  per 
cent.  Where  great  skill  is  required  the  in- 
creases have  been  much  greater.  Common 
labor  has  increased  from  22  to  about  42 
cents  an  hour,  or  nearly  100  per  cent. 

As  a  consequence  of  this  the  producer  of 
steel  cannot  revise  his  price  schedule  ma- 
terially downward  until  he  has  the  assurance 
that  the  manufacturing  cost  will  not  be 
prohibitive,  taking  into  account  also  large 
supplies  on  hand  that  were  produced  at  the 
peak  costs  of  the  war  period.  And  likewise 
the  consumer  of  steel,  whether  interested  in 
the  construction  of  renting  properties,  fac- 
tories, or  ships,  must  govern  his  calculations 
by  considerations  altogether  different  from 
those  that  have  obtained  in  the  past  three 
or  four  years  of  stimulated  business  and 
stimulated  profits.  He  must  compare  the 
cost  of  his  investment  with  the  probable  re- 
turn on  it  under  conditions  that  are  more 
representative  of  normal.  In  other  words, 
the  world  is  no  longer  feeding  an  insatiable 
war  machine ;  and  while  Europe  will  have 
its  reconstruction  requirements,  some  of  them 
imperative,  we  are  nevertheless  entering  an 
era  where  costs  will  take  precedence  over 
promptness  in  deliveries. 

Labor  Makes  Production  Costly 

The  principal  obstacle  to  rapidly  lowered 
costs  is  labor,  which  is  confronted  on  the  one 
side  with  a  smaller  amount  of  work  to  per- 
form and  on  the  other  with  an  inordinately 
high  scale  of  living  costs.  This  explains, 
incidentally,  why  the  steel  mills  are  operating 
at  60  to  70  per  cent  of  capacity  and  the 
copper  mines  and  smelters  at  from  40  to  50 
per  cent.  From  the  standpoint  of  the  cor- 
poration manager  only  two  alternatives 
present  themselves,  viz.,  voluntarily  lower 
labor  costs  or  curtailed  production  until  a 
surplus  of  labor  has  been  created  of  sufficient 
size  to  bring  about  the  correction  auto- 
matically. 

And  here  is  where  the  situation  becomes 
so  difficult.  Until  living  costs  are  reduced, 
social   tranquillity   demands   that   the   wage 


FINANCIAL    NEWS 


335 


(>  (<  a 


(>  ((  (( 


scale  remain  conMnensurately  high.  The 
former  is  to  an  extent  artificially  retarded 
by  the  Government's  guarantee  of  prices  and 
its  endeavor  to  stimulate  production  of  cer- 
tain foodstuffs  to  meet  the  great  vacuum  that 
exists  the  vi^orld  aver.  But  a  genuinely 
favorable  symptom  is  that  while  the  reaction 
has  been  slow  there  is  already  a  perceptible 
lowering  of  living  costs.  The  same  tendency 
is  finding  reflection  also  in  some  of  the  other 
commodities  and  basic  materials.  The  prob- 
abilities are  that  a  point  of  resistance  will  be 
reached  in  both  materials  and  labor  about 
mid-way  between  the  high  and  low  points  of 
the  war  period.  The  sooner  this  material- 
izes, the  sooner  will  new  life  be  injected  into 
the  industries. 

Perils    in    Price    Fluctua-  1918  (June  30  fisca 

tions  1917        "  "  " 

^    ,       .           .      .  ;916         ''  ''  " 

Reductions    m    commo-  1915        "  "  " 

dity  prices  do  not  confine 
their  effects  to  the  labor 
market.  While  it  is  rec-  ^^^^ 
ognized  that  the  greatest  1913 
possible  stimulant  of  do-  1912 
mestic  business  would  be  ^^^^ 
in  the  form  of  lower  ma- 
terial prices,  the  other  fac- 
tor to  be  encountered  is  that  of  the  tre- 
mendous expansion  of  inventories  in  the 
past  few  years — although  the  situation  is 
somewhat  ameliorated  by  the  fact  that  the 
Government  will  provide  for  most  manufac- 
turers whose  output  entered  directly  into  the 
war  program.  A  majority  of  the  large  cor- 
porations have  been  sufficiently  far-sighted  to 
carry  their  inventories  at  pre-war  levels. 
Many  others  have  not.  And  then  there 
are  thousands  of  small  concerns  spread  out 
all  over  the  United  States  to  which  a  col- 
lapse in  values  might  mean  not  only  the 
elimination  of  all  war  profits,  but  bank- 
ruptcy as  well. 

A  fairly  accurate  picture  of  conditions  gen- 
erally may  be  obtained  in  the  fact  that  since 
the  outbreak  of  the  war  the  inventory  account 
of  seventy-five  representative  industrial  cor- 
porations is  shown  by  compilation  to  have 
increased  $700,000,000,  or  85  per  cent, 
whereas  the  working  capital  of  the  same  con- 
cerns has  increased  $850,000,000,  or  70  per 
cent.  The  ratio  of  inventories  to  working 
capital  stands  at  about  70  per  cent,  whereas 
in  the  early  stages  of  the  war  it  was  close 
to  60  per  cent.  Expressed  in  another  way, 
the  major  portion  of  the  undisturbed  profits 
of   the   war    period    are    not    represented    by 


cash,  government  obligations,  or  bills  re- 
ceivable— but  by  the  highly  fluctuating  item 
of  inventories. 

Demoralization  of  Foreign  Markets 
Many  of  the  illusions  entertained  at  the 
time  the  armistice  was  signed  have  been 
shattered.  One  of  these  pertains  to  the 
magnitude  of  our  foreign  commerce  in  the 
articles  of  peace.  On  this  score  the  follow- 
ing figures  are  valuable,  particularly  in  viev/ 
of  our  greatly  increased  manufacturing  capac- 
ity, the  expansion  in  the  output  of  finished 
rolled  steel,  for  instance,  having  been  from 
23,000,000  to  39,000,000  tons  annually  in 
the  last  five  years: 

Exports  Imports 

1   year) $5,928,000,000  $2,946,000,000 

6,293,000,000  2,659,000,000 

4,333,000,000  2,197,000,000 

'<       2,768,000,000  1,674,000,000 

Average  $4,830,500,000  $2,369,000,000 

"       2,364,000,000'  1,893,000,000 

2,465,000,000  1,813,000,000 

"       2,204,000,000  1,563,000,000 

"       2,049,000,000  1,527,000,000 

Average  $2,270,500,000  $1,721,500,000 

Compared  with  1914,  the  1918  fiscal  year 
exports  increased  155  per  cent.  This  gain 
represents  mainly  the  purchases  of  our 
Allies  of  materials  the  need  for  which  de- 
creased in  large  part  with  the  defeat  of  the 
Central  Empires,  and  does  not  include  over- 
seas shipments  for  the  use  of  our  own  naval 
and  military  establishments.  Europe  bought 
because  of  insurmountable  necessity  and  with 
almost  complete  disregard  of  all  economic 
and  financial  laws.  The  result  is  that  to- 
day she  is  impoverished  and  her  purchasing 
power  for  the  next  few  years  will  depend 
largely  upon  the  degree  of  assistance  we 
render  through'  the   extension   of   credits. 

But  that  does  not  entirely  solve  the  prob- 
lem. The  foreign  exchanges  have  become  so 
utterly  deranged  as  almost  to  defy  the  best 
banking  judgment.  Thus  far  no  satisfactory 
solution  has  been  offered,  though  it  is  to  be 
hoped  and  expected  that  the  peace  conference 
will  evolve  a  plan  that  will  enable  this  intri- 
cate machine  again  to  function  properly. 
One  of  the  best  suggestions  yet  made  is  for  an 
international  bond  issue  or  similar  obliga- 
tion that  could  be  used  as  a  basis  of  credit 
between  the  nations.  This,  however,  could 
be  only  a  temporary  expedient. 

While   gold    is   the    international    medium 


336 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


of  exchange,  balances  between  nations  are, 
in  the  final  analysis,  discouraged  by  the  flow 
of  commodities  and  manufactures.  There- 
fore one  of  two  things  must  happen — either 
we  must  advance  Europe  the  means  with 
which  to  continue  her  purchases  here,  or 
she  will  be  forced  to  liquidate  as  rapidly  as 
possible  her  debt  to  us  through  the  single 
medium  now  available,  namely,  the  sale  to 
us  of  the  necessities  and  luxuries  which  by 
reason  of  the  tariff  and  lower  costs  she  can 
place  here  cheaper  than  we  can  produce  them. 
The  most  likely  course  is  that  the  next  year 
or  two  wiir  witness  large  emissions  here  of 
foreign  securities  that  will  compete  for  a 
rather  limited  supply  of  capital,  made  so 
by  reason  of  the  next  government  loan,  the 
unpaid  balances  on  previous  loans  that  are 
still  being  carried  by  the  banks  or  the  Federal 
Reserve  institutions,  and  high  income-taxes. 

Improvement  in  the  Railroad  Outlook 

All  of  which  leads  us  to  the  very  founda- 
tion of  national  economic  and  financial  vigor. 
This  is  the  railroad  structure.     The  carriers 


are  the  largest  single  peace-time  customers 
of  the  mills  and  factories,  and  their  pur- 
chases necessarily  cannot  be  large  if  they  are 
completely  divested  of  their  credit.  When 
the  Government  took  over  the  railroads  they 
had  lived  off  the  final  ounce  of  fat  accumu- 
lated in  the  days  of  profitable  business. 
Hence  their  present  distressed  condition — a 
condition  that  would  mean  prostration  in 
every  direction  if  they  were  returned  at  once 
to  their  private  owners.  But  here  is  where 
another  hopeful  sign  is  to  be  seen.  The 
Railroad  Director  is  on  record  to  the  effect 
that  relinquishment  of  control  should  not 
occur  until  the  rails  are  adequately  prepared 
for  it.  What  is  more,  railroad  executives 
who  have  been  called  to  Washington  for 
consultation  are  beginning  to  note  beneath 
the  surface  an  attitude  of  sympathy  that  con- 
trasts most  strikingly  with  that*of  the  past. 
There  seems  to*  be  a  sincere  effort  to  treat 
the  subject  intelligently  and  constructively. 
A  half-dozen  plans  are  under  consideration, 
from  which  one  should  develop  that  will  be 
satisfactory  to  all  parties. 


II.— INVESTORS'  QUERIES  AND  ANSWERS 


STOCK  QUOTATIONS  EXPLAINED 

I  am  enclosing  several  clippings  from  United  States 
and  foreign  newspapers  showing  the  usual  tables  of 
security  quotations  and  would  thank  you  to  explain 
briefly  the  meaning  of  the  various  headings  of  these 
clippings. 

In  the  clipping  headed  "New  York  Stock  Sales," 
the  columns  headed  "High,"  "Low"  and  "Close" 
record  the  highest,  lowest  and  closing  prices  at 
which  actual  transactions  were  made  on  the  New 
York  Stock  Exchange  for  the  day  in  question. 
The  column  headed  "Net  Change"  records  the 
differences  between  the  closing  prices  of  the  day 
in  question  and  the  closing  prices  of  the  previous 
day.  We  might  add  that  the  actual  trading  period 
on  the  New  York  Stock  Exchange  is  between  the 
hours  of  ten  o'clock  A.  M,  and  three  o'clock  P.  M., 
except  on  Saturday,  when  it  is  between  the  hours 
of  ten  o'clock  A.  M.  and  twelve  o'clock  noon. 
Prices  on  the  New  York  Stock  Exchange,  more- 
over, represent  dollars  per  share.  To  know  their 
full  significance,  therefore,  it  is  necessary  for  one 
to  know  the  par  values  of  the  stocks  that  are 
quoted.  Some  issues  are  made  without  any  par 
value  at  all.  In  the  cases  of  others,  par  values 
range  all  the  way  from  $1  per  share  to  $100  a 
share.  Take,  for  example,  some  of  the  issues 
listed  in  the  enclosed  clipping  to  which  we  are 
referring:  Alaska  Gold  Mining  and  Alaska  Ju- 
neau stocks  quoted,  respectively,  at  1^  and  1^, 
have  a  par  value  of  $10  per  share;  American 
Zinc  &  Lead,  quoted  at  13^,  has  a  par  value  of 
$25  per  share;  Cerro  De  Pasco  Copper,  quoted 
at  31J/^,  has  no  par  value.  Most  of  the  other 
stocks  have  a  par  value  of  $100  per  share. 


Quotations  in  the  other  two  clippings  from 
American  newspapers  also  represent  dollars  per 
share.  In  clipping  headed  "Local  Bid  and  Asked," 
the  quotations  are  what  are  called  "Nominal  Quo- 
tations," which  means  that  they  do  not  represent 
prices  at  which  actual  transactions  were  made. 
The  column  headed  "Bid"  records  the  prices 
which  buyers  are  prepared  to  pay,  and  the  column 
headed  "Ask"  records  the  prices  which  sell- 
ers are  willing  to  take.  These  quotations 
as  you  will  note,  are  of  the  same  character 
as  those  indicated  in  pounds,  shillings  and  pence 
in  the  records  of  the  Brisbane  market,  shown  on 
still   another  one  of  your  clippings. 

In  the  market  for  stocks  where  the  bid  and 
asked  prices  are  recorded,  it  is  not  always  neces- 
sary for  buyers  to  pay  all  that  the  sellers  ask. 
Bargaining  enters  into  these  transactions,  and  de- 
pending upon  the  strength  of  the  supply  or  the 
demand  for  the  stocks,  transactions  are  made  ac- 
cordingly. For  example,  take  a  stock  like  Buffalo 
&  Susquehanna  preferred,  quoted  in  the  clippings 
at  59  bid,  61  asked:  It  is  altogether  probable  that 
a  buyer  under  normal  conditions  would  find  it 
possible  to  bargain  with  the  seller  for  the  stock 
at  an  average  price  of  60.  If  there  was  a  con- 
siderable amount  of  the  stock  for  sale  it  might 
even  happen  that  the  buyer  would  be  able  to  get 
what  he  wanted  by  bidding  just  a  little  over  59. 
That  in  a  rough  way  is  how  the  market  operates. 
It  is  possible  nowadays  for  one  to  buy  even  a 
single  share  of  standard  stocks,  although  the  unit 
of  transactions  on  the  New  York  Stock  Exchange, 
where  the  basic  prices  are  established,  is  a  hun- 
dred shares. 


The  American  Review  of  Reviews 


EDITED    BY    ALBERT    SHAW 


CONTENTS  FO 

The  League  of  Nations  Commission   .Frontispiece 

The  Progress  of  the  World— 

Our  Great  Armies  Still  in  Europe 339 

The  Bills  Have  to  Be  Paid 339 

The  Value  of  Organization 339 

What  Union  Has  Meant  to  America 340 

Security  the  Great  Demand 340 

An  Example  to  Be  Followed 340 

The  Vision  of  Jefferson 341 

Peace  Leagues  and  Democracy 341 

Monroe  Doctrine  a  Mile-stone 341 

A  League  for  Peace  Is  American  Doctrine  341 

Defensive   Attitudes .  342 

Some  Natural  Groupings 342 

We  Must  Uphold  Our  Principles 342 

Europe   Must  Accept  Facts 342 

We  Are  Already  Committed 343 

Definite   Arrangements    Desirable 344 

Criticism  Should  Be  Unsparing 344 

Americans   Generally   Favorable 345 

A  Great  Debate  Is  Pending 345 

Germany  to  Be  Disarmed 345 

Fixing  Other  Peace   Conditions 346 

Regulation  of  the  New  States 346 

German  Ships  and  Food  Relief 347 

Europe's  Hope  of  Abundance 347 

The  "Resurgence"  an   Illusion 347 

The  Russian  Menace 348 

The  President  on  the  Scene 349 

Measures   That    Failed 349 

Republicans  Now  Responsible 350 

Prompt  Action  Needed 350 

Historic  Deeds  of  the  "Sixty-fifth".  .  .• 350 

The  Draft  Law  and  the  Nation's  Morale.  .  351 

American  Life  Changed  by  War  Taxation  351 

The  New  Economic  Situation. 351 

The  Share  That  Goes  to  Government 352 

Control   of  the   Railroad    System 352 

The  Puzzle  Awaiting  Solution 352 

Protecting   Private    Property.  .  .  .-. 353 

"Government  Ownership"  in  Politics 353 

Looking  to  Next  Year's  Campaign 353 

Better  to   Cooperate 354 

The  Country  Will   Support  Paris 354 

America  to  Be  Kept  Efficient 354 

"Jumping  On"   the   President 355 

Presidents   Usually   "Win    Out" 355 

Federal  Finances  and  the  People 355 

Dr.  Farrand  and  the  Red  Cross 356 

With  portraits,  cartoons,  and  other  illustrations 

Record  of  Current  Events 358 

With  illustrations 

As  European  Cartoonists  See  Wilson 362 

Topics  of  the  Hour  in  Cartoons 365 


R    APRIL,     1919 

The  Meaning  of  the  Victory  Liberty  Loan.  .  .  .      369 
By  Hon.  Carter  Glass 

The  Man  Who  Took  McAdoo's  Place 370 

By  Homer  Joseph  Dodge 

With   portraiit    of    Carter   Glass 

The  New  Attorney  General 374 

By  Arthur  Wallace  Dunn 

With  portrait  of  A.  Mitchell  Palmer 

Progress  of  the  Peace  Conference 376 

By  Frank  H.  Simonds 
A  League  of  Nations  and  Undeveloped  States       383 
By  Harry  Pratt  Judson 

Exit  Booze — Enter  Alcohol 385 

By  William    H.   Waggaman 

The  Negro  at  Work 389 

By  George  Edmund  Haynes 

With   illustrations 
A  Roosevelt  National  Park 394 

With   illustrations 

Turkish  Populations  Reverting  to  Type 397 

By  George  E.  White,  D.D. 

With  map 

The  New  Map  of  Asia 403 

By  Major  E,  Alexander  Powell 

With  map 

Planning  Red  Cross  Work  for  Peace  Times . .  .     409 

By  Livingston  Farrand 

Our  Agricultural  Resources 411 

By    Meade    Ferguson 

Covenant  of  the  League  of  Nations 413 

Leading  Articles  of  the  Month — 

The  League  of  Nations  and  Its  Constitution  417 

Germany's  Mistake  about  the  United  States  423 
Labor    Women    Who    Seek    to    Humanize 

Civilization 424 

Proclamation  of  German  Empire  in  1871.  426 
The  Stofy  of  the  "Inquiry"  on   Behalf  of 

the   Peace   Conference 427 

Calendar  Reforms  and  the  Peace  Confer- 
ence   428 

Airplanes  for  Patrolling  the  Forests 429 

Proposed  "University  of  the  Sea"  at  Trieste  430 

Chile,  Peru,  and  Bolivia  in  Dispute 432 

Preventive  Policing  in  the  Big  Cities....  433 

John  McCrae,  "In  Flanders  Fields" 435 

Carl  Larsson,  Swedish  Painter 436 

With  portraits,  cartoons,  and  other  illustrations 

The  New  Books 437 

Ji'ith   portraits 
Financial  News 446 


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THE   REVIEW  OF  REVIEWS  CO.,  30  Irving   Place,   New  York 

Albert  Shaw,   Pres.     Chas.   D.   Lanier,   Sec.   and   Treas. 


337 


>  r2  ^ 


THE    AMERICAN 

Review  of  Reviews 

Vol.  LIX  NEW   YORK,   APRIL,    1919  No.  4 


THE  PROGRESS  OF  THE  WORLD 

Although    welcome    troop    ships  require  an  appreciable  part  of  the  productive 

Armits  still     are    arriving    almost    every    day  energy   of    the   world,    for    a    generation    to 

inEurop*      ^^\^  young  Americans  eager  to  come,  to  amortize  the  accumulated  costs  of 

be  at  home  after  their  part  in   the  World  this    desperate    contest,    that    has    compelled 

War,   it  must  be   remembered   that   we   are  America  to  intervene  in  Europe  in  order  to 

still  represented  abroad  by  more  than  a  mil-  have  security  at  home, 
lion  and  a  half  of  our  men  in  army  uniform. 

Many  topics  are  occupying  the  skilful  head-  j            War   taxes   for   a   long  time   to 

line  writers  and  are  agitating  the  minds  of  Vaiue  of      come  will  warn  us  of  the  perils 

those  people  to  whom  all  public  matters  ap-  ''oomza  ion    ^^^^  beset  a  disorganized  world, 

pear  in  a  controversial  aspect.     But  it  is  well  We   have   forty-eight   States   in   our   Union, 

to  keep  in  mind  the  central  fact,  and  to  bring  not  one  of  which  is  tempted  to  encroach  upon 

the  various  topics  of  the  day  into  some  rela-  the  territory  of  one  of  the  others.     The  only 

tionship  to  the  situation  as  a  whole.  recent  controversy  of  any  importance  between 

our  States  was  a  legacy  of  war  time,  and  it 

«///        For  example,  the  United  States  has  been  settled  after  the  lapse  of  fifty  years. 

Have  tab*     Treasury   is   occupied   with   col-  West  Virginia  was  held  by  the  North,  and 

lecting  the  largest  tax  bill  ever  was  detached  from  the  seceded  part  of  Vir- 

imposed  upon  any  nation.     The  mechanism  ginia  early  in  the  war  period.     It  remained  a 

established  under  Mr.  Roper,  as  the  supreme  separate  State,  and  there  subsequently  arose 

tax-gatherer  of  all  historic  time,  is  to  trans-  the  question  in  what  proportion  West  Vir- 

fer  twenty  million  dollars  a  day  for  a  year  ginia  ought  to  share  that  pre-war  indebted- 

to  come  from  current  production  to  the  pub-  ness  for  which  the  State  in  its  original  extent 

lie  purse.     The  country  is  about  to  subscribe  was  justly  responsible.     The  Supreme  Court 

to  another  colossal  loan,  and  the  new  Secre-  of  the  United  States  imposes  upon  West  Vir- 

tary  of  the  Treasury,   Mr.   Glass,   is  doing  ginia   a  somewhat  heavier  burden   than   the 

everything  in  his  power  to  awaken  a  spirit  people  of  that  State  have  thought  to  be  equit- 

of  confidence  throughout  the  American  busi-  able,  but  it  will  be  borne  loyally,  and  there 

ness    community,    while    also    invoking    the  will  be  no  need  of  threat  to  put  force  behind 

spirit  of  thanksgiving  that  will  express  itself  the  mandate  of  the  court.     A  due  regard  for 

anew,  in  the  immediate  future,  with  the  ac-  our  institutions,  a  proper  sense  of  the  value 

tual  signing  of  the  peace  treaty.     These  tax  of    law    and    order,    and    a    respect    for    the 

and  loan  operations,  which,   taken  together,  opinion  of  forty-seven  sister  States  will   all 

involve  the  absorption  from  private  resources  have  dictated  to  West  Virginia  the  one  pos- 

of  $12,000,000,000,  are  to  remind  us  that  the  sible  course  of  proceeding.     Whether  West 

burdens  of  war  do  not  cease  when  the  guns  Virginia  is  to  pay  some  twelve  million  dol- 

stop    firing.       The     United     States,     Great  lars,  or  nothing  at  all,  is  a  small  matter  to 

Britain,  France,  and  Italy  are  still  on  a  war  the  quiet  and  peaceable  citizen  of  that  State 

basis.     All  of  these  countries  are  now  spend-  as   compared   with    the   cost   of   denying   the 

ing   more   per   month    for   military   purposes  claim  and  subjecting  the  issue  to  the  test  of 

than  they  were  in  the  earlier  periods  of  actual  force.     The  citizen  of  West  Virginia  knoAvs 

war.     After  another  year  the  financial  bur-  to-day  that  what  he  must  pay  as  a  result  of 

dens  ought  to  show  rapid  reduction ;  but  im-  this  Supreme  Court  decision  is  a  mere  baga- 

mense  public  debts  will  remain,  and  it  will  telle  in  comparison  with  what  he  must  pav  as 

Copyright,   1919,  by  The  Kevtew  of  Reviews  Company  339 


340 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW   OF   REVIEWS 


a  consequence  of  the  lack  of  a  supreme  court 
for  the  settlement  of  disputes  in  Europe.  If 
The  Hague  Tribunal  had  possessed  a  mere 
fraction  of  the  standing  and  authority  of  our 
Supreme  Court,  the  quarrel  between  Austria 
and  Serbia  would  not  have  precipitated  a  war 
that  will  burden  every  American  taxpayer  for 
a  generation. 

.i/^.„.       The     creation     of     the     federal 

What  Union       tt     •  •  i       •  i  •  i_ 

has  Meant  to    Umon,   With   its  worKing  meth- 
mtnca       ^^^     ^^^    maintaining    harmony 

among  the  States,  was  a  movement  vital  to 
the  interests  of  the  common  American  citizen. 
This  federalizing  project  that  has  worked  so 
well  for  us  in  the  United  States  was  bitterly 
opposed  when  under  debate  previous  to  its 
adoption  by  many  public  men  and  politicians 
who  were  so-called  "leaders"  in  their  respec- 
tive States.  They  were  fierce  in  their  oppo- 
sition to  the  curtailments  of  State  sovereignty 
that  were  called  for  in  the  draft  of  the  federal 
Constitution.  But  the  plain  people  were 
wiser  than  these  leaders.  They  had  been 
through  a  good  many  years  of  war,  and  they 
wanted  peace  and  security.  They  knew  that 
a  strong  Union  would  keep  the  peace  as 
among  the  big  States  and  little  States  of  the 
association  itself,  while  also  providing  a  wise 
plan  for  the  bringing  in  at  later  times,  in 
groups  or  singly,  of  the  new  States  that  were 
to  grow  up  with  the  settling  of  the  Western 
lands.  They  knew,  furthermore,  that  the 
Union,  while  affording  the  best  means  of 
keeping  peace  here  in  America,  v/as  the  only 
agency  through  which  we  could  deal  with 
Europe  and  the  rest  of  the  world. 

.  ^i.      Obviously,    then,    in    the    war- 

Sccurity  the  •     i  r  i  i  • 

Great         striCKcn   periods  or   modern   nis- 

Demand  ^  ^U  „  „       1 

tory,  the  common  man  has 
wanted  security  above  all  other  public  bless- 
ings, and  has  wished  to  have  those  political 
powers  which  we  call  "sovereignty"  so  dis- 
tributed as  to  contribute  most  to  the  freedom 
and  safety  which  were  the  supreme  desider- 
atum. The  people  themselves  were  the  final 
authority ;  and  if  they  took  some  power  away 
from  the  States  and  centered  it  in  a  federal 
government,  they  were  not  losing  anything 
of  their  own,  but  were  merely  improving  the 
agencies  through  which  popular  government 
could  secure  the  objects  that  it  sought.  The 
ordinary  citizen  was  exercising  much  of  his 
actual  power  of  self-government  through  the 
authority  that  he  conferred  upon  his  town, 
village,  city,  or  county.  He  chose  to  give  au- 
thority to  his  State  government  to  keep  the 


local  sub-divisions  operating  peaceably  within 
their  jurisdictions  under  general  rules.  He 
found  it  beneficial  to  give  control  of  foreign 
affairs  to  a  higher  federal  government.  And 
since  all  these  agencies  were  his  own — set  up 
for  purposes  of  the  general  security  and  well- 
being — the  plain  citizen  was  giving  up  noth- 
ing of  his  inherent  political  power,  but  was 
exercising  it  all  for  his  own  best  interests. 

An£xampi9    ^"  Creating  this  permanent  asso- 
tob*         ciation  of  States  for  harmony  and 

Followed  '.  •  !•         .1 

security,  we  were  providing  the 
world  with  an  example  that  in  some  measure 
it  was  bound  to  imitate  sooner  or  later.  The 
causes  and  consequences  of  our  Civil  War 
merely  illustrated  the  value  and  need  of  the 
kind  of  union  that  Washington,  Hamilton, 
and  Madison  advocated,  and  that  Marshall, 
Andrew  Jackson,  Webster,  Clay — and  after- 
wards Lincoln — tried  to  develop  and  main- 
tain. There  were  no  questions  at  issue  which 
could  not  have  been  worked  out  better  by 
peaceable  means,  with  the  unwavering  ac- 
ceptance of  the  Union  that  had  been  formed, 
than  by  the  appeal  to  force.  Ouf?  was  a  bit- 
ter and  terrible  experience  and  the  lesson  has 
sunk  deep.  The  ordinary  citizen  knows  the 
value  of  the  Union  for  his  best  welfare,  and 
he  makes  whatever  sacrifices  may  be  called 
for  in  the  spirit  of  loyalty.  This  plain  citi- 
zen has  now  made  sacrifices  beyond  calcula- 
tion; and  he  is  not  likely  to  forget  that  the 
only  fitting  compensation  lies  in  some  ar-' 
rangement  to  prevent  future  outbreaks  that 
would  involve  America. 


THE  GUARDIAN   ANGEL 
From  the  World  (New  York) 


THE    PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


341 


It  ought  to  be  understood   that 

The  Vision-  r    ^i  ^    ^  U       U    J 

of  some  ot  the  statesmen  who  nad 

Jefferson  ^^^^^  ^^  j^  ^^,j^j^  Securing  our  in- 
dependence and  creating  our  transcontinental 
republic  believed  thoroughly  in  still  larger 
associations  of  races,  peoples,  and  nations. 
Mr.  Jefferson's  idea  of  federal  union  was 
very  large  and  inclusive.  He  confidently  be- 
lieved that  some  form  of  federal  association 
could  sweep  over  the  whole  of  North  and 
South  America,  so  that  we  in  the  Western 
Hemisphere  might  be  secure  against  the  evils 
of  war  that  were  so  destructive  in  Europe. 
More  than  any  other  individual,  Jefferson 
himself  was  responsible  for  the  phrasing  and 
announcement  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  He 
hoped  to  see  associated  States  living  harmoni- 
ously throughout  North  and  South  America. 
Canada  has  formed  a  group  of  organized 
States,  and  they  live  in  good  neighborhood 
with  our  federated  republic.  Mexico,  Cen- 
tral America,  and  the  West  Indies  will  in 
due  time  come  completely  under  the  sway  of 
our  system,  not  through  force  or  conquest, 
but  through  the  mutual  agreements  of  neigh- 
bors by  means  of  which  all  differences  will  be 
amicably  settled  without  war,  just  as  the  Su- 
preme Court  at  Washington  settles  the  dif- 
ferences among  our  States  or  between  citizens 
of  different  commonwealths.  South  America, 
furthermore,  is  making  practical  as  well  as 
theoretical  progress  in  the  direction  of  the 
substitution  of  legal  and  orderly  peace-keep- 
ing methods  for  the  barbarism  of  war.  Every- 
thing beneficent  of  this  kind  in  the  Western 
Hemisphere  has  been  in  harmony  with  the 
spirit  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine. 

When  we  were  creating  our  in- 

Peace  Leagues     ,.    .  ,       ,   r,  ,  ,.      .   .  ,     . 

and  dividual  States  and  limiting  their 

Democracu  sovereignty  by  federating  them 
under  a  central  government,  our  statesmen 
were  feeling  the  influence  of  doctrines  then 
very  familiar  among  political  philosophers 
everywhere.  The  apostles  of  freedom  in  Eu- 
rope whose  teachings  had  resulted  in  the 
French  Revolution  were  advocating  not  only 
the  inherent  rights  of  man  and  the  gospel  of 
democracy,  with  national  self-determination, 
but  they  were  also  proclaiming  the  Federation 
of  Europe  and  the  abolition  of  war.  The 
reaction  following  the  Napoleonic  Wars  de- 
feated the  program  of  the  thinkers  and  phil- 
osophers. Autocracy  asserted  itself,  and  the 
democratic  wave  was  checked.  The  peace 
league  that  was  to  have  been  built  upon  the 
foundation  of  European  democracy  could  not 
be   consummated.      Instead   of   that  we   saw 


the  peace  compact  of  emperors  known  as  the 
"Holy  Alliance."  Meanwhile,  however,  the 
leaders  in  North  America  were  not  only  cre- 
ating commonwealths,  but  were  federating 
them  into  a  League  of  Peace  that  grew  into 
our  American  Union. 

While  in  form  we  observed  neu- 

Iwonroe  , .  ,  i        t        •       a 

Doctrine  a  trality  when  the  Latin-American 
/  e-stone  countries  were  breaking  away 
from  Spain,  we  were  quick  to  recognize  their 
independence,  and  anxious  to  construct  some 
kind  of  Pan-Americanism  that  should  se- 
cure peace  and  harmony  in  the  western 
world  while  helping  to  defend  America 
against  the  colony-grabbing,  empire-building 
policies  of  Europe.  This  larger  concept  that 
lay  in  the  minds  of  our  early  statesmen  must 
be  understood,  in  order  to  appreciate  the  na- 
ture and  bearing  of  many  of  the  particular 
facts  of  history.  It  is  not  at  all  true  that  the 
fathers  of  the  republic  regarded  American 
isolation  as  a  policy  to  control  future  genera- 
tions without  limit.  Under  Washington's 
advice  we  have  gone  forward  until  we  have 
attained  a  mature  strength  that  the  leaders 
of  the  early  period  clearly  foresaw.  They 
were  confident  that  a  time  would  come  when 
democracy  would  also  prevail  in  Europe,  and 
when  some  form  of  association  of  nations 
would  put  an  end  to  the  European  militaristic 
system.  Everything  in  the  spirit  of  the  large- 
visioned  founders  of  our  republic  would  sup* 
port  the  view  that,  when  in  the  course  of  time 
Europe  should  become  democratic  and  should 
seek  to  insure  world-peace  by  forming  a  peace- 
keeping association,  it  would  be  our  privilege 
to  join  in  this  extension  of  the  principle  of 
the  Monroe  Doctrine  to  the  other  continents. 
The  Monroe  Doctrine  was  merely  a  mile- 
stone on  the  road  to  world-wide  democracy 
and  peace. 

Preciselv  as  our  Civil  War  con- 

A  League  for  ■  111  r 

Peace  is  Ameri-  firmed  the  need  and  value  or  our 
can  Doctrine     ^^j^^^j   ^nion  of  States,  so  the 

World  War  has  illustrated  and  confirmed  the 
need  of  a  union  of  nations  with  a  mechanism 
for  preventing  war.  Furthermore,  the  ef- 
fort now  to  consummate  such  a  league  or 
association  of  peoples  ought  not  to  obscure 
the  fact  that  through  our  entire  history  we 
have  been  working  toward  precisely  such  a 
consummation.  We  have  ahva\s  and  every- 
where proclaimed  the  rights  of  peoples  to  gov- 
ern themselves,  and  the  need  of  settling  dif- 
ferences ^vithout  war.  Our  Monroe  Doc- 
trine was  not  primarily   an  assertion  of  our 


342  THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 

leadership  in  America ;  it  was  rather  an  ap-  ognized  in  the  League  plans.    The  important 

peal   to-  the  world   to  recognize,  generously  thing  for  the  world  is  the  substitution  of  law 

and  justly,  the  inherent  rights  of  the  peoples  and  justice  for  the  rule  of  force  and  the  ter- 

of  the  Western  World  to  create  their  own  ror  of  war.    The  whole  history  of  the  United 

institutions    without    interference.      It    was  States  has  been  that  of   an  effort  to  secure 

never  possible  to  expound  the  Monroe  Doc-  peace  with  justice;  and  our  Supreme  Court 

trine  without   making   it  plain   that  we  be-  has  given  the  most  conspicuous  example.   Our 

lieved  also  in  the  ultimate  right  of  the  com-  Monroe  Doctrine  has  been  one  phase  of  an 

mon  people  in  Germany  or  Russia  or  else-  endeavor  to  secure   for  the  whole  Western 

where -4o  govern  themselves,   and   to  be  se-  Hemisphere  something  of  the  same  kind  of 

cure  against  militaristic  assault  from  without.  rule  of  right  and  reason  that  our  own  League 

of  States  gives  us  under  the  federal  Consti- 

Along   with    the    Monroe    Doc-  tution.     With   the  growth  of   popular  self- 

^Atit^'d^      trine  we  have  been  building  up  government  in   the  world,   we  see   the  cor- 

a  somewhat  related  though  quite  responding  tendency  to  create   international 

distinct    theory    called    "Pan-Americanism."  order,  and  it  is  a  beneficent  movement. 
The    political    dogmas    named    for    Monroe 

have  been  fairly  well  accepted  for  a  good  w  u  t  ^^  went  into  The  Hague  Con- 
while.  Europe,  however,  in  this  commercial  Uphold  Our  ferences  to  persuade  the  nations 
age  has  made  enormous  investments  in  the  Principles  ^^  improve  international  rules 
Western  Hemisphere,  and  there  has  grown  up  and  methods  and  to  give  up  military  impe- 
in  Latin  America  the  doctrine  that  European  rialism  in  favor  of  a  world  of  law.  If  our 
naval  power  should  not  be  invoked  to  insure  example  and  our  opinions  could  have  pre- 
private  undertakings.  The  Monroe  Doctrine  vailed  in  those  conferences,  there  would  have 
and  the  Pan-American  attitude  have  a  purely  been  no  World  War.  We  have  shown  our 
protective  character.  We  had  expressed  the  own  disposition  toward  the  world  in  re- 
opinion  that  American  territory  ought  not  to  peated  proposals  to  sign  arbitration  treaties; 
be  seized  by  European  empire  builders.  If  and  indeed,  we  have  many  such  treaties  \n 
that  opinion  now  becomes  universally  ac-  existence  to-day.  In  the  very  nature  of  our 
cepted,  the  Monroe  Doctrine  can  hardly  be  political  structure  we  have  always  stood  in 
said  to  be  in  danger.  That  we  in  the  United  the  world  for  the  extension  of  peace  and  for 
States  have  any  continuing  mission  of  guar-  the  creation  of  tribunals  to  settle  differences 
dianship  over  South  America  as  against  the  between  sovereignties.  At  Paris  the  nations  of 
preferences  of  the  South  American  people  Europe  are  trying  to  obtain  for  themselves  the 
themselves  is  not  a  necessary  inference  from  every-day  security  that  Americans  possess  by 
the  Monroe  Doctrine,  although  some  men  reason  of  the  political  order  that  prevails 
have  thus  interpreted  it.  We  shall,  natu-  throughout  North  America,  and  we  must  be 
rally,  maintain  as  much  of  the  defensive  atti-  ready  to  give  aid  and  encouragement, 
tude  as  circumstances  may  require. 

„    ^    It  was,   however,   a  very  excep- 

T         ,               1.                            ,      ,  Europe  Muat        .         ,                                 ,             ■'          ,,     , 

In  the  earlier  stages  of  the  at-  Accept  tional  emergency  that  compelled 
Natural  tempts  to  Organize  world  peace,  ^"''^^  the  United  States  to  send  great 
Oroupinoa  ^^^  ^^^  example,  in  The  Hague  armies  to  fight  on  European  soil.  The  Euro- 
Conferences,  when  certain  forms  of  general  pean  nations  ought  long  ago  to  have  sup- 
arbitration  courts  were  proposed,  we  thought  pressed  their  rivalries  and  to  have  surren- 
it  well  to  reserve  the  right  to  have  strictly  dered  enough  of  their  individual  sovereignty 
American  questions  arbitrated  in  America  to  have  created  a  European  association  which 
rather  than  to  have  them  adjudicated  at  The  would  have  protected  the  Balkan  States  and 
Hague.  There  were  ample  grounds  twenty  curbed  such  autocracies  as  Germany,  Rus- 
years  ago  for  the  reservation  that  the  United  sia,  and  Austria  have  been  in  recent  times.  It 
States  made  in  adhering  to  The  Hague  might  be  well  to  allow  the  Western  Hemi- 
Treaties.  The  conditions  are  greatly  sphere  to  proceed  with  its  internal  develop- 
changed ;  but  there  is  no  reason  why  Ameri-  ment  of  order  and  to  create  its  own  tribunals 
can  questions  should  in  future  go  to  Europe  for  strictly  American  questions.  It  might 
for  settlement  under  a  League  of  Nations  also  be  well  for  the  European  nations — ab- 
project  if  Americans  prefer  to  settle  them  on  sorbing  the  lessons  derived  from  their  own 
this  side  of  the  Atlantic.  "Europe"  and  experiences — to  accept  the  simple  truth  that 
"America"  suggest  some  groupings  to  be  rec-  they  have  to  live  as  contiguous  peoples  on 


THE   PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


343 


their  own  continent.  We  should  not  wish 
to  avoid  membership  in  an  association  of  the 
nations  of  the  world,  but  such  a  league  should 
perhaps  recognize  the  fact  that  Europe  con- 
stitutes one  group  and  that  America  consti- 
tutes another.  The  new  map  of  Europe  must 
be  accepted  by  European  nations  in  good 
faith,  precisely  as  New  York,  Pennsylvania, 
and  Ohio  accept  in  good  faith  the  map  of  the 
United  States;  and  it  is  to  be  no  ordinary 
future  concern  of  ours  to  protect  European 
peoples  from  one  another. 


We  Are 

Already 

Committed 


Repeatedly  in  these  pages  we  have 
emphasized  the  fact  that  America 
had  already  joined  a  league  of 
nations  to  enforce  world  peace,  and  had  ac- 
cepted the  sacrifices  of  a  great  war  to  accom- 
plish a  supreme  end.  Without  the  formali- 
ties of  a  treaty  of  alliance  or  any  other  form 
of  general  agreement,  we  sent  two  millions  of 
our  men  to  fight  in  Europe ;  advanced  money 
and  supplies  to  our  associates  on  a  scale  that 
bewilders  the  imagination ;  made  common 
cause  in  a  variety  of  ways ;  secured  universal 
assent  to  certain  principles,  a  number  of 
which  were  mentioned  in  what  are  known  as 
President  Wilson's  ''Fourteen  Points."  The 
fourteenth  point  reads  as  follows: 

A  general  association  of  nations  must  be 
formed  under  specific  covenants  for  the  purpose 
of  affording  mutual  guarantees  of  political  in- 
dependence and  territorial  integrity  to  great  and 
small   states   alike. 

In  one  of  his  speeches,  President  Wilson, 
referring  to  the  objects  of  the  war  and  the 
settlement  that  must  be  made  declared  that 
it  could  all  be  put  in  a  single  sentence,  as 
follows : 

What  we  seek  is  the  reign  of  law  based  upon 
the  consent  of  the  governed,  and  sustained  by 
the  organized   opinion  of  mankind. 

President  Wilson's  generalized  statements 
have  been  of  great  value,  because  they  have 
been  made  familiar  to  the  intelligent  people 
of  every  nation  in  Europe,  and  have  been  ac- 
cepted almost  universally  by  the  public  (as 
distinguished  from  the  diplomats  and  politi- 
cal leaders).  These  principles  are  those  for 
which  America  has  always  stood.  Their  ac- 
ceptance was  implied  by  the  European  Allies 
when  they  asked  us  to  send  great  armies  to 
Europe.  What  we  have  already  done,  there- 
fore, has  been  to  exemplify  in  the  fullest 
measure  all  the  doctrines  and  principles  of  a 
League  of  Nations.      The  sufficient  answer  to 


Western  Newspaper  Union 
VETERANS   OF   THE   WORLD   WAR   FROM    THE  DISTRICT 
OF   COLUMBIA,   PARADING   IN    WASHINGTON 

(This  celebration  at  the  nation's  capital  is  being  re- 
peated in  countless  cities  throughout  the  land,  as  a 
tribute  to  local  units  before  their  demobilization.  In 
the  foreground  of  the  picture  may  be  seen  a  group  of 
veterans  of  the   Civil  War) 

those  who  are  now  warning  us  that  a  league 
to  prevent  war  may  involve  us  in  future  wars, 
is  to  be  found  in  the  hard  facts  as  they  stand. 
It  was  the  hck  of  a  league  which  precipitated 
the  war  into  which  we  were  drawn.  It  was 
to  create  a  league  and  to  establish  peace  that 
we  went  to  war.  European  powers  must 
now,  without  selfish  reservations,  live  up  to 
their  actual  or  their  implied  promises  made 
when  we  went  to  their  assistance  on  the  large 
scale,  turning  the  tide  and  enabling  them  to 
secure  complete  victory. 

^       ...       It   was   never   practicable,    after 

Organization  i       •  -it-t  r  i 

Is  Already  OUT  Revolutionary  War,  for  the 
States  to  pull  apart.  They  were 
living  in  a  world  that  made  it  necessary  for 
them  to  cooperate.  Nevertheless,  such  co- 
operation was  far  more  efficient  with  a  good 
kind  of  Constitution  than  with  an  inferior 
kind.  In  a  general  w^ay,  the  same  tiling  is 
true  of  the  large  association  of  nations.  We 
are  already  involved  so  deeply  in  the  business 
of  maintaining  world  peace  that  we  cannot 
possibly  withdraw.  The  world  is  to-day 
actually    proceeding    on    an    organized    basis. 


344 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


We  have  made  a  hundred  years  of  history  in 
the  last  twenty-four  months.  We  cannot 
tolerate  the  modern  kind  of  warfare,  with  its 
use  of  new  and  deadly  methods  which,  tend 
to  embroil  the  whole  planet.  We  are  now 
inevitably  associated  with  the  justice-loving 
democracies  of  the  earth  to  check  aggressive 
warfare  before  it  is  fairly  begun.  Those 
who  think  otherwise  cannot  comprehend  the 
altered  facts.  They  have  somehow  ceased  to 
see  things  as  they  are,  and  are  looking  in- 
ward at  their  own  mental  processes.  They 
have  lost  the  power  to  see  simply  what  it 
means  to  have  a  million  and  a  half  of  our 
American  boys  at  this  very  moment  organized 
as  great  armies  in  Europe,  a  large  part  of 
them  on  German  soil,  while  Europe  is  in  the 
seething  processes  of  democratic  reconstruc- 
tion. To  raise  the  question  now  whether  or 
not  the  United  States  ought  to  be  associated 
with  the  European  powers  in  plans  to  secure 
permanent  peace  is  to  debate  the  thing  after 
it  has  happened.  The  action  that  we  have 
already  taken  goes  far  beyond  any  future 
form  of  words.  Nothing  can  ever  confront 
us  under  any  draft  of  a  League  of  Nations 
that  could  involve  us  as  deeply  in  the  future 
as  we  are  at  this  moment  involved  in  the  set- 
tlement offcWorld  issues. 

Definite       ^^^  ^^^'  ^^^">  bej'ond  escapc,  as- 
Arrangementa  sociatcd     with     the     Other     free 

Desirable  >.•  •       ^u  j    ui 

nations  m  the  commendable  pur- 
pose of  preventing  aggressive  and  unjust  at- 
tacks by  one  nation  upon  another.  Experi- 
ence and  common  sense,  however,  would 
show  us  that  it  is  better  to  have  some  formal 
methods  ior  maintaining  this  unified  influence 
for  good,  rather  than  to  do  without  such 
definite  arrangements.  It  is  obvious,  further- 
more, that  no  mechanism  for  preventing  war 
and  upholding  justice  and  freedom  could 
possibly  be  devised  without  frank  and  ample 
discussion.  There  is  no  impropriety  in  ana- 
lyzing in  the  most  unreserved  fashion  every 
paragraph,  clause  and  phrase.  Any  proposed 
treaty  or  agreement  providing  for  the  con- 
tinued efiForts  of  the  countries  which  have 
already  joined  their  resources  in  ending  a 
colossal  war  must  be  scrutinized  and  debated. 
But  the  general  idea  must  be  accepted.  Any 
arrangement  whatsoever  for  compelling  Aus- 
tria to  stay  her  hand  when  it  w'as  lifted 
against  Serbia,  would  have  made  it  prac- 
tically impossible  for  Germany  to  strike.  It 
Is  heartbreaking  to  think  what  the  world 
might  have  been  spared  if  the  nations  had 
been  leagued  together  five  years  ago.     The 


opportunity  has  now  come  to  readjust  the 
European  situation,  and  thereby  to  strengthen 
almost  immeasurably  the  security  of  both 
North  America  and  South  America.  There 
is  nothing  that  the  United  States  professes  to 
desire  for  herself  and  her  neighbors  that  will 
not  be  the  better  safeguarded  if  world  peace 
is  maintained  by  a  League  of  Nations.  What 
we  might  seem  to  contribute  to  the  league 
would  be  given  back  to  us  in  double  measure. 

^  ...  .  For  a  few  davs  there  was  an'in- 

Criticism 

Should  Be  tcnse  agitation,  if  newspaper 
nspanng  headlines  are  taken  into  account, 
over  the  criticisms  of  many  Republican  Sena- 
tors and  a  few  of  their  Democratic  colleagues, 
directed  against  the  tentative  draft  of  the 
so-called  "covenant"  of  the  League  of  Na- 
tions as  presented  in  the  Peace  Conference  by 
President  Wilson  on  February  14.  Under 
the  leadership  of  Senator  Lodge,  some  thirty- 
five  Republican  Senators  joined  in  a  state- 
ment that  amounted  to  a  threat  that  the 
peace  treaty  would  not  be  ratified  if  there 
was  associated  with  it  the  league  arrangement 
that  had  been  agreed  upon  at  Paris.  The 
criticism  will  be  valuable,  and  the  threat  will 
be  abandoned.    Back  of  any  league  there  must 


HON.    HENRY    C.    LODGE,    OF    MASSACHUSETTS 

(Who  will  be  leader  of  the  Republican  majority 
in  the  Senate) 


THE   PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


345 


Harris  &  Ewing  ©  Campbell  Studio  ©  Harris  &  Ewing  ©  Harris  &  Ewing 

PHILANDER    C.    KNOX  WILLIAM    E.    BORAH  MILES    POINDEXTER  JAMES    A.    REED 

FOUR  SENATORS  WHO  HAVE  BEEN  CONSPICUOUS  IN  OPPOSING  OR  CRITICIZING  THE  LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS  AS 

PROJECTED  AT  PARIS 


always  be  the  physical  and  moral  power  of 
nations-  and  peoples.  America  has  shown 
that  her  power  is  already  available  for  the 
securing  of  justice  and  peace.  We  must  not 
be  parties,  therefore,  to  any  agreement  that 
would  lessen  our  ability  to  protect  ourselves 
or  to  secure  our  aims  and  objects.  If  the 
draft  of  the  league  as  published  in  February 
is  unwise  or  unsuited  to  our  position  in  the 
world,  now  is  the  time  for  the  most  unspar- 
ing discussion.  We  do  not  happen  to  share 
the  apprehension  of  some  of  the  Republican 
Senators,  but  we  agree  that  the  League  draft 
might  be  much  improved  in  various  ways. 

Americans    in    general    probably 

Americana        ,      i  ,  i  .1  it 

Qeneraiiu  hold  to  the  view  that  the  League 
Favorable  mechanism  can  hardly  be  other- 
wise than  beneficial  to  peacekeeping  nations. 
The  explicit  recognition  of  the  Monroe  Doc- 
trine that  some  of  the  Senators  call  for  may 
be  found  less  necessary  after  more  careful 
study.  There  is  a  widespread  opinion  that  it 
would  have  been  better  if  President  Wilson 
had  kept  in  closer  touch  with  the  Senate.  If 
Mr.  Lodge,  Mr.  Knox,  Mr.  Hitchcock,  or 
some  other  member  or  members  of  the  Senate 
had  been  in  Paris  with  the  American  dele- 
gates, there  would  have  been  some  clear  ad- 
vantages. Nevertheless,  there  are  also  some 
advantages  in  the  fact  that  no  question  of 
senatorial  courtesy  is  involved.  The  Senate 
is  a  part  of  the  treaty-making  power,  and  it 
will  have  to  deal  responsibly  with  the  peace 
treaty  and  the  league  project  when  these  great 
matters  are  submitted  to  it. 


A  Great  ^^  there  was  over-emphasis  in  ' 
Debate  is  somc  of  the  attacks,  such  as  those 
'"°  made  by  Senators  Poindexter  and 
Borah,  we  must  remember  that  this  is  a  large 
and  busy  country  and  that  it  takes  bold  meth- 
ods to  bring  an  important  matter  under  full 
discussion.  The  tour  of  Ex-President  Taft 
with  Dr.  Lowell  of  Harvard  and  Mr.  Mor- 
genthau  of  New  York,  advocating  the  League 
of  Nations,  was  rendered  much  more  useful 
by  reason  of  the  criticisms  of  Borah,  Poindex- 
ter, Lodge,  and  Knox.  President  Wilson  had 
come  home  from  Paris  to  spend  a  very  few , 
days  at  the  close  of  the  Congressional  session. ; 
On  landing,  he  had  spoken  in  Boston  ;  and,  on 
the  eve  of  his  sailing  again  for  France,  March 
5,  he  had  addressed  an  audience  in  New 
York.  His  appeal  was  on  broad  grounds  and 
he  did  not  argue  details.  Seemingly  the 
vigorous  attack  of  the  Republican  Senators 
has  been  useful  at  Paris  and  has  helped, 
rather  than  hurt,  the  position  of  the  United 
States  in  the  Peace  Conference.  The  great 
debate  here  in  America  will  in  all  probability 
contribute  not  a  little  to  the  perfecting  of 
arrangements  at  Paris. 

The  best  hope  for  peace,  after  all,  ' 

Germany  .  1        r  1  •         1  11 

to  be         IS  .to  be  found,  not  in  the  verbal 
Disarmed      ^^^^^^^^  ^^  ^|^^  Lcaguc  of  Nations, 

but  in  the  actual  settlement  of  European 
problems  including  the  abohtion  of  what  we 
may  term  the  internal  mih'taristic  system. 
France  must  be  relieved  of  the  henceforth  in- 
tolerable burden  of  immense  standing  armies 
for  defense ;  and  the  only  way  to  accomplish 


346 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


i 

1^ 

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^^^^ 

\«  ^-^^^fe^ 

^^^ 

'"^^I^^^^MIk   ^ 

1 

(g)  by  International  Film  Service, 

,    HON.    WILLIAM     H.    TAFT — FROM    A    PHOTOGRAPH 
TAKEN    IN    SAN    FRANCISCO 

( Mr.  Taft,  who  had  made  a  series  of  addresses  across 
the  country  advocating  a  League  of  Nations,  spoke  on 
the  platform  with  President  Wilson  in  the  Metropolitan 
Opera  House,  New  York,  March  4.  on  the  eve  of  Mr. 
Wilson's  return    to   France) 

this  is  to  disarm  the  enemy  promptly  and 
completely.  The  best  news,  therefore,  of  last 
month  was  contained  in  the  preliminary  ac- 
count of  the  military  features  of  the  peace 
treaty.  According  to  the  reports,  Germany 
must  give  up  her  conscription  system  and  be 
limited  to  a  volunteer  army  of  100,000  men, 
with  twelve-year  enlistment  terms.  Ger- 
many's fortifications  along  the  frontier  must 
be  abolished.  There  must  be  an  end  to  the 
great  business  of  munition-making.  In  short, 
the  peace  treaty  will  require  Germany  to 
abandon  entirely  the  notion  of  domination  in 
Central  Europe,  or  of  leadership  through  su- 
perior military  strength.  It  is  evident  that 
Germany  must  be  allowed  a  small  army  for 
the  maintenance  of  civil  order  for  some  time 
to  come.  The  whole  world  will  welcome  this 
wise  decision  at  Paris,  as  representing  the  only 
possible  beginning  of  a  general  reduction  of 
military  burdens.  The  German  people  them- 
selves will  experience  relief,  inasmuch  as 
militarism  victimized  them  while  it  menaced 
their  neighbors.  Mr.  Simonds  in  this  issue 
tells  our  readers  of  the  French  alarm  in 
February  over  Germany's  apparent  resur- 
gence. But  France  is  now  reassured  and 
liopeful. 


c-  .     ^..       It  is  further  decided  that  Berlin 

Fixing  Other  ^^    •       ^  i 

Peace  will  lose  political  control  over 
the  German  provinces  west  of  the 
Rhine,  at  least  for  some  time  to  come.  France, 
Belgium,  Holland,  and  Denmark  are  en- 
titled to  permanent  relief  from  the  over- 
shadowing danger  of  a  militant  Germany ; 
and  it  would  be  a  very  illogical  peace  treaty 
that  should  fail  to  deprive  Germany  of  the 
powder  to  attack  or  to  bully  her  neighbors. 
The  peace  treaty,  as  we  have  explained  in 
previous  numbers  of  the  Review^  had  in  all 
its  parts  been  in  steady  process  of  develop- 
ment at  the  hands  of  a  series  of  committees 
for  many  weeks  past ;  and  by  the  middle  of 
March  it  was  approaching  the  stage  which 
would  permit  the  presence  of  the  German 
delegates  at  Versailles.  Unquestionably  the 
military  and  territorial  conditions  as  deter- 
mined by  the  victorious  Allies  will  have  to  be 
accepted  without  much  parley.  The  Ger- 
mans will  probably  make  more  urgent  appeal 
on  the  question  of  the  amount  of  money  to  be 
paid  for  reparation.  It  was  reported  last 
month  that  the  total  bill  would  probably  be 
something  like  $35,000,000,000.  It  is  not, 
of  course,  a  question  of  abstract  right  or  jus- 
tice, but  of  what  can  be  done  under  the  con- 
ditions. The  idea  of  collecting  anything  for 
war  expenditures  seems  to  have  been  given 
up;  but  Germany  will  have  to  pay  for  dam- 
ages in  Belgium  and  France,  for  shipping 
sunk,  and  so  on.  With  normal  business  con- 
ditions restored,  it  ought  to  be  possible  for 
Germany  to  pay  off  her  war  obligations  with- 
in a  period  of  not  more  than  twenty-five 
years.  This  is  upon  the  assumption  that  after 
a  reasonable  period  there  will  be  relative  in- 
dustrial and  economic  freedom  throughout 
the  world,  so  that  Germany  may  have  an  op- 
portunity to  earn  the  money  which  she  must 
have  if  she  is  to  meet  her  bills. 

The  newer  nations  that  are  aris- 

Regulation        .  .  111  r    t' 

of  the  ing  from  the  break-up  or  iLuro- 
New  states  p^,^^  Empires  are  indebted  for 
their  new  liberties  to  the  victory  that  was  ex- 
pressed in  the  armistice  of  November  1 1  ; 
and  in  like  manner  their  future  welfare  re- 
quires freedom  from  militarism  and  member- 
ship in  a  League  of  Nations  of  some  kind. 
There  should  be  no  delicacy,  therefore,  at 
Paris  about  subjecting  them  to  reasonable 
conditions.  They  should  accept  boundaries  as 
fixed,  in  good  faith.  They  should  not  menace 
any  of  their  neighbors  through  use  of  force. 
They  should  not  fortify  their  frontiers.  There 
should,  in  short,  exist  throughout  Europe  a 


THE   PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


347 


congeries  of  democratic  states  obliged  to  live 
peaceably  with  one  another. 

There  was  regrettable  delay  for 
Ships  and  a  number  or  weeks  m  makmg  ar- 
Food  Relief  rangemcnts  by  means  of  which  a 
great  deal  of  idle  German  ship  tonnage  could 
be  made  available  for  moving  troops  and  food. 
Most  of  the  American  soldiers  now  in  Europe 
have  been  detained  for  lack  of  means  to  bring 
them  home.  A  large  part  of  our  continued 
burden  of  taxation  is  due  to  the  expense  of 
feeding  this  vast  idle  army,  that  cannot  be 
demobilized  until  landed  on  our  own  shores. 
Perhaps  we  should  have  been  more  peremp- 
tory in  our  demand  for  the  use  of  German 
ships.  The  delay  was  due  in  part  to  argu- 
ments over  the  extent  to  which  food  might 
be  taken  to  Germany  on  the  return  trips. 
The  deadlock  was  broken  by  the  eloquence 
of  Mr.  Lloyd  George  in  the  Peace  Confer- 
ence on  March  8th,  when  he  read  a  letter 
from  an  English  Gejaeral  emphasizing  the 
point  that  his  (British)  soldiers  in  German 
territory  were  protesting  against  the  sight  of 
women  and  children  in  a  state  of  starvation. 
It  had  been  thought  at  Paris  that  if  Germany 
were  allowed  to  pay  directly  for  the  food  she 
needed,  her  ability  to  pay  damages  would  be 
reduced  by  so  much.  It  finally  appeared, 
however,  that  unless  Germany  were  allowed 
to  buy  food,  she  might  be  so  prostrated  by 
hunger  and  so  paralyzed  by  the  chaos  of  Bol- 
shevism and  of  civil  disorder  that  the  pros- 
pect of  her  paying  anything  at  all  might 
speedily  vanish. 

Meanwhile,    what    it    has    been 

Europe  s  .  -  ^ 

Hope  of       costmg  US  to  postpone  the  use  or 

Abundance       ^j^^    ^^^^^    ^^^jj    ^^    ^^^    tOW2ivA 

feeding  Germany  and  would  also  pay  for  a 
good  deal  of  restoration  work  in  Belgium. 
There  had  been  far  too  much  delay  at  Paris 
in  finding  practical  solutions  for  such  ques- 
tions as  transportation  and  food.  After  Au- 
gust, the  food  problems  of  Europe  will  be  less 
urgent.  This  year's  crop  will  be  grown  for 
the  benefit  of  civil  populations,  and  not  for 
the  abnormal  demands  of  war.  Authentic 
reports  indicate  that  many  parts  of  Germany 
had  reached  the  stage  of  serious  under- 
nourishment at  the  beginning  of  March.  It 
would  probably  be  best  for  the  Allies,  as  well 
as  for  the  Germans  themselves,  to  have  the 
peace  treaty  signed  at  the  earliest  possible 
moment  and  the  dangerous  conditions  of  en- 
forced idleness  removed  through  the  supply 
of  cotton,  metals  and  other  raw  materials  to 
German      industrial     communities.        Large 


Harris  &  Ewing,  Washington,  D.  C 


MR.  HERBERT  C.  HOOVER,  HEAD  OF  THE  INTER-ALLIED 

FOOD   COMMISSION 

(Mr,  Hoover  is  at  the  head  of  an  organization  that  is 
now  controlling  transportation  in  Austria,  and  is  to  be 
charged  with  executing  the  new  plans  for  food  relief 
in  Germany.  He  announces  his  retirement  from  public 
work  in  the  near  future) 

powers  were  recently  conferred  upon  Mr. 
Hoover  as  head  of  the  Allied  Food  Commis- 
sion to  distribute  supplies  in  Austria.  Italy 
was  induced  also  to  relax  certain  regulations 
which  had  made  it  difficult  to  send  American 
relief  into  Czechoslovakia  and  the  South  Slav 
districts.  Mr.  Hoover's  revised  estimates  of 
supply  and  demand  led  him  to  announce  last 
month  that  wheat  prices  would  remain  nor- 
mally high,  and  that  the  United  States  Gov- 
ernment was  not  likely  to  incur  the  estimated 
loss  of  a  billion  dollars — nor  indeed  any  loss 
at  all — by  reason  of  its  guarantee  of  $2.26 
per  bushel  for  the  American  wheat  output  of 
1919.  There  will  be  a  desperate  effort  dur- 
ing the  growing  season,  that  begins  with  the 
present  month  of  April  in  the  north  temper- 
ate zone,  to  raise  food  enough  to  relieve  the 
famished  world.  Europe  hopes  for  abun- 
dance, with  a  good  crop  year. 

In  February  the  alcrf  and  bril- 

"Reaurgence"    liant  wfitcrs  of   leading   articles 

iiiuaion        -j^   ^j^^   p>cnch   iicwspapers,   who 

are  guided  by  the  controlling  statesmanship 

of  the  day,  were  proclaiming  (as  telegraphed 


348 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


©  Harris  &  Ewing,  Washington.  D.  C. 

HON.  DAVID  R.  FRANCIS,  AMBASSADOR  TO  RUSSIA 
(Mr.  Francis  had  left  Petrograd  early  last  year,  and 
had  spent  a  considerable  peried  in  northern  Russia  and 
Siberia  before  returning  to  the  United  States.  He  tes- 
tified last  month  before  a  Senate  committee  on  condi- 
tions  in    Russia) 

to  America  and  to  the  ends  of  the  earth)  the 
''amazing  resurgence  of  Germany."  It 
looked,  indeed,  as  if  Germany,  having  been 
quite  at  the  mercy  of  the  victors  in  Novem- 
ber, had  been  making  a  swift  recovery  and 
was  assuming  an  attitude  that  might  mean 
trouble  again  in  the  near  future.  The  con- 
vention that  met  at  Weimar  had  been  sur- 
prisingly unanimous  in  its  support  of  Ebert, 
and  in  its  immediate  acceptance  of  the  pro- 
visional constitution ;  and  the  inciters  of  revo- 
lutionary disorder  had  seemed  to  be  entirely 
suppressed.  But  disorder  broke  out  again  all 
over  Germany,  and  the  French  press  in  due 
time  recovered  its  poise.  The  "resurgence" 
was  illusory.  There  is  much  more  danger 
that  Germany  will  go  completely  to  pieces  in 
the  social  and  economic  reactions  following 
her  defeat,  than  that  she  will  recover  strength 
and  offer  combat  to  her  recent  foes. 


The  German  people  have  had 
enough  of  war,  and  Europe  has 
had  enough  already  of  Bolshe- 
vism. A  well-ordered  Germany,  with  the 
weapons  of  war  beaten  into  plowshares  and 


The 
Rusaion 
Menace 


implements  of  peace,  will  far  better  serve 
the  interests  of  European  civilization  than  a 
Germany  destroyed  by  the  plague  of  red 
socialism  and  civil  strife.  The  thing  most 
likely  to  save  Germany  from  this  fate  will 
be  a  supply  of  food  and  the  materials  with 
which  to  resume  industry.  Meanwhile,  the 
great  menace  to  Europe  is  not  German  or 
Austrian  militarism,  because  these  are  de- 
stroyed. The  menace  lies  in  the  social  mala- 
dies of  Russia,  which  have  a  tendency  to 
break  through  the  moral  and  political  quar- 
antines and  infect  mankind  at  large.  There 
is  some  ground  for  hope  that  the  more  nor- 
mal elements,  which  probably  now  control 
much  more  than  two-thirds  of  the  area  and 
perhaps  also  more  than  two-thirds  of  the 
population  of  Russia,  may  during  the  course 
of  the  present  year  restore  order  and  sane 
authority.  After  such  an  orgy  of  violent 
radicalism,  there  is  always  danger  of  a  re- 
action to  the  other  extreme  of  military  autoc- 
racy. Russia*^  misfortunes  are  chiefly  due  to 
the  ignorance  of  more  than  nine-tenths  of 
the  population.  Many  millions  of  these 
Russian  people  will  have  died  as  a  result 
of  the  hard  experiences  of  a  brief  five-year 
period,  culminating  in  the  winter  now  end- 
ing. 

Senator    Overman's    Committee 

Teatlmonu  xit     i  •  i  •   i      i  i 

at  at  Washmgton,  which  has  been 

washinoton  investigating  the  influence  of 
Bolshevism  in  America,  has  taken  testimony 
of  very  wide  range.  One  of  the  most  im- 
portant witnesses  has  been  Ambassador 
David  R.  Francis,  who  has  recently  returned 
to  America  after  experiences  in  Russia  and 
Siberia  that  have  illustrated  his  strong  and 
sterling  qualities  as  a  typical  American  and  a 
man  of  force  and  courage.  Mr.  Raymond 
Robins  has  had  much  experience  in  Russia, 
including  acquaintance  with  the  Bolshevist 
leaders;  and  he  is  one  of  the  witnesses  who 
hold  to  the  view  that  the  course  of  things 
in  Russia  might  have  been  changed,  and  that 
the  Brest-Litovsk  Treaty  between  Germany 
and  the  Bolshevist  Government  might  have 
been  obviated,  if  the  Allies  had  taken  good 
advice  and  supported  Russia  more  promptly 
and  cordially.  There  is  so  much  conflict  of 
opinion  and  testimony  regarding  the  course 
of  affairs  in  Russia  that  any  of  us  may  think 
it  permissible  to  say  that  we  hold  judgment 
in  suspense.  It  was  well  known  to  the  mili- 
tary and  civil  leaders  of  the  Allies  last  Sep- 
tember that  a  terrible  famine  must  overtake 
large  parts  of  Russia  before  another  summer. 
There  was  no  way  to  send  relief,  and  it  was 


THE   PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


349 


thought  best  to  allow  the  Germans  to  bear 
the  odium  for  a  situation  they  had  produced. 
It  is  a  sad  and  awful  story,  and  in  due  time 
we  shall  understand  it  in  more  detail. 

At  the  end  of  February  and  in 
Sixty-Fifth  the  Opening  days  of  March  there 
onareat  ^^^  extraordinary  excitement  in 
Government  circles  at  Washington.  The 
Democratic  Congress  was  to  expire  at  noon 
of  Tuesday,  the  4th.  A  number  of  the  great 
appropriation  bills,  which  were  to  provide 
funds  for  the  carrying  on  of  Government  de- 
partments during  the  year  beginning  July  1st, 
were  piled  up  as  unfinished  business  in  the 
Senate,  some  of  them  still  in  the  hands  of 
committees.  The  Democrats  hoped  that  busi- 
ness could  be  sufficiently  cleared  away  so 
that  there  would  be  no  need  of  the  convening 
of  the  new  Congress  before  the  regular  date 
which  falls  on  the  first  day  of  next  December. 
President  Wilson  had  calmly  announced  that 
he  was  going  to  sail  for  France  on  Wednes- 
day, the  5th,  remaining  there  until  the  Peace 
Conference  had  finished  its  work,  and  that 
he  would  not  call  an  extra  session  until  he 
came  back.  The  Republicans  insisted  that 
more  time  was  necessary  for  the  proper  con- 
sideration of  measures  appropriating  a  num- 
ber of  billions  of  dollars,  and  carrying  a  great 
deal  of  vital  legislation  as  "riders,"  and  they 
loudly  demanded  an  immediate  extra  session. 
The  progress  of  fiscal  measures,  moreover, 
was  delayed  by  debates  in  the  Senate  upon  the 
League  of  Nations,  the  railroad  situation,  and 
other  matters  of  great  moment. 


The 


President  Wilson  had  landed  at 
President  Boston  on  February  24th.  He 
e  cene  ^^^  spoken  there  in  defense  of 
the  League  of  Nations  under  the  auspices  of 
the  Governor  of  Massachusetts  and  the 
Mayor  of  the  city.  He  had  then  hastened 
to  Washington  and  had  entertained  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Committees  on  Foreign  Affairs 
of  both  Houses  as  his  guests,  so  that  he  might 
answer  their  questions  about  the  League  of 
Nations  project.  He  had  sent  a  request  from 
Paris  to  Congress  to  await  his  coming  before 
debating  the  League ;  but  the  remaining  days 
of  the  session  were  so  few  that  several  of  the 
senators  made  their  speeches  before  Mr.  Wil- 
son's arrival.  His  return,  instead  of  expe- 
diting the  passage  of  the  appropriation  bills, 
seemed  to  have  the  opposite  effect.  On  the 
final  Monday  and  Tuesday  Senators  Sher- 
man, of  Illinois,  and  La  Follette,  of  Wiscon- 
sin, took  the  responsibility  for  a  "filibuster" 


PRESIDENT    AND    MRS.    WILSON    LANDING    AT  :    ' - 
BOSTON,    FEBRUARY    24 

which  prevented  the  passage  even  of  the  two 
or  three  measures  which  had  been  slated  for 
adoption  by  common  consent.  Perhaps  never 
before  in  the  history  of  the  country  has  there 
been  so  conspicuous  a  failure  to  pass  appro- 
priation bills.  There  had  been  serious  ques- 
tion for  a  time  about  the  passage  of  the  Tax 
Bill ;  but,  as  we  explained  last  month,  it  had 
finally  been  adopted. 

Meaaurta  Among  the  appropriation  bills 
That  which  failed  were  those  for  the 
Army  and  Navy  and  District  of 
Columbia,  the  General  Deficiency  Bill,  the 
Sundry  Civil,  the  Agricultural^  the  Indian, 
and  the  special  Soldier  Settlement  measure. 
There  was  a  Public  Buildings  measure  that 
failed;  and  the  Water  Power  and  Coal  and 
Oil  Land  Leasing  bills  and  the  Immigration 
bill  all  went  over.  With  the  President's  ar- 
rival in  France  on  March  13th,  the  news 
from  Paris  encouraged  the  belief  that  the 
work  of  the  Conference  is  to  be  speeded  up 
and  the  most  essential  matters  agreed  upon 
in  the  immediate  future.  It  is  believed  that 
President  Wilson  will  call  a  special  session  of 
the  new  Congress  to  meet  in  May.  even 
though  he  may  not  return  fo  Washington 
until  the  first  week  of  June.  If  the  President 
should  modify  his  intentions  as  expressed  in 
the  first  days  of  March  and  should  fix  the 
date  for  the  special  session  early  in  May  the 
country  would  be  gratified.    There  is  such  a 


350 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIFJr    OF    REVIKJJ^S 


vast  amount  of  pending  legislative  business 
that  the  public  interest  will  -be  better  served 
if  Congress  can  be  set  at  work  promptly. 

The  new   House  will  be  under 

Republicans       t»  i  i  •  i  •  i  i 

Now  Republican  control,  with  the 
Responsible  ^^^  Frederick  Gillett,  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, as  speaker.  Mr.  Gillett  has  had  a 
long  and  creditable  record  at  Washington 
and  his  choice  is  approved  very  generally.  Mr. 
James  R.  Mann,  of  Illinois,  did  not  desire 
to  continue  as  Republican  floor  leader,  and 
his  place  is  to  be  taken  by  Mr.  Frank  W. 
Mondell,  of  Wyoming.  Under  the  present 
rules  of  the  'House,  Mr.  Mondell's  position 
carries  more  actual  power  than  Mr.  Gillett's. 
Some  of  the  newspapers  have  made  haste  in 
advance  to  praise  or  to  disparage  the  new 
leaders,  judging  them  by  the  application  of 
arbitrary  standards  to  their  past  records.  The 
country,  however,  wnll  give  each  of  them  the 
benefit  of  the  doubt,  and  will  wait  to  see  if 
their  statesmanship  is  of  a  quality  to  match 
the  stupendous  issues  that  are  before  us. 
These  are  no  times  for  selfish  intrigues  or 
petty  methods  in  public  business.  To  be  ex- 
plicit, the  new  leaders  in  both  House  and 
Senate  are  likely  to  be  judged  quite  promptly 
by  the  way  in  which  they  deal  with  the  un- 
finished measures  that  would  have  been  placed 
on  the  statute  books  but  for  Republican  ob- 
struction. It  may  be  true  that  the  recent 
Democratic  leaders  did  not  manage  their  leg- 
islative program  with  efficiency.  Neverthe- 
less, a  majority  has  responsibilities ;  and  the 
delays  due  to  minority  obstruction  can  only 
be  justified  by  a  very  broad  and  wise  course 
of  action  when  the  minority,  as  now,  has  it- 
self become  the  majority. 


Prompt 
A  ction 
N0»ded 


Thus  the  bill  providing  for  the 
improvement  and  settlement  of 
lands  for  the  benefit  of  returning 
soldiers  ought  to  be  made  a  law  in  the  open- 
ing days  of  the  new  session.  Provisions  for 
the  leasing  of  oil  and  coal  lands  ought  to  be 
delaved  no  longer.  It  is  obvious  that  the 
great  appropriation  bills  will  have  to  be 
passed  in  order  that  the  public  services  may 
not  be  embarrassed.  It  may  be  found  advan- 
tageous to  subdivide  some  of  the  pending  bills 
so  that  general  legislation  may  be  dealt  with 
on  its  merits,  and  not  swept  through  as  ap- 
pended to  appropriation  bills.  The  railroad 
appropriation  of  $750,000,000  went  through 
the  House  as  a  distinct  matter,  while  in  the 
Senate  it  was  consolidated  with  a  general  defi- 
ciency bill  carrying  a  total  of  $842,000,000. 


©  Clinedinst 

HON.  FRANK   W.    MONDELL,  OF   WYOMING 
(Who  will  be  floor  leader  of  the  Republican  majority) 

It  ought  to  have  remained  a  separate  measure 
and  passed  by  unanimous  consent.  The  Navy 
bill,  totalling  in  round  figures  $825,000,000, 
included  a  new  and  important  program  of 
construction  looking  several  years  ahead,  and 
it  conferred  power  upon  the  President  to  sus- 
pend the  building  of  some  of  the  big  ships  at 
his  discretion.  It  might  be  wiser  to  divide 
the  Navy  bill,  passing  appropriations  as  part 
of  the  annual  budget,  while  dealing  separately 
with  naval  policy  and  construction  plans. 

u  *    ■  n    w„  The  Sixty-fifth  Congress,  which 
Historic  Deeds  .        .■".        .    ,  -^        ,       . 

of  the  ^^  on  the  4th  of  March,  in  news- 
ixty-fif  paper  parlance,  ''passed  into  his- 
tory," did  not  make  its  exit  in  the  midst  of 
plaudits  and  acclaim.  The  Democratic  jour- 
nals have  not  been  at  much  pains  to  single 
out  the  leaders  of  the  recent  Congress  for 
special  tributes.  Nevertheless,  this  body  will 
be  honorably  associated  on  the  scrolls  of 
fame  with  the  two-year  period  that  must 
claim  for  its  records  the  largest  space  of  any 
like  period  in  all  our  national  annals.  This 
was  the  Congress  that  began  its  active  work 
with  a  declaration  of  war  against  Germany. 
Under  its  authority  the  peaceful,  unprepared 
American  nation,  in  a  brief  period  of  months, 
became  intensively  militarized.  This  late 
Congress  ordained  the  raising  and  training 
of  great  armies.     It  levied  war  taxes  to  the 


THE   PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


351 


extent  of  ten  billion  dollars.     It  authorized  '    .      ,.^    One     of     the     most     profound 

,        T-.               .                ,                                               ,  American  Life       ,                      ,           ,                         *^ ,              . 

the  £.xecutive  to  borrow  money  to  the  extent  changed  by    changes  that  has  come  about  m 

of  twenty-two   billions.      It   commandeered  *^'"'  ^"'"*'°''   American  life  through  the  action 

the  basic  industries,  and  it  provided  for  the  of  the  recent  Congress  consists  in  the  mode 

making  of  war  material  on  an  unprecedented  of  taxation  that  has  been  adopted,  and  that 

scale.  It  recognized  the  world-danger  caused  will   not  be  given  up,   although   it  may  be 


by  Germany's  submarine  campaign  against 
ocean  traffic,  and  it  granted  nearly  three  bil- 
lion dollars  for  the  construction  of  an  Ameri- 
can merchant  marine.  It  decided  upon  the 
war-time  control  of  all  the  railroads  of  the 
country  by  the  Govern- 
ment, and  their  unified 
administration.  Later,  it 
granted  authority  to  oper- 
ate the  telegraph  and  tele- 
phone systems  as  an  ad- 
junct of  the  postal  admin- 
istration. It  created  the 
American  aeronautical  in- 
dustry, which  is  destined 
to  have  profound  future 
consequences. 


Tu  n   ,*,       The  Selective 

The  Draft  Law    t-w        r         t 

and  the       Draft     Law 

Nation's  Morale  ,      j        i 

enacted      by 


this  recent  Congress  dem- 
onstrated, as  nothing  had 
ever  done  before  in  all 
our  history,  the  essential 
unity  of  the  American 
people  and  their  capa- 
city for  self-government. 
There  existed  no  military 
power  capable  of  forcing 
this  measure  upon  the 
people.  It  was  accepted 
in  good  faith,  in  every 
county  of  every  State,  be- 
cause of  the  high  average 
of  popular  intelligence, 
and  because  of  the  moral 
capacity  of  Americans   to 


TWO  FORMER  SPEAKERS  OF  THE  HOUSE 

(Mr.  Champ  Clark,  who  retires  from 
the  Speakership  after  four  terms  in  that 
position,  remains  a  member  of  the  House. 
The  same  is  true  of  the  veteran  Joseph 
G.  Cannon,  who  had  also  been  Speaker 
for  eight  years  and  is  a  member  of  the 
new   Congress) 


somewhat  modified.  Since  the  Government 
required  unprecedented  sums  of  money,  it 
did  not  hesitate  to  take  what  was  most  avail- 
able. It  appropriated  the  excess  earnings  of 
war-time  industry,  and  it  laid  its  hand  upon 
a  large  percentage  of  the 
incomes  of  wealthy  cit- 
izens. While  thus  taxing 
the  profits  of  capital  and 
the  current  incomes  of  the 
privileged  and  the  wealthy, 
it  did  everything  pos- 
sible to  stimulate  the 
prosperity  of  the  wage- 
earning  classes.  Through 
its  power  of  control  over 
industry  in  war-time,  the 
Government  fixed  new 
standards  of  high  wages, 
and  accepted  in  full  meas- 
ure the  views  and  doc- 
trines of  the  social  re- 
formers regarding  the 
conditions  under  which 
men  and  women  should 
live  and  work.  Thus  it 
will  be  seen  that  the  Six- 
ty-fifth Congress  brought 
about  a  marked  shifting 
in  the  proportions  of 
wealth  distribution.  The 
new  standards,  both  for 
taxation  and  for  minimum 
wage  payments,  must,  to 
a  great  ext-ent,  have  be- 
come crystallized  in  social 
habit.  Thus  economic 
changes      are      impending 


lay  aside  their  private  interests  in  the  face  of  a      that  ought  to  be  guided  and  controlled  by  the 


public  emergency.  No  autocracy  could 
ever  have  developed  such  colossal  mili- 
tary strength  in  so  brief  a  period.  We 
have  completely  vindicated  the  superior- 
ity of  the  democratic  system,  and  autocracy 
is  everywhere  doomed.  We  have  also  shown 
the  difference  between  a  real  democracy  based 
upon  intelligence  and  training  for  popular 
government  and  the  wild  kind  of  mob  rule 
that  is  the  denial  of  democracy,  such  as  pre- 
vails where  there  is  ignorance  and  lack  of 
popular  training  in  self-government,  as  in 
Russia  and  in  some  other  parts  of  Europe. 


most   thoughtful   and    intelligent   leadership. 


The  New 
Economic 
Situation 


Speaking  in  a  rough  way — and 
regarding  rent,  interest,  divi- 
dends  and  the  rewards  of  man- 
agement as  all  going  to  the  economic  element 
which  we  call  Capital — we  may  think  of  the 
total  annual  wealth  production  as  now  di- 
vided among  three  main  interests.  Capital, 
Labor,  and  Government.  As  a  result  of  the 
war  period,  Capital  retains  relatively  less, 
while  Labor  and  Government  each  secures  a 
larger  percentage.     This  may  involve  some 


352 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


transitional  inconveniences,  but  it  ought  to  be 
beneficial  in  the  long  run.  Higher  wages 
mean,  in  actual  results,  better  food,  housing, 
and  clothing  for  the  entire  nation.  In  order 
that  there  may  be  profitable  employment, 
however,  to  furnish  the  higher  wages,  there 
must  be  fresh  supplies  of  capital  to  use  in 
the  expansion  of  productive  industry.  New 
capital  can  only  be  secured  as  a  result  of 
thrift ;  that  is,  of  saving  for  investment.  The 
chief  advantage  of  the  system — now  disap- 
pearing— under  which  Capital  had  a  very 
high  reward,  lay  in  the  fact  that  the  capital- 
ist could  not  waste  much  of  his  gains  in 
riotous  living,  and  was  practically  obliged  to 
use  most  of  his  acquisitions  as  new  capital 
for  the  promotion  of  further  production. 
Where  the  gross  income  of  the  nation's  joint 
eiiforts  is  more  widely  diffused,  in  the  form 
of  high  average  wages,  the  tendency  is  to 
spend  it  rather  than  to  save  a  part  of  it  for 
investment.  It  is  plain  to  thoughtful  people 
that  thrift  and  economy  are  virtues  which 
are  not  yet  to  be  discarded.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  ideal  of  high  wages  for  the  sake  of 
decent  living  standards  is  also  to  be  supported 
to  the  utmost. 

The  Share      ^^hen  we  come  to  the  propor- 

That  Goes  to    tion  of  Current  national  income 

ouernmen      ^^^^  ^^^^  ^^  Government  through 

the  taxing  process,  it  is  extremely  important 
that  public  expenditure  should  be  both  intel- 
ligent and  thrifty.  A  moderate  expenditure 
for  military  and  naval  development  a  few 
years  ago  w^ould  have  saved  us  the  terrible 
burdens  of  military  expenditure  that  we  are 
now  bearing.  An  intelligent  use  of  public 
money  for  bringing  under  cultivation  our 
waste  lands  would  add  to  the  public  wealth 
and  in  the  end  would  benefit  all  elements 
at  the  expense  of  none.  The  unifying  and 
improvement  of  means  of  transit  and  com- 
munication, while  promoting  the  best  ends 
of  civilized  life,  may  also  aid  in  the  processes 
of  production  and  distribution  and  thus  repay 
the  pecuniary  costs.  The  financial  and  in- 
dustrial system  of  a  great  country  is  a  very 
elaborate  and  delicate  mechanism ;  and  so- 
ciety is  in  danger  when  this  mechanism  is 
not  running  smoothly.  Government  must, 
therefore,  do  what  it  can  to  lessen  the  evils 
and  dangers  of  strikes,  and  to  assist  in  the 
distributing  of  surplus  labor  and  the  lubri- 
cating of  all  the  wheels  of  the  economic  ma- 
chinery. It  is  evident  that  the  thing  most 
needed  in  Europe  is  the  full  resumption  of 
normal  industry  and  business. 


Control  of  the  ^^^.  American  railroad  system, 
Railroad  obvIously,  Is  one  of  the  most  vi- 
tal parts  of  the  business  struc- 
ture of  the  nation.  There  was  a  period  dur- 
ing which  the  system  suffered  as  a  result  of 
the  mismanagement  of  those  who  controlled 
it.  Government  then  tried  to  regulate  it  in 
the  public  interest;  and  again  the  system  suf- 
fered through  clumsy  and  stupid  forms  of 
Government  restraint,  and  through  short- 
sighted and  narrow  policies.  When  the  war 
broke  out  two  years  ago,  the  railroad  system 
was  found  to  have  been  held  down  to  a  point 
where  it  was  not  equal  even  to  the  normal 
demands  of  our  commerce.  It  proved  wholly 
inadequate  for  the  abnormal  emergency  of 
war.  The  Government  took  control  of  the 
system,  partly  as  a  method  of  getting  rid  of 
the  incubus  of  regulation  at  the  hands  of 
forty-nine  different  railroad  commissions. 
War  taxation  afforded  funds  with  which  to 
buy  equipment  and  operate  the  roads,  while 
passenger  and  freight  rates  were  radically  In- 
creased. But  a  generous  Government  also* 
Increased  the  wages  of  railroad  employees  to 
such  an  extent  that  It  seemed  Impossible  to 
make  the  system  self-sustaining  unless  the 
property  of  railway  bondholders  and  share- 
holders was  to  be  confiscated.  Half  a  bil- 
lion dollars  was  appropriated  to  enable  the 
roads  to  make  betterments  and  meet  obliga- 
tions. This  being  spent,  a  further  sum  of 
three-quarters  of  a  billion  would  have  been 
appropriated  but  for  the  filibuster  in  the 
Senate  at  the  end  of  the  session. 


The  Puzzle  There  are  many  aspects  of  the 
Aivaitino  railroad  question  which  are  puz- 
Soiution  zling,  and  some  that  are  rather 
alarming.  It  is  plain  that  the  country's 
economic  life  as  a  whole  requires  a  good 
system  of  transportation  which  can  be  ex- 
panded to  meet  our  further  natural  growth. 
People  who  have  capital  to  invest  are  now 
afraid  of  putting  money  Into  railroads.  They 
were  victimized  at  one  time  by  the  railroad 
managers,  and  then  almost  as  badly  by  the 
governmental  methods  of  regulation.  There 
is  alarm  In  some  quarters  lest  the  Govern- 
ment should  hand  the  roads  back  to  their 
owners  abruptly,  with  the  result  of  bank- 
ruptcy and  the  collapse  of  Investments.  Mr. 
McAdoo,  as  Director  General  of  the  roads, 
advocated  their  retention  by  the  Government 
for  five  years  while  the  puzzle  of  their  fu- 
ture was  being  solved.  Mr.  Walker  D. 
HInes,  who  has  succeeded  Mr.  McAdoo,  and 
who  is  a  railroad  authority  of  great  repute, 


.  THE   PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


353 


has  expressed  similar  views.  The  public  is 
open-minded  about  the  future  of  the  rail- 
roads, and  merely  awaits  a  definite,  workable 
plan.  The  demand  is  for  good  service,  and 
there  is  willingness  to  pay  a  fair  price  for 
transportation.  President  Wilson  should  en- 
courage Mr.  Hines  to  aid  Congress  in  work- 
ing out  a  scheme  that  would  combine  the  ad- 
vantages of  public  oversight  and  private  initi- 
ative. Creating  great  highways  is  a  national 
function ;  but  carrying  passengers  and  freight 
is  a  business  undertaking.  The  Government 
should  create  the  system  and  protect  the  in- 
vestment ;  while  the  business  forces  of  the 
country  should  operate  the  lines  on  com- 
mercial principles. 

„   ,   ,.      '  It  is  agreed  by  nearly  all  who 

Protecting  *=  -^  i         i  i 

Priuate  ,  havc  any  pretense  to  be  heard 
ropertu  ^^^^  ^j^^  Government  should  keep 
control  of  the  roads  until  an  entirely  new 
method  of  combining  public  oversight  with 
private  operation  has  been  worked  out.  Any 
measure  of  confiscation,  under  the  pretext 
that  railroad  stocks  had  been  watered  at 
some  time  in  the  Nineteenth  Century,  would 
be  a  permanent  blot  upon  the  country's 
honor.  The  rights  of  railway  investors  are 
as  defensible  as  are  the  property  rights  of 
landowners.  America  rejects  the  fallacy  that 
land  ought  to  be  confiscated  on  the  argument 
that  value  in  private  property  consists  of 
little  else  except  "unearned  increment." 
There  is  a  sense  in  which  all  values  are  the 
result  of  social  effort  and  social  order.  Nev- 
ertheless, we  have  not  given  up  the  institu- 
tion of  private  property.  What  we  have 
always  proclaimed  in  the  United  States  is 
the  equal  right  of  all  law-abiding  citizens 
to  acquire  and  hold  property  without  undue 
obstruction ;  and  we  have  also  deemed  it 
sound  public  policy  to  promote  the  prosperity 
of  the  largest  number  rather  than  to  pursue 
those  Mexican  and  Russian  methods  that  pro- 
duced extremes  of  wealth  and  poverty. 

..«„_  „„„„.    It    has    been    asserted    that    the 

uouernment 

Ownership"    qucstion    of      government    own- 

in  Politics  u  •    ' »  u  >.i-       i        j  • 

ership  may  become  the  leadmg 
issue  in  the  presidential  campaign  of  next 
j^ear.  Those  who  take  this  view  assume 
that  the  Republicans,  as  a  party,  will  favor 
the  prompt  return  of  the  railroads  and  the 
wire  services  to  their  owners  for  non-gov- 
ernmental operation.  It  is  also  assumed  that 
the  Republicans  will  not  support  the  idea 
of  the  operation  of  a  vast  mercantile  marine 
as  a  governmental  function.     It  is  not  clear, 

Apr.— 2 


@  Harris  &  Ewing 
HON.    HOMER    S.    CUM  MINGS,    OF    CONNECTICUT, 
NEW  CHAIRMAN  OF  THE  DEMOCRATIC   NATIONAL 
COMMITTEE 

(Mr.  Cummings  has  taken  the  field  with  great  vigor 
in  support  of  President  Wilson  and  in  criticism  of  Re- 
publican leaders  who  now  come  into  control  of  the 
Senate  and  House  at  Washington) 

on  the  other  hand,  that  there  is  any  natural 
cleavage  between  Republicans  and  Demo- 
crats on  questions  of  this  kind.  Still  less 
safely  can  it  be  assumed  that  "Capital"  is  in 
the  Republican  camp,  and  "Labor"  in  the 
Democratic.  Public  opinion  at  the  present 
time  does  not  show  these  lines  of  cleavage. 
It  remains  to  be  seen  to  what  extent  political 
exigencies  may  tempt  party  leaders  or  man- 
agers to  adopt  one  side  or  the  other  of 
these  business  issues.  Thoughtful  citizens  will 
prefer  a  ver^  careful  study  of  the  problems 
of  railroad  management,  shipping,  and  the 
wire  services,  purely  on  their  merits  as  ques- 
tions of  practical  policy,  rather  than  to  have 
these  things  made  bones  of  contention  in  a 
political  campaign. 

,    , .     ,       There  will  be  constant  tempta- 

LooHino  to  .  .         .  .  f      . 

Next  Year's  tion,  HI  the  extra  session  or  the 
ampaign  ^^^^^  Congrcss  as  Well  as  in  the 
regular  session  that  begins  with  the  first  of 
December,  to  consider  party  advantage. 
Everybody  senses  the  approach  of  another 
trial  of  strength  in  a  presidential  campaijin, 
and  this  is  as  it  ought  to  be.  AVe  must  not 
think  that  statesmanship  in  other  countries 
is  less  subject  to  partisan  pressure  than  here. 
There  arc  times  when  the  parliamentary  elec- 


3S4 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


tions  in  England  involve  as  much  as  one  of 
our  presidential  contests ;  and  at  such  seasons 
the  British  party  feeling  runs  deeper,  and 
party  bitterness  is  much  more  undiluted  than 
in  the  United  States.  We  are  to  choose  at 
the  polls  on  a  single  daj^  in  November  of 
next  year  the  presidential  electors  in  all  the 
States,  members  of  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives at  Washington  from  every  Congres- 
sional district,  and  thirty-two  United  States 
Senators,  not  to  mention  governors  and  mem- 
bers of  Legislatures  in  many  of  the  States. 
The  Presidency  is  incomparably  the  most 
powerful  position  in  the  world ;  and  with  the 
disappearance  of  the  Czar  and  the  Teutonic 
Kaisers,  this  American  office  gains  in  its  ex- 
ceptional aspects  of  personal  authority. 

So  much  is  at  stake,  therefore,  in 
How  to  Hurt     a  presidential  election,  that  there 

Your  Party         .     ^  r  •  i 

IS  every  reason  tor  havmg  the 
political  situation  seriously  in  mind.  The 
elections  next  year  will  have  a  critical  bear- 
ing upon  the  policies  of  the  country  as  re- 
gards a  great  number  of  vital  problems.  But, 
if  the  Republicans  in  Congress  deem  it  im- 
portant that  their  party  should  prevail  at 
the  polls  in  1920,  they  must  not  try  to  put 
party  labels  upon  positions  or  measures  that 
should  be  treated  broadly  rather  than  in  a 
partisan  spirit.  The  new  Republican  chair- 
man, Mr.  Hays,  is  ahvays  preaching  the  gos- 
pel of  patriotism  rather  than  partisanship ; 
and  it  is  quite  true  that  parties  can  be  saved 
only  by  rising  above  mere  party  considera- 
tions. But  the  theory  is  easy,  and  the  prac- 
tice is  sometimes  hard.  Mr.  Wilson  helped 
the  Democrats  lose  the  elections  last  fall  by 
making  an  untimely  demand  upon  the  con- 
stituencies to  put  Democrats  and  no  others 
on  guard.  His  major  policies  had  been  so 
well  supported,  by  Republican  Congressmen 
and  by  private  Republican  voters  alike,  that 
his  party  appeal  was  naturally  resented,  al- 
though it  was  probably  a  mere  mistake  of 
campaign  tactics. 

The     Republican     Congressmen 
Better  to       ^y[\\  create  good  will  for  the  Re- 

Cooperate  ...  "  ,       .  , 

publican  party  durmg  the  com- 
ing two  years  by  working  with  the  Wilson 
Administration,  insofar  as  they  can  possibly 
make  such  cooperation  a  good  thing  for  the 
country.  Unfair  attacks  upon  the  President 
will  inevitably  react  in  his  favor.  The  huge 
pending  appropriation  bills  do  not  represent 
Democratic  extravagance,  but  represent  the 
cost  of  national  undertakings  which  Republi- 


cans and  Democrats  alike  have  supported. 
Doubtless  these  bills  can  be  improved  in  many 
respects ;  but  changes  should  not  be  made  for 
merely  partisan  reasons.  The  largest  thing 
that  faces  us  is  the  Peace  Treaty  and  the 
withdrawal  of  our  forces  from  Europe.  Re- 
publican leaders  will  do  well  to  be  very 
moderate  and  careful  in  their  expressions  of 
antagonism  to  the  course  of  proceedings  in 
the  Paris  Conference.  Upon  the  whole,  the 
work  of  the  Conference  thus  far  has  been 
encouraging  beyond  all  that  w^as  expected. 

^,   ^  Mr.    Simonds,    in    his    extended 

The  Country  .    .  ,  ^  ^       r  t»      • 

Will  Support  article  sent  by  cable  irom  raris 
^"'^'*  for  this  number  of  the  Review, 
gives  an  excellent  summary  of  the  work  thus 
far  accomplished.  It  all  seems  to  be  in  the 
interest  of  justice,  freedom  and  perma- 
nent peace.  The  people  of  France  are 
quite  as  willing  to  have  the  United 
States  continue  to  exercise  guardianship 
in  the  Western  Hemisphere,  under  the 
Monroe  Doctrine,  as  the  people  of  America 
are  willing  and  glad  to  have  France  protected 
by  the  thorough  disarmament  of  Germany. 
Careful  discussion  by  all  competent  citizens, 
whether  in  the  Senate,  in  the  press,  or  else- 
where, is  timely  and  proper.  But  the  con- 
tinued grouping  together  for  defense,  and  for 
the  keeping  of  world  order,  of  the  nations 
which  have  won  the  victory  is  the  essential 
thing  and  it  will  not  be  denied.  The  exact 
phrasing  of  the  draft  of  a  League  of  Nations 
Treaty  is  a  different  matter,  and  doubtless  it 
can  be  improved  in  a  variety  of  ways  after 
it  has  been  subjected  to  minute  analj^sis.  The 
Republicans  should  discuss  the  Peace  Con- 
ference responsibly,  and  avoid  false  emphasis. 
This  country  will  do  its  share,  with  the  rest, 
to  have  a  standing  combination  for  peace. 

There  is  no  prospect  that  the 
Kwt'Effhient  whole    world    will    settle    down 

to  a  condition  of  order  and 
stability  within  a  year  or  a  decade.  America 
is  not  under  suspicion,  and  will  not  have  to 
answer  to  Europe  for  keeping  herself  strong 
and  capable.  The  best  help  we  can  give  the 
League  of  Nations  is  to  join  it  most  cordially 
while  not  allowing  our  military  and  naval 
strength  to  disintegrate.  There  are  Ameri- 
cans who  should  serve  on  Committees  for 
the  reorganization  of  Turkey  under  the 
auspices  of  the  League  of  Nations;  but  no 
American  armies  will  be  needed,  since  an 
ample  constabulary  can  be  recruited  in 
Armenia  and   elsewhere  which   will   require 


THE    PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


355 


only  such  training  as  can  be  readily  given 
by  groups  of  American,  British,  and  French 
officers,  soon  to  be  replaced  by  Greeks  and 
Armenians.  The  new  Congress  will  have  to 
deal  with  such  domestic  problems  as  immigra- 
tion, and  we  shall  not  turn  over  any  of  our 
internal  problems  to  the  management  of  an 
international  league.  But  there  are  phases 
of  population  movement  throughout  the 
world  that  standing  committees  of  a  League 
of  Nations  can  study  to  great  advantage.  We 
shall  not  permit  a  League  of  Nations  to  ad- 
just our  policies  as  regards  tariffs  and  trade 
and  commercial  shipping;  but  we  shall  doubt- 
less be  influenced  by  the  future  inquiries  of 
League  Committees  in  these  fields  of  com- 
merce and  exchange.  .. 

.    ^  „   Under   our   political   system  we 

Jumping  On  ,  .  .   .  , 

the  take  private  citizens  who  are  per- 

President      ^^^^  ^^  better  fitted  than  many 

others,  and  we  invest  them  for  brief  periods 
with  power  to  represent  us  in  transactions  of 
stupendous  importance.  Having  done  this, 
we  invariably  grumble  and  find  fault.  Presi- 
dent Wilson  was  as  roundly  abused  last 
month  by  many  of  his  fellow  citizens  as  if 
he  had  committed  every  offense  listed  in  the 
criminal  code.  We  might  feel  disheartened 
in  finding  that  we  had  made  so  unworthy  a 
selection  for  the  Presidency.  The  more  ex- 
perienced, however,  remember  that  President 
Taft  a  few  years  ago  was  even  more  bitterly 
execrated,  while  the  abuse  that  was  heaped 
upon  President  Roosevelt  in  1907  and  1908 
makes  the  criticisms  of  Taft  and  Wilson  seem 
mild,  and  compels  us  to  go  back  to  the  fierce 
attacks  upon  President  Cleveland  or  Presi- 
dent McKinley  for  anything  half  as  severe. 
We  are  then  reminded  by  the  students  of 
political  history  that  even  Lincoln  and  Wash- 
ington were  more  angrily  disparaged  by  op- 
ponents than  any  of  the  later  Presidents. 
Jefferson  and  Madison,  Jackson  and  Van 
Buren — every  president,  in  fact,  was  belittled 
by  contemporary  critics. 

„     ._,   ^      The  obvious  fact  is  that  no  mor- 

Pre$iaent8  ,  .  i  i  i  r 

^u$uaiiu  tal  man  is  equal  to  the  tasks  or 
Win  Out  ^i^g  presidency;  and  the  only 
wonder  is  that,  with  almost  no  exceptions, 
our  Presidents  have  been  so  uplifted  by 
the  requirements  of  the  great  office  that  they 
have  come  through  the  ordeal  with  honor 
rather  than  in  disgrace.  No  succession  of 
men  occupying  the  chief  seat  of  authority  in 
any  country  has  ever  made  anything  like  so 
good  a  record  as  the  Presidents  of  the  United 


■ 

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^^Br-'^               '    ^^^^^H 

^^1 

m 

H^H 

fc-"*** 

K^^^^^^^l 

PRESIDENT    HARRY    PRATT   JUDSON,   OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY   OF   CHICAGO 

(Dr.  Judson  has  recently  returned  from  Persia,  Tur- 
key, and  the  Paris  Conference,  and  supports  the  League 
of  Nations,  while  also  recognizing  the  need  of  lending 
American  aid  to  the  Allies  in  working  out  the  problems 
of  Eastern  Asia.    See  his  article  on  page  383) 


States.  The  policies  which  seem  to  be  di- 
rected by  a  man  who  holds  office  are  not  in- 
frequently the  result  of  irresistible  social 
forces.  It  was  inevitable  that  Germany 
should  be  defeated,  and  that  the  world  should 
endeavor  to  organize  itself  for  avoiding  fu- 
ture wars.  President  Wilson  will  be  given 
his  meed  of  credit,  and  in  due  time  he  will  be 
neither  unduly  lauded  nor  unjustly  blamed. 

The  popular  aspects  of  national 

Federal  Finance  ^  -n   i  i  -n  j 

and  the  hnancc  Will  have  been  illustratea 
People  ^i^jg  spring  as  never  before  in  our 
history.  March  15  was  the  last  date  for  the 
filing  of  income-tax  returns  and  the  making 
of  the  first  payment.  It  was  estimated  that 
as  many  as  four  million  separate  returns 
would  be  made.  Unmarried  persons  were 
required  to  report  and  to  pay  the  normal  tax 
of  six  per  cent,  if  they  had  incomes  in  excess 
of  the  exemption  limit  of  one  thousand  dol- 
lars. The  exemption  for  married  persons  is 
two  thousand  dollars,  with  additional  exemp- 
tions of  two  hundred  dollars  each  for  children 
and  dependents.  It  will  be  remembered  that 
about  twenty-one  million  people  subscribed 
for  the  last  Liberty  Loan.  It  is  hoped  by 
Secretary  Glass  that  there  may  be  an  equally 


356 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


widespread  support  of  the  new  loan  that  is  to 
be  offered  in  the  brief  campaign  beginning 
April  21.  It  is  expected  that  this  campaign 
will  market  for  the  Government  five-year 
notes  in  a  maximum  volume  of  from  five 
billion  to  seven  billion  dollars.  The  greater 
the  number  of  people  who  pay  direct  taxes, 
the  more  likely  w^e  are  to  have  careful 
scrutiny  of  public  expenditure.  And  the 
greater  the  number  of  people  who  subscribe 
for  Government  loans,  the  stronger  the  pub- 
lic sentiment  in  favor  of  maintaining  national 
solvency  and  sound  public  credit. 


Future 


We  may  be  approaching  a  time 
Popular  when  the  financial  problem  of 
Fmar^cina  ^^^  railroads  might  be  solved  by 
the  consolidation  under  government  guaranty 
of  a  large  issue  of  railroad  bonds  to  replace 
the  mass  of  outstanding  railway  securities, 
and  to  be  taken  as  safe  investments  by 
twenty  million  citizens.  The  Soldiers'  In- 
surance and  War  Risk  experiments  are  fur- 
ther popularizing  the  financial  operations  of 
the  national  government.  All  these  matters 
call  for  the  education  of  every  young  citizen 
in  the  elements  of  taxation,  finance  and  pub- 
lic expenditure.  We  are  fortunate  in  having 
at  the  head  of  financial  operations  such  men 
as  Secretary  Glass,  Commissioner  Roper  of 
the  Revenue  Bureau,  Director-General  Hines 
of   the   Railways,   and   Col.   Lindsley  of   the 


War  Risk  Bureau.  These  immense  agencies 
are  all  conducted  with  scrupulous  integrity 
and  with  full  regard  for  the  interests  alike 
of  the  government  and  the  public. 

-    _        .    The  humanitarian  work  of   the 

Dr.  Farrand       .  .  t-»     i       /--«  o       • 

and  the  American  Red  Cross  society, 
^°^'  which  was  of  no  slight  impor- 
tance in  the  years  before  the  recent  war 
period,  is  to  be  continued  on  a  greatly  ex- 
panded scale  in  the  immediate  future.  Red 
Cross  activities  during  the  War  were  under 
the  direction  of  a  special  War  Council  ap- 
pointed by  the  *  President,  of  which  Mr. 
Henry  P.  Davison  was  Chairman.  The 
permanent  Central  Committee  of  the  Red 
Cross  had  for  some  years  been  under  the 
Chairmanship  of  Hon.  William  Howard 
Taft.  The  War  Council,  appointed  in  May, 
1917,  retired  from  office  on  the  first  day 
of  March;  and  the  control  of  the  Red  Cross 
now  goes  back  to  the  Central  Committee 
as  in  times  of  peace.  As  head  of  this  Cen- 
tral Committee,  Dr.  Livingston  Farrand 
now  takes  the  place  formerly  held  by -Mr. 
Taft.  Dr.  Farrand's  aims  for  the  peace-time 
work  of  the  Red  Cross  are  set  forth  in  an 
article  written  by  him  for  this  number  of 
the  Review  of  Reviews — this  being  his 
first  article  written  since  assuming  his  new 
functions.  During  the  war  period,  Dr. 
Farrand  had  been  in  France  as  Director  of 


A.  CROWD  OF  AMERICAN  CITIZENS-MEN    AND   WOMEN.  YOUNCi  AND   OLD-TURNINCi  OVER 
TO  THE  GOVERNMENT  A  SHARE  OF  THEIR  INCOMES 


THE   PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


357 


©  Harris  &  Ewing,  Washington,  D.  C. 

DR.   LIVINGSTON   FARRAND,  OF  COLORADO,   NEW   HEAD 
OF  THE  AMERICAN   RED   CROSS 

the  important  work  for  the  relief  of  tubercu- 
losis carried  on  by  the  International  Health 
Board  of  the  Rockefeller  Foundation. 


HON.   DANIEL   C.   ROPER,   OF   SOUTH    CAROLINA,   COM- 
MISSIONER  OF    INTERNAL   REVENUE 


For  the 
Better 


The 


Dr.  Farrand  is  a  psychologist 
Problems  of  and  medical  authority  of  inter- 
'''"'""  national  fame.  He  has  been 
president  of  the  University  of  Colorado  for 
the  past  five  years.  Previously,  he  was 
professor  of  anthropology  at  Columbia  Uni- 
versity, New  York.  He  has  long  been 
prominent  in  public  health  work,  and  espec- 
ially active  in  the  study  of  the  tuberculosis 
problem.  Under  his  leadership  it  is  hoped 
that  the  large  popular  membership  of  the 
American  Red  Cross  may  be  maintained ; 
and  that  this  agency,  of  which  the  President 
of  the  United  States  is  the  honorary  head, 
may  carry  on  an  incessant  campaign  for  pub- 
lic health  and  social  welfare  with  a  more 
systematic  organization  than  ever  before. 
Dr.  Farrand  sailed  for  Europe  as  his  article 
for  the  Review  was  written  last  month, 
and  he  will  be  a  leader  in  the  convention  of 
all  the  Red  Cross  Societies  of  the  world  at 
Geneva,  to  be  held  soon.  Child  welfare,  pub- 
lic health,  and  **the  fundamental  problems 
of  living"  are  to  be  the  main  features  of  Dr. 
Farrand's  program  for  the  Red  Cross. 


As  we   entered   the   fifth   month 
of  the  transition  period   foUow- 
countryi      -^^  ^^^  Armistice  of  November 

11th,  there  was  everywhere  a  quickened 
eagerness  to  have  the  war  technically  ended 
and  to  turn  full  energy  to  the  problems  of 
peace.  Gradually  the  new  map  of  Europe 
was  emerging  and  the  war  settlements  were 
taking  shape.  Social  and  industrial  problems 
were  absorbing  the  attention  of  England, 
with  coal  mines  and  railroads  likely  to  be 
nationalized  at  the  demand  of  labor.  In  our 
own  country,  the  great  problems  of  railroad 
control,  immigration,  and  readjustments  of 
labor  to  peace  conditions,  remain  to  be  met 
in  the  near  future.  There  is  need,  above  all 
else,  of  public  sf)irit,  unselfishness,  and  gener- 
ous desire  to  see  that  the  benefits  of  educa- 
tion and  of  high  living  standards  are  widely 
diffused.  An  article  in  this  number  of  the 
Review  by  Professor  Haynes  on  negro  labor 
and  conditions  contains  much  wisdom  that 
could  be  applied  to  other  elements  of  the 
population.  A  recent  conference  of  Southern 
churches  held  at  Atlanta  expressed  the  pres- 
ent mission  of  the  religious  bodies  towards 
American  life  with  a  clearness  of  vision  that 
could  not  well  be  improved.  May  such  senti- 
ments   be    translated    into    practical    deeds ! 


RECORD  OF  CURRENT  EVENTS 


(From  February  IS  to  March  15,  iQig) 


THE  PEACE  CONFERENCE  AT  PARIS 

Februan'  16. — A  renewal  of  the  armistice  is 
signed  at  Treves,  the  German  commission  ac- 
cepting revised  conditions  under  protest. 

February  18. — The  Italian  delegation  declines 
to  accept  the  Jugoslav  proposal  for  arbitrating 
rival  claims  to  the  Dalmatian  coast. 

March  1. — Marshal  Foch  presents  to  the  Su- 
preme Council  the  military  terms  recommended 
for  incorporation  in  the  peace  treaty;  they  would 
reduce  the  German  Army  to  200,000  men,  restrict 
manufacture  of  military  supplies,  and  limit  the 
use  of  airplanes. 

March  3. — A  Paris  news  agency  declares  that 
$120,000,000,000  has  been  fixed  by'  the  Committee 
on  Reparation  as  the  amount  which  enemy  coun- 
tries ought  to  pay  to  the  Allies. 

March  7. — It  is  reported  that  the  American 
delegation  has  informed  the  Allies,  that  the 
reparation  demands  of  the  United  States  will 
be  covered  by  the  moneys  already  collected  by  the 
Alien    Property    Custodian     ($750,000,000). 

March  10. — The  Supreme  War  Council  agrees 
upon  the  military  terms  of  German  disarma- 
ment— reported  to  limit  the  army  to  100,000,  with 
a  twelve-year  enlistment  to  prevent  intensive 
training  of  large  numbers. 

March  11. — At  a  dinner  in  honor  of  the  Ameri- 
can peace  delegation,  Secretary  Lansing  speaks  in 
appreciation  of  France's  suffering  and  of  inherent 
American  friendship ;  he  gives  warning  that  too 
harsh  treatment  of  Germany  economically  will 
result  in   the  spread  of  Bolshevism   and   anarchy. 

March  14. — With  the  arrival  of  President  Wil- 
son, after  an  absence  of  a  month,  the  Peace  Con- 
ference begins  consideration  of  recommendations 
by  various  committees. 

March  15. — President  Wilson  authorizes  the 
statement  that  there  has  been  no  change  in  the 
plan  to  include  a  League  of  Nations  in  the  peace 
treaty. 

The  French  Foreign  Minister,  Stephen  Pichon, 
suggests  that  the  peace  treaty  state  the  principles 
of  a  League  of  Nations,  leaving  the  details  for 
later  consideration. 

Delegates  at  Brussels  reach  an  agreement  on  the 
problem  of  feeding  Germany  until  the  harvest; 
370,000  tons  of  foodstuffs  are  to  be  sent  monthly 
in  exchange  for  the  use  of  German  ships  of  ap- 
proximately 3,500,000  tonnage. 

PROCEEDINGS  IN  CONGRESS 

February  18. — The  House  passes  the  Army  Ap- 
propriation bill  ($1,170,000),  limiting  enlistment 
to  one  year,  eliminating  the  committee's  proposal 
of  a  temporary  army  of  500,000,  and  providing 
for  one  of  175,000. 

February    19. — In    the    Senate,    Mr.    Poindexter 
(Rep.,    Wash.)     severely    criticizes    the    proposed 
constitution    of    the    League    of    Nations,    as    sur- 
rendering high  functions  of  sovereignty. 
358 


February  22. — In  the  Senate,  Mr.  Reed  (Dem., 
Mo.)  denounces  the  project  of  a  League  of  Na- 
tions as  abrogating  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  in- 
volving the  United  States  in  entangling  alliances, 
and  surrendering  in  part  our  sovereignty. 

The  House-  adopts  the  bill  providing  $1,000,- 
000,000  to  sustain  the  Government's  guarantee  of 
$2.26  a  bushel  for  wheat;  the  Ways  and  Means 
Committee  reports  legislation  for  the  Victory  Lib- 
erty Loan,  a  note  issue  with  varying  interest  rates 
and  exemption  provisions  to  be  determined  by  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

February  24. — In  the  Senate,  Mr.  Lewis  (Dem., 
111.)  replies  to  critics  of  the  proposed  League  of 
Nations. 

February  26. — In  the  Senate,  Mr.  Owen  (Dem., 
Okla.)  opposes  the  plan  of  a  League  of  Nations 
and  Mr.  Cummins    (Rep.,  Iowa)    condemns  it. 

The  House  passes  the  Victory  Liberty  Loan 
bill,  retaining  the  provision  continuing  the  War 
Finance  Corporation,  with  new  authority  to  make 
loans  to  those  exporting  domestic  products. 

February  27. — The  Senate  adopts  the  Ad- 
ministration's  wheat-guarantee   bill. 

February  28. — In  the  Senate,  Mr.  Lodge  (Rep., 
Mass.),  who  will  be  chairman  of  the  Foreign  Re- 
lations Committee  in  the  next  session,  declares 
that  the  proposed  League  of  Nations  will  of  itself 
produce  controversies   and  misunderstandings. 

March  ,1. — In  the  Senate,  Mr.  Knox  (Rep., 
Pa.),  former  Secretary  of  State,  assails  the 
covenant  of  the  League  of  the  Nations  as  loosely 
drawn  and  as  promising  future  world  wars. 

March  2. — The  Senate,  after  an  all-night  ses- 
sion, adopts  the  Administration  measure  provid- 
ing for   the   Victory  Liberty  Loan. 

March  '3. — In  the  Senate,  Mr.  Lodge  (Rep., 
Mass.)  offers  a  resolution  recommending  the  re- 
jection of  the  proposed  constitution  of  the  League 
of  Nations,  and  reads  the  names  of  thirty-seven 
Republican  Senators  in  the  next  Congress  who 
have  signed  the  resolution. 

March  4. — In  the  Senate,  a  filibuster  conducted 
principally  by  Mr.  Sherman  (Rep.,  Illinois),  de- 
feats appropriations  for  financing  railroads  and 
constructing  ships;  the  annual  appropriation  bills 
for  the  Army  and  Navy  also  fail  of  passage. 

The  Sixty-fifth  Congress  comes  to  an  end,  with 
many  important  legislative  measures  remaining 
without  final  vote. 

March  6. — The  Senate  Committee  investigating 
Bolshevism  continues  its  hearings;  Raymond 
Robins,  head  of  the  American  Red  Cross  Mission 
to  Russia,  although  widely  reported  as  favoring 
the  Bolshevists,  denounces  the  movement  as  a 
menace,  economically  impossible  and  morally 
wrong. 

March  8. — The  Senate  committee  investigating 
Bolshevism  hears  David  R.  Francis,  recently  re- 
turned Ambassador  to  Russia,  who  declares  that 
slaughter  will  follow  the  withdrawal  of  the  Allies. 


RECORD   OF  CURRENT  EVENTS 


359 


AMERICAN  POLITICS  AND  GOVERNMENT 

February  15. — President  Wilson,  on  his  de- 
parture from  France,  requests  the  members  of 
the  Senate  and  House  Committees  on  Foreign 
Relations  to  defer  debate  on  the  drafted  constitu- 
tion for  the  League  of  Nations  until  his  arrival 
at  Washington. 

The  President  nominates  Hugh  C.  Wallace,  of 
Tacoma,  to  be  American  Ambassador  to  France. 

February  17. — The  Secretary  of  War  announces 
that  American  and  Allied  troops  will  be  with- 
drawn from  northern  Russia  when  spring  weather 
conditions  permit. 

February  20. — Congressman-elect  Victor  L. 
Berger,  of  Milwaukee,  is  sentenced  to  twenty 
years  imprisonment  for  violation  of  the  Espionage 
law  and  conspiracy  to  obstruct  the  war. 

February  21. — In  the  Senate,  Mr.  Borah  (Rep., 
Idaho)  attacks  the  proposed  League  of  Nations, 
on  the  ground  that  a  supernational  tribunal  can- 
not take  care  of  this  republic  as  well  as  its  one 
hundred  million   people. 

February  23. — The  Secretary  of  Commerce, 
Mr.  Redfield,  makes  public  a  plan  for  cooperation 
by  Government,  Capital,  and  Labor — through  an 
Industrial  Board — to  deal  with  vital  questions 
facing  American  industry. 

February  24. — President  Wilson's  ship  arrives 
at  Boston ;  the  President  delivers  an  address  on 
the  League  of  Nations,  and  leaves  for  Wash- 
ington. 

February  25. — The  President  signs  the  Revenue 
bill,  many  increased  taxes  going  into  effect  im- 
mediately. 

The  Pennsylvania  Legislature  becomes  the 
forty-fifth  to  ratify  the  Prohibition  Amendment. 

February  26. — The  President  discusses  the 
covenant  of  the  League  of  Nations,  at  the  White 
House,  with  the  members  of  the  Senate  and  House 
committees  on  Foreign  Relations. 

Homer  S.  Cummings,  of  Connecticut,  is  elected 
chairman  of  the  Democratic  National  Committee. 

February  27. — The  "President  nominates  A. 
Mitchell  Palmer,  of  Pennsylvania,  to  be  Attorney 
General,  succeeding  Mr.  Gregory,  who  resigned 
on  March  4   (see  page  374). 

At  a  caucus  of  Republican  members  of  the  next 
(Sixty-sixth)  Congress,  Mr.  Frederick  H.  Gillett 
of  Massachusetts  is  chosen  Speaker,  defeating  Mr. 
Mann  of   Illinois. 

February  28. — The  Director  General  of  Rail- 
roads announces,  after  conference  with  the  Presi- 
dent, that  the  railroad  systems  will  not  be  re- 
turned to  private  management  until  Congress 
meets  again  and  has  further  opportunity  to  frame 
a  constructive  program. 

At  a  caucus  of  Republican  members  of  the 
House,  'the  seniority  rule  in  selection  of  chair- 
manships is  retained  after  bitter  debate. 

March  1. — The  Porto  Rico  legislature  expresses 
itself  in  favor  of  Statehood  or  else  complete  in- 
dependence. 

March  2. — Herbert  Hoover  is  appointed  by  the 
President  to  be  director  general  of  American  re- 
lief among  the  populations  of  Europe. 

March  3. — Governors  of  States  and  mayors  of 
cities  meet  at  the  White  House,  upon  invitation 
of  the   Secretary  of   Labor,   to  discuss  vital   ques- 


©  Harris  &  Ewing 


HON.   HUGH    C.   WALLACE,    NEW  AMERICAN 
AMBASSADOR   TO   FRANCE 

(Mr.  Wallace  has  important  business  interests  in  the 
State  of  Washington,  but  has  spent  a  large  part  of  the 
war  period  at  the  national  capital.  He  is  known  to  have 
acted  for  the  President  on  several  diplomatic  missions 
of  a  confidential  nature.  The  new  Ambassador  was  born 
in  Missouri,  fifty-six  years  ago,  but  moved  to  Tacoma 
while  still  a  young*  man.  He  has  been  active  in  Demo- 
cratic national  politics) 

tions     affecting    business     and     labor;     President 
Wilson   addresses   the   gathering. 

March  4. — President  Wilson  and  ex-President 
Taft  address  a  large  audience  in  New  York,  in- 
terpreting the  plan  of  a  League  of  Nations. 

March  5. — President  Wilson  sails  from  New 
York  for  a  second  period  of  participation  in  the 
sessions  of  the  Peace   Conference  at  Paris. 

March  6. — The  Tariff  Commission  recommends 
that  Congress  provide  for  additional  duties  (to 
be  imposed  at  the  discretion  of  the  President)  in 
order  to  secure  fair  reciprocal  treatment  from 
foreign  countries. 

March  7. — An  address  by  the  chairman  of  the 
Republican  National  Committee,  Will  H.  Hays, 
at  Minneapolis,  is  understood  to  fix  the  keynote 
of  the  1920  campaign  on  a  platform  of  nation- 
alism   rather    than    "indefinite    internationalism.'' 

March  8. — The  American  War  Department 
states  that  1,390,000  American  troops  came  into 
action  against  fhe  enemy,  out  of  2,000,000  sent 
overseas. 

March  10. — The  Secretary  of  the  Navy  orders 
suspension  of  work  on  six  battle  cruisers,  pending 
a  new  study  of  the  best  type. 


360 


THE   AMERICAN   REFIEff    OF   REVIEWS 


©International  FMlm  Sen-ioe 

PROMINENT  AVIATION  OFFICERS  RETURNED  FROM  OVERSEAS 
(From  left  to  right  are:  Capt.  Roscoe  Fawcett,  of  Portland,  Ore.;  Capt. 
James  Norman  Hall,  of  Colfax,  Iowa;  Major  Kenneth  P.  Littauer,  of  "Wash- 
ington, D.  C;  Lieut-Col.  H.  E.  Hartney,  of  V^ashington,  D.  C;  and  Capt. 
Benjamin  P.  Harwood,  of  Billings,  Mont.  Captain  Hall  won  world-wide 
fame  before  being  brought  down  behind  the  German  lines,  a  prisoner) 


March  11. — Representative  Frank  W.  Mondell, 
of  Wyoming,  is  chosen  floor  leader  of  the  Repub- 
lican majority  in  the  next  House. 

March  12. — The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  an- 
nounces that  the  campaign  for  the  Victory  Liberty 
Loan  will  run  from  April  21  to  May  10. 

March  13. — President  Wilson  arrives  at  Brest, 
and  leaves  immediately  for  Paris. 

March  14. — The  new  chairman  of  the  Demo- 
cratic National  Committee,  Homer  S.  Cummings, 
speaking  in  New  York,  declares 
that  Republican  opposition  to  the 
League  of  Nations  has  presented 
the  Democrats  with  the  election 
of  1920. 

March  15. — The  Secretary  of 
the  Navy,  Mr.  Daniels,  sails 
from  New  York  to  study  naval 
and  aviation  problems  in  Europe. 

Army  demobilization  reaches 
a  total  of  1,419,386,  according  to 
the  War  Department. 

FOREIGN    POLITICS    AND 
GOVERNMENT 

February  15. — The  German 
Minister  of  Finance  informs  the 
National  Assembly  that  war 
expenditures  were  7,500,000,000 
marks  in  1914,  23,000,000,000 
in  1915,  26,600,000,000  in  1917, 
39,500,000,000  in  1918,  and  48,- 
800,000,000  in  1919;  including 
treasury  bonds  and  loans  to 
allies,  the  war  cost  Germany 
nearlv  161,000,000,000  marks 
(approximately  $40,000,000,000). 

February  17. — A  new  Mon- 
tenegrin cabinet  is  formed,  with 


J.  S.  Plamenatz  (former  For- 
eign Minister  and  ex-president 
of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies)  as 
Premier. 

February  ,19. — Premier  Clem- 
enceau  of  France  (chairman  of 
the  Peace  Conference)  is  shot 
by  a  French  anarchist,  the  bullet 
penetrating  the  left  shoulder 
and  lung. 

February  21. — Kurt  Eisner, 
revolutionist  and  Independent 
Socialist  Premier  of  Bavaria,  is 
assassinated  by  an  army  officer 
in  Munich;  Eisner  had  recently 
placed  the  blame  for  the  war 
on   Germany  and  Austria. 

March  1. — The  Danish  Cabi- 
net under  Premier  Zahle  re- 
signs upon  the  failure  of  its 
financial  program. 

March  3. — A  general  strike  in 
Berlin  and  continued  disorder 
in  Munich  add  to  fear  of  com- 
plete  collapse   in   Germany. 

March    7. — The    budget    com- 
mittee of  the    French    Chamber 
of    Deputies    estimates    that    the 
after-war   budget  will    be   eigh- 
teen    million     francs     and     the 
revenue  thirteen  million;   an  internal   loan  is  de- 
clared impossible,  and  financial  aid  of  the  League 
of  Nations  is  urged. 

March  9. — A  revised  estimate  of  French  war 
losses  places  the  total  dead  at  1,600,000,  of  whom 
300,000  were  colonials. 

March  12. — Korean  nationalists  Issue  a  declara- 
tion of  independence  and  voice  their  readiness  to 
"fight  to  the  last  drop  of  blood." 


©  western  Newspaper  union 

THE  TYPE  OF  NEGRO  OFFICER  DEVELOPED  BY  THE  WAR 

(These  men  all  were  in  action  against  the  Germans,  with  the  366th  In' 
fantry.  From  left  to  right,  are:  Lieut.  C.  L.  Abbott,  South  Dakota;  Capt. 
Joseph  L.  Lowe,  California;  Lieut.  A.  R.  Fisher,  Indiana,  winner  of  the 
Distinguished    Service   Cross;    and   Capt.    E.    White,   Arkansas) 


RECORD   OF  CURRENT  EVENTS 


361 


SIR    WILFRID    LAURIER 


March  13. — It  is  re- 
ported from  Berlin 
that  more  than  200 
workmen  have  been 
executed,  by  machine- 
gun  fire,  for  having 
been  found  with  arms 
during  recent  rioting  in 
the  streets. 

March  14.  —  Emile 
Cottin,  who  attempted 
to  assassinate  Pre- 
mier Clemenceau,  is 
sentenced  to  death  by 
a   court-martial. 

INTERNATIONAL 
RELATIONS 

February  16. — Ukrai- 
nian forces  resume 
their  attack  against  the 
Poles,  occupying  the  oil 
region  near  Lemberg, 
Galicia. 

February  23. — Poles 
and  Ukrainians  reach 
an  agreement  for  tem- 
porary     cessation      of 

hostilities,     pending     consideration     of     territorial 
claims  by  an  inter-Allied  commission. 

March  12. — American  soldiers  clash  with  Japa- 
nese  soldiers   in   Tientsin,   China. 

OTHER  OCCURRENCES  OF  THE  MONTH 

February  15. — Official  statistics  published  at 
Washington  show  that  the  battle  death  rate  in 
the  American  expeditionary  forces  was  57  per 
thousand  per  year,  compared  with  33  in  the  Civil 
War;  the  disease  death  rate  was  17  per  thou- 
sand, compared  with  65  in  the  Civil  War.     - 

February  22. — The  centenary  of  the  birth  of 
James  Russell  Lowell  is  widely  observed. 

March  1. — It  is  estimated  by  the  American 
War  Department  that  the  war  caused  the  death 
of  7,354,000  soldiers,  killed  in  action  or  died  from 
wounds — 62%  of  the  loss  being  among  the  Allies. 

March  3. — The  money  cost  of  the  war  to  bel- 
ligerents is  estimated  by  the  American  War  De- 
partment  at   $197,000,000,000   direct   expenditures. 

March  4. — Harbor  traffic  at  the  port  of  New 
York  is  paralyzed  by  a  strike  of  union  marine 
workers,  who  refuse  to  accept  the  result  of  arbi- 
tration which  they  had  themselves  demanded. 

March  9. — Shipyard  strikers  in  Seattle  vote  to 
return  to  their  jobs  under  conditions  and  wages 
prevailing  when  the  strike  was  called  in  January. 

OBITUARY 

February  .16. — Sir  Rodolphe  Forget,  a  promi- 
nent Canadian  banker,  57. 

February  17. — Sir  Wilfrid  Laurier,  Premier 
of  Canada  1896-1911,  77.  .  .  .  George  Edward 
Drummond,  the  Canadian  iron  merchant,  60.  .  .  . 
Right  Rev.  Robert  A.  Gibson,  Bishop  of  the 
Episcopal  Diocese  of  Virginia,  73. 

February  19. — General  Baron  Yasuamsa  Fu- 
kushima,  a  distinguished  Japanese  commander,  65. 

February  21. — William  Patterson  Borland, 
Representative      in      Congress      from      Missouri, 


HILARY    A.     HERBERT 


GEORGE    F.    EDMUXDS 


VETERAN  STATESMEN  WHO  DIED  RECENTLY 

(Sir  Wilfrid  Laurier  was  born  in  Quebec,  in  1841.  He  was  the  only  French-Canadian 
ever  chosen  Premier  of  the  Dominion,  an  oiifice  which  he  held  from  1896  to  1911  Air 
Herbert  was  born  in  South  Carolina,  in  1834.  He  served  as  Confederate  officer,  Mem- 
ber of  Congress,  and  Secretary  of  the  Navy  under  President  Cleveland.  Mr.  Edmunds 
was  born  in  Vermont  in  1828.  He  was  a  member  of  the  United  States  Senate  at  the 
age  of  thirty-eight,  and  remained  there  for  twenty-five  vears,  retiring  in  1891.  He  was  a 
distinguished  legal  authority,  credited  with  having  written  the  Sherman  Anti-Trust  Law) 


51.  .  .  .  Dr.  Mary  Walker,  army  surgeon  dur- 
ing the  Civil  War  and  noted  as  an  advocate  of 
male   attire  for  women,   87. 

February  27. — George  F.  Edmunds,  United 
States  Senator  from  Vermont  1866-1891  and  a 
distinguished  legal   adviser,  91. 

February  28. — Daniel  Russell  Brown,  Governor 
of  Rhode  Island  1892-1895,  70.  .  .  .  Col.  Clark 
E.  Carr,  of  Illinois,  formerly  United  States 
Minister  to   Denmark,    82. 

March  2. — Charles  E.  Van  Loan,  widely 
known   as   a   writer  of   short  stories,  42. 

March  3. — Harvey  Helm,  Member  of  Con- 
gress from  Kentucky,  53.  .  .  .  Thomas  Moore 
Johnson,  of  Missouri,  a  distinguished  student  of 
philosophy,    67. 

March  4. — Henry  R.  Mallory,  prominent  in  the 
development  of  American  steamship  lines, 
70.  .  .  .  Walter  M.  Brackett,  of  Boston,  painter 
of  portraits   and   game   fish,    95. 

March  6. — Hilary  A.  Herbert,  Secretary  of 
the  Navy  in  President  Cleveland's  second  Cabi- 
net, 85.  .  .  .  William  H.  Holt,  former  I'nited 
States  District  Judge  in  Porto  Rico,  76. 

March  8. — LaMarcus  Adna  Thompson,  inven- 
tor of  scenic  and  switchback  railways,  71. 

March  10. — Mrs.  Amelia  E.  Barr,  author  of 
seventy  books  of  fiction,  88.  .  .  .  Edward  Francis 
Kearney,  president  of  the   Wabash  Railroad,    54. 

March  12. — Douglas  Hamilton  Thomas,  a  prom- 
inent Baltimore  banker,  72. 

March  14. — Gen.  Roger  A.  Pryor,  a  famous 
Confederate  veteran  and  later  a  Justice  of  the 
New  York  Supreme  Court,  90. 

March  15. — Nathan  C.  Schaeffer,  superintendent 
of  public  instruction  in  Pennsylvania  and  former 
president  of  the  National  Educational  Associa- 
tion, 70.  .  .  .  Rev.  John  Rumsey  Davies,  D.D., 
president  of  the  Presbyterian  Board  of  Ministerial 
Relief,  63. 


AS  EUROPEAN  CARTOONISTS 
SEE  PRESIDENT  WILSON 


THE  ANIMAL  TAMER 

"Gentlemen,  the  first  part  of  the  program  is  past.  The 
Victor's  Spring"  was  a  success.  Now  follows  the  chief 
feature  of  the  performance.  The  bloodthirsty  beasts 
must  suck  the  milk  of  my  pious  fancies." 

From  Nehelspalter   (Zurich,   Switzerland) 


ROME  S   YOUNGEST  EMPEROR 
From  the  Nieuwe  Amsterdammer  (Amsterdam,  Holland) 


"the    thinker" — AFTER    RODIN's    F.\  M  < h    -,    FIGURE 
From  Le  Cri  de  Paris  (Paris) 
362 


DRY      HUMOR 
President  Wilson:  "Our  future  lies  upon  the  water!" 
Britannia:  "Alluding,   I  presume,  to  your  prohibition 

movement." 

From   Punch    (London) 


AS  EUROPEAN  CARTOONISTS  SEE  PRESIDENT  WILSON 


363 


THE  RISING  OF  THE  SUN  OF  "LASTING  PEACE" 

Mother  Hen    (Wilson):   "Chuck!    Chuck!    Children,  up  to  the  League  of  Nations!    Father  Chantecler  (Clemenceau) 

proclaims  peace." 
From  De  Amstcrdainmcr  (Amsterdam,  Holland) 

IT  IS  in  the  caricature  journals  of  neutral  ed  or  criticized;  and  the  cartoonist's  hand  is 

Europe  that  one  finds  the  greatest   free-  for  that  reason  somewhat  restrained, 
dom  of  expression,  for  the  topic  of  supreme  In   the   collection   of   pen-characterizations 

interest  is  the  work  of  the  Peace  Conference  here    reproduced,     we     find     the    American 

at  Paris.     In  decisions  reached  there,  all  the  President — then   and    now   in    Europe — por- 

AUied  countries  are  equally  to  be  commend-  trayed  in  various  roles.     On  the  first  page  we 


AT    THE    COXGKKSS    OF    PKACE 

Wilson  (to  Imperialism)  :  "It's  no  place 
for  you,  here.  Even  though  disarmed,  you 
look   like    militarism." 

From  L'Asitio    (Rome,    Italy) 


WILSON  DIVIDES  THE  EUROPEAN   CAKE 
Belgium:   "Mr.   Wilson,  give  me  a  nice  piece  of  Liml)urg.  please." 

From  \'otcnkraker  (Amsterdam,  Holland) 
[A  Dutch  cartoonist's  ironical  reference  to   Helgium's  demand  for 
revision  of  the  treaty  now  famous  as  "a  scrap  of  paper."  and  recon- 
sideration oi  the   Holland  boundary  as  tlien  fixed   by   the   Towers.) 


364 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


.^^•^ 


^^6 


;==^^ 


^.i 


SYMBOLS   OF   HOPE 
From  the  Westminster  Gazette  (London) 


DR.  WILSON  :   "IT'S   HIGH  TIME  I  CAME  TO  EUROPE' 

dn  the  refuse  bin  are  Rights  of  Small  Nations,   Self- 
Determination,   No  Annexations,  and  Permanent  Peace) 
From   Notenkrakcr   (Amsterdam,   Holland) 

see  him  as  a  tamer  of  ferocious  animals,  as 
a  proud  Roman  Emperor,  as  a  deep  thinker, 
and  as  an  international  debater.  On  the 
second  page  we  find  the  President  ''mother- 
ing" the  small  nations  of  Europe  and  carv- 


THE  RELEASE  OF  THE  BUTTERFLY 

(But  when  is  the   dove  coming  out  of  the  Ark?) 

From   John   Bull   (London) 

ing-out  their  territorial  limitations.  And  on 
this  third  page  of  the  department  President 
Wilson  is  the  chief  cook  in  the  Peace  Con- 
ference kitchen,  the  dapper  salesman,  the 
physician,  and  the  Dove  of  Peace  itself! 


THE  PEOPLE:  "LET'S  HOPE  THERE  ARE  NOT  TOO  MANY  COOKS' 
From  II   1,20    (Florence,   Italy) 


SELLING    HIM    A   PUP 
From  the  Passing  Show  (London) 


TOPICS  OF  THE  HOUR  IN 

CARTOONS 


WILL   YOU    FINISH    THE    JOB? 
From  the  Spokesman  Reviezv  (Spokane,  Wash.) 


EVERYBODY  DIG  ! 

From  the  Journal  (Jersey  City,  N.  J.) 


VICTORY  LOAN  AND  INCOME  TAX  AGAIN  TEST  OUR  PATRIOTISM 


"by    gum,    WOODROW,    you    HAVE   GROWN  I" 
(Uncle  Sam's  enthusiastic  greeting.) 
From  the  Citizen    (Brooklyn,   N.   Y.) 


AND  HE  SAYS  THE  PRESIDENT  IS  NEGLECTING 


-t 


HIS    DUTY 
from   the  Star    (.St.    Louis,    Mo.) 


365 


566 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


STILL  hoping! 
From  the  Mess-Kit  (Camp  Merritt,  N.  J.) 


MHint    T»  BC.' 
OeSTROVtP. 


tHtKAV    STAfF 
ABOLISHED 


NO 


(S.^ 


4^ 


"WE^RE   licked!" 
From  the  Evening  World  (New  York) 


THE  CHILD 
From  the  Advertiser   (Montgomery,  Ala.) 


THE  GREAT  TIDES  OF  THE  WORLD   .    .     .    RISE    .    .    . 
AND     THOSE     WHO      STAND     IN      THEIR     WAY     ARE 

OVERWHELMED." — President   Wilson. 

From   the    Post-Dispatch    (St.    Louis,    Mo.) 


A    UNION 


OP  STATES?     M 


l(^P055lBLt ! 


\>! 


A  LEAGUE. 
OF  NATIONS  ? 
IMPOSSIBLE! 


THERE  WERE  UNBELIEVERS  THEN— THERE  ARE  UNBELIEVERS  NOW 

From  the  Post-Dispatch  (St.  Louis,  Mo.) 


TOPICS  OF  THE  HOUR  IN  CARTOONS 


367 


NURSE  S  AFTERNOON  OUT 

"Now,    children,    you    must    all    be    good    till    I    come 
back." 

From  the  Passing  Show  (London) 


IN  dealing  with  the  League  of  Nations, 
most  of  the  American  cartoonists  and 
many  in  Allied  and  neutral  countries  seem 
inclined  to  follow  President  Wilson's  lead. 
This  is  noticeable  not  only  in  the  cartoons 
reproduced  in  this  department,  but  in  those 
accompanying  our  ''Leading  Articles  of  the 
Month"  (pages  417-422). 


UNDER  THE  LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS 
From  the  Post-Dispatch   (St.  Louis,  Mo.) 

Even  those  cartoons  intended  to  represent 
skepticism  regarding  the  project  are  good- 
humored,  almost  without  exception. 
;  Two  propositions  the  American  cartoonists 
very  generally  accept — that  a  League  of  Na- 
tions will  prevent  war  and  that  opposition 
can  only  delay,  but  not  defeat  the  aims  of 
President  Wilson. 

Those  who  continue  to  declare  a  League 
"impossible"  are  gently  ridiculed  by  Fitz- 
patrick  of  the  St.  Louis  Post-Dispatch. 


HACKING    AWAY    AT    IT 
From  the  World  (New  York) 


THE  NEW  BROOM 
From  the  Evening  Dispatch  (Columbus) 


368 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


THE  CUPBOARD  WAS  BARE! 

From  the  Daily  News  (Chicago) 


THE   PROGRESSIVE   WEIGHT-LIFTER 
From  Punch   (London) 


"the  cat  came  back  V 

From  the  Republic  (St.  Louis,  Mo.) 


THE  MEANING  OF  THE  VICTORY 

LIBERTY  LOAN 

A  Letter  from  Secretary  Glass  to  the  Editor  of  the 

Review  of  Reviews 

Dear  Dr.  Shaw; 

You  and  I  are  newspaper  men  and  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  in  that  vocation  we 
now  will  find  our  greatest  usefulness.  It  sometimes  seems  to  me  that  the  heavy  pressure 
of  our  routine  lives  distracts  our  minds  and  inclines  us  too  slightingly  to  pass  over  the  oppor- 
tunities and  responsibilities  of  those  who  present  the  written  word  to  their  fellows. 

We  are  in  a  crucial  era,  at  a  turning  where  the  unschooled  or  unfaithful  guide  can 
lead  us  far  astray.  It  becomes  our  special  province  to  take  heed  that  there  be  no  stumbling. 
It  is  our  responsibility  wisely  to  shape  our  courses,  and  our  privilege  to  give  to  the  needs 
of  the  nation  and  of  the  world  that  publicity  without  which  they  will  remain  unknown  or  ie 
misunderstood. 

We  can  show  the  American  nation  ivhat  it  has  done  in  bringing  low  the  Prussian 
power  which  so  short  a  time  ago  threatened  the  very  foundations  of  our  liberties.  We  can 
show  in  its  true  proportions  the  magnitude  of  the  achievement  by  which  a  nation  of  hus- 
bandmen and  earnest  toilers,  engrossed  in  their  own  worthy  tasks,  turned  aside  at  the  beck- 
oning of  the  ideal  called  Right  ajid  forfeited  their  personal  gains  that  Justice  again  might 
dwell  among  their  imperiled  brothers.  The  opportunity  is  given  us  to  bring  among  all  citizens 
of  the  United  States  a  true  understanding  of  where  the  tasks  of  the  future  lie,  to  show 
what  must  be  done  to  rebuild  a  new  and  finer  world  on  the  outworn  basis  of  yesterday. 

We  can  show  them  the  meaning  of  the  Victory  Liberty  Loan  and  how  its  purpose  is  to 
keep  fair  the  honor  of  the  country  and  enable  our  Government  to  finish  its  job.  We  can 
remind  them  that  those  who  say  it  is  impossible  for  the  Treasury  to  float  a  great  popular 
loan  at  this  time  are  heedless  of  the  nation  s  records;  have  forgotten  the  momentous  success 
of  the  four  preceding  issues;  are  unmindful  of  the  manner  in  which  every  obstacle  presented 
to  our  army  and  navy  was  overcome,  despite  the  craven  misgivings  of  ubiquitous  pessimists. 
We  can  tell  them  with  the  inexorable  force  of  truth  that  the  success  of  the  Victory  Liberty 
Loan  means  the  quick  resumption  of  our  normal  and  pleasant  course  of  life  and  the  dissi- 
pation of  the  shadowy  menace  of  Bolshevism. 

It  is  our  duty,  if  we  can,  to  show  that  this  is  a  time,  such  as  no  other  we  have  seen,  in 
which  the  whole  theory  of  democracy  is  in  the  balance.  It  is  a  time  when  cross-purposes 
and  counter-courses  in  a  democracy  invite  disaster.  It  is  a  time  when  the  special  sovereignty 
of  every  citizen  must  be  realized  and  exercised.  If,  in  these  days,  a  man  says  "I  will  wait  for 
my  neighbor  to  start  his  old-time  industry.  I  will  pause  until  I  am  sure  what  trend  affairs 
will  take.  I  will  let  others  finance  the  Government  meantime/^  he  casts  aside  the  responsi- 
bilities which  free  government  has  placed  upon  him  and  betrays  Democracy's  trust.  This  is 
Americans  day  and  every  man  who  boasts  American  citizenship  must  step  briskly  forth  and 
address  the  task  before  him  with  a  high  spirit  and  a  firm  determination  to  press  forward. 

This  is  the  remedy  for  any  ills  which  may  threaten  the  state,  for  where  all  are  willed 
to  progress,  dismal  uncertainties  are  banished.  Let  us  do  what  small  part  we  can  in  the 
completion  of  this  task  and  be  thankful  that  we  can  aid.  Let  every  man  put  his  strength  into 
finishing  this  job  so  that  when  the  other  peoples  of  the  world  look  to  see  hozv  America  has 
come  out  of  the  war  they  will  find  her  shining  and  her  people  blithely  marching  oniuard  to 
such  mansions  as  are  prepared  for  them. 

Cordially  yours, 

Carter  Glass, 
Washington,  March  12,  1919.  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

369 


THE  MAN  WHO  TOOK 
McADOO'S  PLACE 

BY  HOMER  JOSEPH   DODGE 


/T  was  the  special  ambition  of  Erasmus 
to  become  a  scholar  in  the  Latin  lan- 
guage. Books  in  his  part  of  the  world  were 
few  and  schools  fewer.  By  the  exercise  of 
that  untiring  diligence  which  the  Scripture 
tells  us  will  enable  a  man  to  stand  before 
kings,  he  mastered  enough  of  the  tongue  to 
gain  him  admission  to  the  University  of 
Louvain.  Later  he  studied  at  Paris  and  in 
England.  Throughout  this  studious  toiling, 
he  thought  with  deep  yearning  of  the  superior 
advantages  of  those  who  could  study  in  the 
schools  of  the  Vatican,  in  the  great  Tuscan 
universities  or,  in  fact,  almost  anywhere  on 
the  sacred  soil  of  Italy.  At  length  the  great 
opportunity  dawned  for  him.  He  was  enabled 
to  go  to  Rome.  Throughout  the  stages  of 
that  medieval  journey  he  was  consumed  by 
misgivings  as  to  whether  he  was  sufficiently 
far  advanced  in  his  subjects  to  be  even  ad- 
mitted as  a  pupil  among  the  great  Latin 
scholars  of  the  Holy  City.  Erasmus  had 
scarcely  been  in  Italy  a  month  before  he  was 
hailed  in  the  Vatican  itself  as  the  foremost 
master  of  the  Latin  language  of  the  age. 
The  Tope  himself  said  that  the  northern 
scholar  possessed  a  finer  Latinity  than  Saint 
Jerome, 


When  Carter  Glass,  the  editor  of  a  small- 
town newspaper,  was  elected  to  Congress  his 
ambition  to  become  a  master  of  finance  had 
crystallized.  By  profession  a  printer  and 
newspaper  man,  he  had  no  basis  in  finance 
excepting  a  sound  understanding  of  certain 
elemental  principles  of  trade,  gained  by  a 
not  too  affluent  youth.  But  he  applied  him- 
self to  the  study  of  the  subject.  He  did  not 
stop  with  superficial  reading  of  a  few  trea-. 
tises  on  Wall  Street  and  its  methods  or  a 
bird's  eye  view  of  the  financial  systems  of  the 
principal  European  nations.  He  delved  into 
the  very  vitals  of  the  subject.  He  studied 
with  enthusiasm  the  money  systems  of  the 
North  American  Indians,  of  the  Aztecs,  of 
the  classic  eastern  nations  and  Greece,  of 
medieval  Europe — in  short,  he  began  his  in- 

370 


vestigations  with  the  beginning  of  money  and 
traced  the  history  of  monetary  proceedings, 
processes  and  developments  down  through 
the  ages  in  all  parts  of  the  world.' 

He  hoped  that  the  time  would  come  when 
he  might  attain  sufficient  knowledge  on  this 
subject  to  take  his  place  with  some  of  the 
masters  of  the  trade  and  perform  some  serv- 
ice for  his  country  in  connection  with  na- 
tional financial  matters.  Upon  his  appoint- 
ment as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  he  con- 
fessed to  friends  and,  in  confidence,  to  a  few 
newspaper  men  that  he  approached  his  new 
chair  with  timidity  and  hoped  that  by  some 
good  fortune  he  would  be  able  to  hold  down 
the  job.  To-day,  he  is  hailed  as  a  master  of 
finance,  more  intimate  with  the  inner  work- 
ings of  the  mystery  than  the  masters  of 
Wall   Street. 


A  Printer' s  Devil 

SIXTH  DISTRICT  — Counties,  Bedford, 
Campbell,  etc.:  CARTER  GLASS,  Democrat, 
of  Lynchburg,  was  born  in  that  city,  educated 
in  private  and  public  schools  and  in  the  news- 
paper business; 

Congressional  Directory. 

Carter  Glass  is  in  every  sense  a  Virginian. 
Born  January  4,  1858,  his  lifetime  covers  the 
period  of  the  Civil  War  and  therefore  he  is 
an  inheritor  of  the  Old  Virginia  tradition. 
Alive  to  the  modern  world  and  an  actor  in 
the  largest  affairs  of  the  whole  nation,  he 
further  represents  the  new  order  of  things. 
Members  of  Congress  write  their  own  bio- 
graphies for  the  Congressional  Directory  and 
therefore  when  that  book  says  of  Mr.  Glass 
that  he  was  "educated  in  private  and  public 
schools  and  in  the  newspaper  business,"  an 
insight  is  given  as  to  the  estimate  he  places 
upon  the  advantages  of  the  journalistic  pro- 
fession. Further,  it  gives  an  index  to  his 
method  of  pursuing  any  vocation.  He  makes 
of  it  not  a  job  but  an  education.  He  de- 
termines to  do  the  job  well  and  knows  that 
to  do  so,  he  must  fully  inform  himself  upon 
its  requirements,  and  this  process  inevitably 


THE  MAN  WHO    TOOK  McADOO'S  PLACE 


371 


brings  him  the  education.  If  it  were  not  for 
the  fact  that  Mr.  Glass  has  especial  cog- 
nizance of  the  dignity  of  the  national  legis- 
lature and  would  say  nothing  publicly  about 
it  which  might  sound  flippant,  he  undoubtedly 
would  have  added  to  the  tale  of  his  school- 
ing "and  in  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States." 

Carter  Glass  entered  the  newspaper  busi- 
ness in  the  first  grade.  It  may  sound  a  little 
too  much  like  a  ''movie"  story  to  be  believed, 
but  it  is  true  that  his  first  job  was  that  of 
printer's  devil.  And  there  is  something  about 
his  twinkling  eyes  and  the  almost  roguish 
cock  of  his  head  to  make  one  believe  that 
he  was  indeed  a  printer's  "devil" — in  fact, 
that  he  would  have  been  a  grocer's  devil  or 
an  undertaker's  devil  or  the  bright  particular 
imp  of  almost  any  profession  which  he  might 
have  entered. 

For  eight  years  he  worked  as  a  printer, 
mastering  the  intricacies  of  that  mystery  with 
the  same  persistence  which  characterized  his 
later  endeavors.  The  teller  of  anecdotes  un- 
consciously thinks  of  that  period  of  Carter 
Glass'  life  with  a  certain  gleam  in  his  eye. 
He  is  convinced  that  if  occasion  but  offered, 
a  wealth  of  stories  of  the  Mark  Twain  school 
could  be  unearthed,  and  is  tempted  to  run 
down  to  Lynchburg  sometime  to  find  out  if 
there  are  not  some  survivors  of  an  earlier 
generation  who  might  spend  a  morning  of 
Virginia  sunshine  in  a  reminiscent  mood. 


Is  evjspaper    Owner   and   Editor 

.  .  .  owns  the  Daily  Neivs,  the  morning 
paper  of  the  city,  and  the  Daily  Advance,  the 
afternoon  paper;  member  of  Virginia  State 
Senate  1899-1903  and  Virginia  Constitutional 
Convention  in  1901-2;  eight  years  member  of 
Board  of  Visitors  University  of  Virginia  .  .  . 
Congressional  Directory, 

Undoubtedly  the  foreman  of  the  printing 
shop  in  which  the  young  Glass  worked  pre- 
dicted with  periodical  regularity  that  "that 
boy  would  come  to  no  good  end"  because 
that  is  the  way  with  printing-office  foremen 
and  their  devils.  But  it  is  not  hard  to  realize 
that  before  long  that  foreman  was  beginning 
to  believe  that  "that  boy  Carter  would  get 
somewheres."  In  the  South  many  news- 
paper men  are  produced  from  the  printing 
shop.  Carter  Glass  was  not  long  in  observ- 
ing that  his  education  would  have  a  freer 
play  in  the  editorial  offices  of  a  Lynchburg 
newspaper  and  he  followed  that  gleam  with 
his  characteristic  persistence.  That  he  would 
be   successful    in   his   ambition    to   make   this 


@  Harris  &  Evving,  Washington,  D.   C. 

HON.     CARTER    GLASS,    OF    VIRGINIA,     SECRETARY    OF 
THE    TREASURY 

change  was  inevitable  and  no  less  so  that 
from  reporter  and  editor  he  should  become 
owner. 

Now  in  the  South  the  editor  and  owner  of 
a  daily  newspaper  wields  a  might\  power,  es- 
pecially if  he  be  equipped  to  take  advantage 
of  his  position.  Within  a  brief  space,  the 
force  of  Mr.  Glass'  pen  began  to  make  itself 
felt  in  the  Old  Dominion.  He  was  well 
along  on  his  curs  us  Jionoruni.  As  rivers 
run  to  the  sea,  he  became  a  representative  of 
his    community    in    the    Senate    of    Virginia, 


372 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


bringing  to  Richmond  the  personality  which 
had  enabled  him  to  make  his  way  in  the 
lesser  metropolis  of  Lynchburg. 

The  phrase  in  the  Directory  biography, 
"eight  years  member  of  Board  of  Visitors 
University  of  Virginia,"  may  not  mean  a 
great  deal  to  people  who  do  not  know  Vir- 
ginia and  the  South.  In  those  States  south 
of  the  Mason  and  Dixon  Line,  education 
and  seats  and  institutions  of  learning  have 
an  old-time  glamor  about  them  which  it  is 
not  always  easy  to  find  in  some  of  the  hustling 
centers  in  other  sections  of  the  country.  To 
the  Virginian  the  University  of  Virginia  is 
all  that  Oxford  is  to  the  county  family  in 
England,  if  not  more.  No  Virginian  forgets 
for  a  moment  that  Thomas  Jefferson  founded 
the  institution  and  fostered  it,  dwelling  in 
fact  within  its  view,  and  designing  its  build- 
ings as  well  as  its  curriculum.  No  Virgin- 
ian forgets  the  long  and  glorious  history  of 
the  university  nor  its  roll  of  famous  alumni. 
To  the  Virginian  the  Board  of  Visitors  is 
as  notable  a  body  as  the  American  peace 
delegation  at  Paris  is  to  the  average  United 
States  citizen.  Mr.  Glass  was  well  along 
when  the  responsibility  of  a  visitor  was 
placed  with  him. 


Sixteen    Years   in    Congress 

.  .  .  was  elected  to  the  Fifty-seventh  and 
all  succeeding  Congresses,  including  the  Sixty- 
fifth   Congress. 

Congressional   Directory. 

In  1902  Carter  Glass  was  returned  to  the 
Congress  to  fill  out  the  unexpired  term  of 
P.  J.  Otey,  and  in  Congress  he  remained  un- 
til last  December,  when  the  resignation  from 
the  Treasury  portfolio  of  William  G.  Mc- 
Adoo  was  followed  by  his  elevation  to  the 
President's  cabinet.  During  that  period 
he  had  served  as  Democratic  National  Com- 
mitteeman for  Virginia  and  as  Secretary  of 
the  Committee.  This  latter  honor  he  re- 
linquished upon  his  appointment  as  Secretary. 

If  it  were  possible  to  turn  back  the  calen- 
dar so  that  we  might  be  living  in  the  first 
years  of  Mr.  Glass'  membership  in  Congress, 
we  would  probably  not  be  conscious  that  he 
was  a  member  of  that  body.  The  daily 
newspapers  have  given  the  American  people 
reason  to  think  that  all  members  of  Congress 
live  in  one  joyous  round  of  speech-making — 
many  oratorical  efforts  being  simultaneous. 
There  are  notable  exceptions  to  this  perhaps 
general  rule.  The  Directory  says  that  Mr. 
Glass  went   to   Congress   in    1902.      It  is  a 


matter  of  history  that  nearly  ten  years  ex- 
pired before  he  took  the  floor  to  deliver  a 
major  speech  before  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives. When  he  did,  he  prefaced  his  re- 
marks by  a  request  that  he  be  allowed  to 
address  the  House  without  interruption.  He 
did  so.  He  delivered  fifteen  thousand  words, 
revealing  a  finished  style  of  eloquence  and 
an  easy  intimacy  with  his  subject — the  mone- 
tary and  banking  system  of  the  United  States. 

Twice  more  he  spoke  before  the  House. 
Once,  to  deliver  a  stinging  denunciation  of 
the  proposal  that  Americans  be  warned  from 
traveling  at  sea  under  their  own  flag  and, 
if  they  persisted,  assume  all  the  responsibility 
for  any  German  piracy  which  might  result ; 
and  once,  to  defend  Secretary  of  War  Raker's 
record  as  head  of  the  American  War  Min- 
istry in  the  conduct  of  the  war.  It  is  super- 
fluous to  say  that  on  these  three  occasions 
Mr.  Glass  had  the  absorbed  attention  of 
almost  all  the  members.  It  is  not  difficult 
to  visualize  the  members  tip-toeing  into  the 
chamber  and  to  their  chairs  after  the  word 
had  gone  round  that  Carter  Glass  was  ad- 
dressing the  House.     It  was  an  event! 

If  there  is  no  other  reason  for  it,  ten  years' 
silence  in  the  House  of  Representatives  be- 
queaths an  oracular  reputation.  In  Carter 
Glass'  case  there  were  other  reasons. 


Fro7?i  Federal  Reserve  Act  to  Victory  Loan 

Mr.  Glass  did  not  entertain  this  wilful 
stillness  with  any  purpose  other  than  the  pur- 
pose to  equip  himself  fully  for  the  task  which 
he  had  undertaken.  His  committee  work — 
largely  in  the  House  Committee  on  Banking 
and  Currency,  of  which  he  long  was  a  mem- 
ber and,  upon  the  Democratic  succession, 
chairman — was  indefatigable.  After  Wood- 
row  Wilson's  election  and  before  his  inau- 
guration Mr.  Glass  visited  him  at  his  home 
and  talked  to  him  about  the  necessity  for 
revision  of  the  American  banking  system. 
When  that  interview  was  finished,  Mr.  Wil- 
son was  amazed  at  Mr.  Glass'  command  of 
his  subject  and  convinced  that  his  conten- 
tions were  sound  and  his  plan  good. 

The  result  of  this  claustral  study  is  the 
Federal  Reserve  Act,  the  measure  which  a 
majority  of  bankers  of  the  country  declare 
saved  the  United  States  from  probably  a  half- 
dozen  financial  panics  between  1914  and  the 
present  day.  Mr.  Glass  had  the  benefit  of 
exceedingly  valuable  assistance  from  other 
students,  notably  Dr.  H.  Parker  Willis, 
first  Secretary  of  the  Federal  Reserve  Board, 


THE  MAN  WHO    TOOK  McADOO'S  PLACE 


373 


but  he  was  the  leader  in  putting  the  legis- 
lation through  Congress. 

It  is  habitual  for  the  Fate  which  brings 
nations  to  emergencies  to  produce  men  to 
meet  them ;  and  it  appears  that  Carter  Glass 
is  the  man  produced  in  this  instance  to  meet 
the  very  genuine  financial  emergency  which 
faces  the  United  States  to-day.  Perhaps  his 
greatest  qualification  for  the  position  of  Sec- 
retary of  the  Treasury  at  a  time  when  a 
great  popular  loan  must  be  floated  to  enable 
America  to  finish  her  job  in  maintaining 
democratic  law  and  order  in  the  world,  is 
his  almost  fanatical  belief  in  the  perennial 
triumph  of  the  American  people  over  diffi- 
culties which  appear  insuperable.  It  is  not 
too  much,  perhaps,  to  say  that  Mr.  Glass  is 
the  only  man  in  the  United  States  who  from 
the  first  was  absolutely  certain  of  the  success 
of  the  Victory  Liberty  Loan.  This  certainty 
he  did  not  derive  from  his  studies  of  finance; 
he  derived  it  from  his  knowledge  of  America, 
a  knowledge  which  is  not  empirical.  But  his 
sound  basis  in  finance  and  economics  has 
stood  him  in  good  stead. 

Mr.  Glass  knows  that  the  Victory  Liberty 
Loan  must  be  a  success.  He  knows  that 
America's  job  in  the  war  will  not  be  finished 
unless  the  sum  required  is  subscribed  by  the 
people.  He  is  certain  that  American  citizens 
are  too  jealous  of  the  credit  of  their  nation, 
which  is  their  own  personal  credit  in  no  small 


u-^ir 


A    BIT    DRY? 
(From  the  Evening  Telegram,  New   York) 


degree,  to  permit  failure  to  attend  any  of 
their  undertakings. 

Carter  Glass  undoubtedly  has  one  or  more 
personal  hobbies  of  the  usual  intimate  nature. 
Another  one  which  he  consistently  practises 
is  the  overcoming  of  obstacles.  At  first 
glance,  one  would  not  suspect  that  a  per- 
sistent driving  power  existed  in  that  small 
man — for  Mr,  Glass  is  small  in  stature.  One 
day,  before  Mr.  McAdoo  had  relinquished 
his  office  finally  and  had  Mr.  Glass  there 
instructing  him  in  departmental  routine,  the 
two  happened  to  be  standing  together.  The 
tall,  lanky  Tennessean  looked  down  from 
his  height  on  the  diminutive,  red-haired  Vir- 
ginian and  said:  **Mr.  Secretary,  I  am 
forcibly  reminded  of  Mutt  and  Jeff."  The 
remark  was  so  apt  that  it  was  almost  em- 
barrassing. 

But  Mr.  Glass'  small  stature  does  not  im- 
pair his  ability  to  overcome  obstacles  or  dim- 
inish his  appetite  for  them.  His  tremendous 
tenacity  enables  him  to  carry  through  almost 
any  undertaking.  Back  in  Lynchburg,  as 
a  young  man,  he  knew  a  certain  other  man. 
This  other  went  to  New  York  and  became 
rich  and  powerful.  There  was  a  time  in  Mr. 
Glass'  career  when  the  rich  New  Yorker 
could  have  been  of  assistance  to  him  but  Mr. 
Glass  did  not  apply.  There  came  a  later 
time  when  Mr.  Glass  could  be  of  assistance 
to  the  rich  New  Yorker,  who  did  apply. 
Mr.  Glass  flatly  refused  to  have  anything 
to  do  with  him  because  he  remembered  cer- 
tain methods  and  motives  of  this  man  in 
distant  days  and  knew  that  there  had  been 
no  change  in  them.  In  fair  circumstances 
or  adverse,  he  steered  a  straight  course  and 
now  stands  at  the  head  of  the  nation's 
finances,  setting  forth  to  accomplish  the 
greatest  financing  task  ever  presented  to  any 
statesman  or  financier. 

A  popular  loan  for  a  large  sum  has  been 
declared  impossible  to  Mr.  Glass  so  many 
times  that  he  is  in  his  very  element,  demon- 
strating that  the  thing  can  be  done.  Ad- 
dressing the  Pittsburgh  Chamber  of  Com- 
merce recentl)^  he  said:  "Impossibilities  are 
constantly  made  possible ;  and  when  I  am  told 
of  the  diflficultics  which  will  beset  the  Victory 
Liberty  Loan,  I  refuse  to  lose  faith  in  the 
enduring  patriotism  of  the  American  people ; 
I  decline  to  believe  that  the  fathers  and 
mothers  who  gave  four  milhOn  sons  to  die, 
if  need  be,  that  liberty  must  survive,  will 
now  haggle  over  the  material  cost  of  saving 
the  very  soul  of  civilization  from  the  perdi- 
tion of  Prussian   tyranny." 


THE  NEW  ATTORNEY  GENERAL 

BY  ARTHUR  WALLACE  DUNN 


AS  President  Wilson  was  departing  for 
Europe  on  his  second  trip  to  attend  the 
peace  conference  he  named  A.  Mitchell 
Palmer,  of  Pennsylvania,  as  Attorney  Gen- 
eral to  succeed  Thomas  W.  .Gregory,  of 
Texas,  who  had  resigned.    The  appointment 


tion  of  1910  and  the  House  itself  chose  its 
own  committees  Mr.  Palmer  was  elected  a 
member  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee 
— an  unusual  compliment  for  a  member  with 
a  service  of  only  one  term. 

At  that  time  he  had  attained  prominence 


was  generally  commended  without  regard  to      in  the  politics  of  Pennsylvania  and  was  the 


party  affiliations  by 
those  who  have  be- 
come acquainted  with 
Mr.  Palmer  in  his 
somewhat  brief  public 
career.  It  was  just 
ten  years  from  the 
time  that  he  first  made 
his  appearance  as  a 
member  of  the  House 
of  Representatives  that 
he  became  the  head  of 
the  Department  of 
Justice.  Previous  to 
that  time  he  was 
known  only  as  a  suc- 
cessful lawyer  whose 
practise  spread  over  a 
considerable  portion 
of  central  Pennsyl- 
vania. He  had  been 
quite  prominent  in  lo- 
cal politics,  but  he  had 
declined  to  consider  a 
nomination  to  Con- 
gress because  the  dis- 
trict in  which  he  lived 
had  adopted  the  sys- 
tem of  rotation  in  of- 
fice and  elected  a  man 
for  only  a  single  term. 
IVIr.  Palmer  decided  to  be  a  candidate  in 
1908,  but  announced  that  he  would  not  con- 
form to  the  rotation  plan  and  would  seek 
reelection  if  he  desired.  He  broke  the  rota- 
tion spell  and  was  elected  for  several  succes- 
sive terms. 

By  reason  of  his  pleasing  personality,  his 
ability,  and  natural  inclination  to  leadership- 
together  with  his  oratorical  talents  and  com- 
manding figure,  he  soon  attracted  attention 
in  the  House  of  Representatives.  When  the 
Democrats  came  into  power  after  the  elec- 

374 


g)  Harris  &  Ewing,  Washington,  D.  C. 

UOX.  A.   MITCHELL  PALMER,  OF  PENNSYLVANIA 

(Born  in  Pennsylvania,  1872;  graduated  Swarthmorc 
College,  1891;  practiced  law,  Stroudsburg;  Member  of 
Congress,  1909-'15;  Alien  Property  Custodian,  1917-'19; 
Attorney   General,  March  4,   1919) 


recognized  leader  of 
the  progressive  ele- 
ment which  became 
dominant  in  1912.  In 
that  year  he  early  es- 
poused the  cause  of 
Gov.  Woodrow  Wil- 
son as  the  Democratic 
candidate  for  Presi- 
dent and  at  the  Balti- 
more convention  had 
72  of  Pennsylvania's 
76  delegates,  whom 
he  held  solidly  for  the 
New  Jersey  Governor 
through  all  the  tedi- 
ous ballots.  Like  other 
Wilson  leaders  at  Bal- 
timore, Palmer  was 
offered  almost  any- 
thing within  the  gift 
of  an  administration 
in  an  effort  to  tempt 
him  to  leave  Wilson 
and  with  his  block  of 
delegates  go  to  an- 
other candidate ;  but 
he  stood  firm  to  the 
last  and  when  the  con- 
vention closed  was  not 
only  the  recognized 
Democratic  leader  of  Pennsylvania,  but  also 
one  of  the  leaders  of  the  party  in  the  nation. 
He  became  a  member  of  the  National  Com- 
mittee and  was  again  elected  in  1916. 

When  President  Wilson  was  selecting  his 
first  cabinet  it  was  generally  understood  that 
A.  Mitchell  Palmer  would  be  one  of  the 
new  President's  official  family.  It  turned 
out,  however,  that  the  only  position  which 
Mr.  Wilson  could  offer  him  was  Secretary 
of  War.  But  Mr.  Palmer  is  a  Quaker,  and 
he  did  not  feel  that  he  could  accept  a  war 


THE    NEW    ATTORNEY    GENERAL 


375 


portfolio.  So  he  continued  in  the  House  of 
Representatives.  As  a  member  of  the  Ways 
and  Means  Committee  he  helped  to  frame 
the  first  Democratic  tariff  measure  enacted 
since   1894. 

At  the  earnest  request  of  President  Wilson 
Mr.  Palmer  gave  up  his  seat  in  the  House 
of  Representatives  in  order  to  become  a  can- 
didate for  the  Senate  at  the  fall  Action  in 
1914.  After  his  defeat  that  year  he  re- 
turned to  private  life,  although  he  was 
offered  a  number  of  important  positions  con- 
nected with  the  administration.  Mr.  Palmer 
resumed  the  practise  of  law,  but  he  was  no 
longer  a  local  attorney  of  Pennsylvania.  His 
reputation  and  prominence  extended  his 
field  to  other  States  and  he  was  connected 
with  a  number  of  important  cases. 

After  the  United  States  entered  the  war 
Congress  passed  a  law  known  as  the  * 'Trad- 
ing With  the  Enemy  Act,"  authorizing  the 
Government  to  take  control  of  and  admin- 
ister the  property  of  citizens  of  Germany  and 
her  allies  in  this  country.  President  Wilson 
appointed  Mr.  Palmer  Alien  Property  Cus- 
todian, which  position  he  held  when  appoint- 
ed Attorney  General.  As  Alien  Property 
Custodian  Mr.  Palmer  has  handled  an  im- 
mense business.  When  he  retired  from  that 
position  the  office  was  administering  32,296 
separate  trusts  with  an  aggregate  value  of 
$502,945,724.  It  has  been  the  policy  of  Mr. 
Palmer  to  Americanize  the  foreign-named 
concerns  as  far  as  possible.  His  investiga- 
tions of  the  various  business  concerns  owned 
by  aliens  proved  of  immense  value  to  the 
Department  of  Justice  during  the  war  when 
it  was  seeking  information  concerning  those 
who  were  aiding  the  enemy  while  still  re- 
siding in  the  United  States.  It  is  expected 
that  the  business  of  the  Alien  Property  Cus- 
todian will  at  some  time  in  the  future  come 
under  the  Department  of  Justice. 

Mr.  Palmer  assumes  his  new  duties  at  a 
time  when  there  are  many  legal  problems  of 
great  importance  pending  and  others  to  fol- 
low when  peace  is  concluded.  The  admin- 
istration of  legislation  growing  out  of  the 
war  is  still  an  important  function  of  the 
Department  of  Justice,  while  the  legal  prob- 
lems that  will  have  to  be  solved  in  view  of 
the  probable  peace  pact  are  sure  to  be  of  far- 
reaching  consequence.  Mr.  Palmer  has 
announced  that  he  will  not  make  any  change 
in  the  poficy  of  the  department,  which  is 
natural  in  view  of  the  fact  that  Attorney 
General    Gregory's    resignation    was    not    in 


consequence  of  any  disagreement  with  the 
President  over  the  conduct  of  the  office.  One 
of  the  important  questions  is  the  disposition 
of  dangerous  alien  enemies  now  interned  in 
this  country.  1  he  question  whether  the  de- 
partment will  order  their  deportation  through 
the  machinery  of  the  Department  of  Labor 
or  await  legislative  action  by  Congress  will 
come  before  Attorney  General  Palmer  for 
decision.  The  administration  of  the  espion- 
age law^s  and  other  restrictive  measures 
which  remain  in  force  until  peace  is  pro- 
claimed, although  conditions  were  changed 
by  the  signing  of  the  armistice,  creates  prob- 
lems of  great  moment  in  the  Department  of 
Justice. 

There  have  been  pending  before  the  Su- 
preme Court  for  a  long  period  the  anti- 
trust cases,  the  determination  of  which  is 
expected  to  be  conclusive  as  settling  the  con- 
tentions between  the  Government  and  the 
great  corporations — questions  that  have  been 
agitating  the  country  for  so  many  years. 
These  include  suits  against  railroads,  the 
Steel   Corporation,   and   other  combinations. 

Twice  since  the  United  States  entered  the 
war,  at  the  request  of  the  Department  of 
Justice,  the  Supreme  Court  has  postponed 
consideration  of  these  cases  and  it  is  scarcely 
probable  that  they  will  be  taken  up  before 
the  court  ends  its  present  session  in  June. 
The  Attorney  General  must  determine 
whether  to  prosecute  these  cases  or  to  await 
legislation  regarding  railroads  and  corpora- 
tions which  has  been  discussed  at  various 
times  and  which  war  conditions  have  made 
imperatively  necessary.  This  legislation  upon 
which  the  Attorney  General  will  give  his 
advice  must  cover  not  only  the  railroad 
problems,  but  also  the  Sherman  Anti-Trust 
Law  as  it  affects  corporations  and  freedom 
of  trade  under  the  conditions  that  have  been 
so  materially  changed  by  the  great  war. 

The  Attorney  General  is  a  comparatively 
young  man,  only  forty-six  years  of  age.  He 
is  active  and  energetic,  an  orator  of  fine 
attainments,  very  pleasing  m  his  manner  and 
effective  in  his  arguments.  He  was  educated 
in  the  schools  of  Luzerne  County,  Pennsyl- 
vania, where  he  was  born,  and  at  the 
Moravian  parochial  school  at  Bethlehem, 
Pa.,  and  graduated  from  Swarthmore  Col- 
lege. Mr.  Palmer  is  one  of  the  few  cabinet 
officers  who  is  an  expert  shorthand  writer. 
He  was  once  a  court  reporter,  and  has  kept 
up  his  shorthand,  making  many  of  his  not-'S 
in  "pothooks  and  hangers." 


PEACE  SETTLEMENT  NEAR 


BY  FRANK  H.  SIMONDS 

(By  Special  Cablegram  to  the  American  Review  of  Reviews  from  Paris) 


I.    Terms  Imposed  Upon 
Germany 

THE  present  dispatch  represents  two  dis- 
tinct periods: 
( 1 )  The  period  before  President  Wilson 
left  for  America,  marked  by  the  completion 
of  the  League  of  Nations  Covenant  and  by 
certain  temporary  misunderstandings  between 
the  French  and  American  representatives. 
(2)  The  period  following  President  Wilson's 
return  to  America  and  extending  until  his 
second  arrival  in  France,  during  which  the 
main  lines  of  the  preliminary  Treaty  of  Peace 
took  form,  and  the  substantial  outlines  of  a 
definitive  peace  w^ith  Germany  were  drawn. 
I  shall,  then,  undertake  in  this  article  to  deal 
with  two  things:  first.  Outlines  of  Approach- 
ing Peace  with  Germany,  and  second,  Euro- 
pean Views  of  the  Value  of  the  League  of 
Nations  for  the  Future. 

Germany's   New   Frontiers 

As  to  preliminary  peace  with  Germany, 
which  will  in  every  essential  detail  represent 
terms  of  ultimate  settlement,  the  larger  pro- 
visions are  now  virtually  decided  upon.  First, 
the  Western  frontier  of  Germany  will  stop 
at  the  Rhine ;  and  the  territory  between  the 
Rhine,  Belgium,  Luxemburg,  and  the  old 
frontier  of  Alsace-Lorraine,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  the  Saar  coal  district,  will  probably  be 
erected  into  a  Rhenish  Republic  totally  dis- 
tinct from  Germany.  This  separation  from 
Germany  will  last  during  the  time  that  the 
armies  of  occupation  remain  in  this  area,  and 
these  armies  will  remain  until  Germany  has 
discharged  all  her  obligations,  financial  and 
otherwise,  to  her  conquerors.  At  the  close  of 
that  period,  it  will  be  for  the  people  of  the 
Rhenish  Republic  to  decide  whether  they  will 
continue  as  a  separate  republic  or  rejoin  Ger- 
many. The  Saar  coal  district  is  to  be  an- 
nexed by  France  as  partial  compensation  for 
the  destruction  of  the  French  industrial  re- 
gions during  the  war. 

These  provisions  insure  to  France  as  well 
as  to  Belgium  that  guarantee  against  future 

376 


aggression  by  Germany  which  is  right  as  well 
as  necessary  for  France ;  and  the  fact  that 
America  has  sympathetically  listened  to  these 
demands  has  contributed  toward  removing 
the  misunderstandings  of  the  earlier  period. 

The  Eastern  frontier  of  Germany  will  in 
the  main  coincide  with  the  Eastern  frontier 
of  Prussia  prior  to  the  first  partition  of 
Poland  in  1772.  The  Prussian  provinces  of 
Posen,  and  the  larger  part  of  West  Prussia 
on  the  left  bank  of  the  Vistula  River  and  in- 
cluding the  city  of  Danzig  will  be  Polish.  It 
remains  to  be  decided  whether  the  German- 
speaking  areas  of  East  and  West  Prussia  be- 
yond the  Vistula  will  be  included  in  the  new 
Poland  or  erected  into  an  independent  re- 
public. 

In  addition,  the  Danish-speaking  region  of 
Schleswig,  after  the  formality  of  a  plebiscite 
to  demonstrate  the  principle  of  ''self-determi- 
nation," will  be  restored  to  Denmark. 

As  against  these  losses  in  territory  and  in 
population,  Germany  will  undoubtedly  annex 
the  German-speaking  provinces  of  the  old 
Hapsburg  monarchy.  Germany  will  thus 
be  deprived  of  between  12,000,000  and 
13,000,000  people  by  the  shrinkage  of  her 
frontiers ;  and  this  loss  will  be  offset  in  part 
by  the  acquisition  of  7,000,000  Austrian  Ger- 
mans. She  can,  however,  look  forward  to  a 
possible  regaining  of  the  Rhenish  Republic  in 
the  future.  In  sum,  the  New  Germany  will 
end  at  the  Rhine  and  will  not  reach  to  the 
Vistula. 

Disarmament 

The  second  Important  decision  as  to  Ger- 
many concerns  the  military  service.  Here 
Lloyd  George  has  effected  a  far-reaching 
transformation.  Germany  in  the  future  can 
have  an  army  not  to  exceed  100,000  men,  to 
be  raised,  not  by  conscription,  but  by  enlist- 
ment for  long  periods  of  service.  The  size 
of  her  stafif  is  fixed ;  the  numbers  and  quan- 
tities of  her  military  supplies  are  to  be  regu- 
lated;  the  number  of  aeroplanes  is  to  be  rig- 
idly restricted. 

In   fact,    Germany   is   to   have   a   regular 


PEACE    SETTLEMENT    NEAR 


Z77 


army  like  that  of  England  or  the  United 
States,  for  the  present,  and  the  old  conscrip- 
tion system  is  thrown  into  the  discard.  This 
means  not  alone  the  ending  of  conscription 
in  Germany,  but  m  all  Europe.  It  is  a  very 
long  step  towards  general  disarmament.  The 
whole  naval  fleet  of  Germany,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  a  few  insignificant  units,  disappears 
from  harbors  and  high  seas ;  and  as  a  naval 
power  Germany  will  sink  to  the  level  of 
Spain,  or  even  lower.  She  will  be  forbidden 
to  build  submarines  and  compelled  to  destroy 
her  yards  and  her  machinery  where  subma- 
rines could  be  built. 

In  a  word,  she  will  be  as  efifectively  dis- 
armed by  sea  as  by  land ;  and  after  this  dis- 
armament of  Germany  there  will  follow  in 
due  time  the  disarmament  of  the  world. 

Compensation 

Main  outlines  of  the  third  division  of  the 
Preliminary  Peace  Terms  with  Germany  are 
not  as  yet  clearly  established.  This  division 
deals  with  the  financial  adjustments  and 
other  compensations  which  Germany  is  to 
make  in  payment  for  her  wanton  destruction 
during  the  war.  There  is  substantial  agree- 
ment that  Germany  shall  be  compelled  to  pay 
for  her  crimes  up  to  the  last  dollar  possible. 
The  method  of  payment,  the  amounts  which 
may  be  possible,  and  the  guarantees  which 
must  be  taken  for  payment — all  these  remain 
to  be  solved,  and  may  be  fixed  only  provi- 
sionally in  the  preliminary  peace,  with  the 
details  left  to  Commissions.  But  the  pre- 
liminary Treaty  of  Peace  will  establish  the 
lesponsibility  of  Germany,  and  will  assert  the 
necessity  for  Germany  to  pay. 

Early  in  April  the  German  representatives 
will  be  invited  to  sign  these  preliminary  terms 
without  discussion  or  amendment.  Then  we 
shall  in  fact  have  made  peace  with  Germany. 
If  Germany  refuses  to  sign  these  terms,  then 
all  possibility  of  carrying  out  the  Allies'  plans 
for  feeding  Germany  will  come  to  an  end ; 
and  famine,  if  nothing  else,  will  shortly  bring 
the  Germans  to  reason. 

Now,  aside  from  these  German  phases  of 
its  work,  the  Conference  of  Paris  has  prac- 
tically completed  the  construction  of  the 
Polish,  Czechoslovak,  Rumanian,  Hungarian, 
and  Jugo-Slav  boundaries.  Also,  the  new 
boundary  lines  of  Greece  in  Europe  are  ap- 
proaching settlement. 

Other  Peace  Problems 

There  remain  certain  minor  disputes,  and 
one    large    question    respecting    the    Eastern 


frontier  of  Poland.  Other  disputes — of 
which  that  between  the  Italians  and  Jugo- 
slavs is  the  only  serious  one — will  be  ironed 
out  in  a  brief  period  of  time. 

Thus,  to  all  intents  and  purposes.  New 
Middle  Europe  is  practically  completed.  In 
place  of  the  old  Hapsburg  Empire  and  Rus- 
sian Poland,  we  shall  have  four  considerable 
countries,  with  a  combined  population  of  ap- 
proximately 50,000,000,  erected  on  the  basis 
of  self-determination,  and  possessing  the  nec- 
essary resources  of  intelligent  national  exist- 
ence. And  it  is  to  be  confidently  hoped  that 
these  four  countries  will  have  their  immediate 
future  assured  by  guarantees  of  the  League 
of  Nations. 

As  to  the  German  colonies  in  various  parts 
of  the  world,  they  will  be  divided  between 
the  several  Allied  countries,  who  will  hold 
them  under  the  mandatory  system. 

It  is  only  with  respect  to  the  old  Turkish 
Empire  that  no  important  decision  has  been 
taken ;  and,  in  a  sense,  the  whole  question  of 
Turkey  waits  on  the  decision  of  America. 
The  Conference  asks,  first,  whether  the 
United  States  will  accept  a  mandate  to  super- 
vise Armenia,  and  second,  whether  the 
United  States  would  be  willing  to  assume  re- 
sponsibility at  Constantinople.  Unquestion- 
ably the  Turkish  problem  will  be  postponed 
until  the  last  moment.  Fortunately,  it  is  the 
one  problem  that  can  thus  be  postponed 
safely. 

II.   Europe,  America  and  the 
League 

In  a  few  brief  paragraphs  I  may  be  able  to 
set  forth  the  view  of  Europe  towards  Presi- 
dent Wilson,  America,  and  the  League  of 
Nations.  First  of  all,  the  wonderful  wel- 
come Mr.  Wilson  had  in  Europe  when  he 
came  first  was  a  tribute  to  his  country  even 
more  than  to  himself ;  and  it  was  the  first 
expression  of  the  desire,  ever-present  here,  to 
show  by  every  act  the  sense  of  gratitude  for 
the  American  share  in  the  victory. 

Now  that  the  League  of  Nations  Covenant 
has  taken  form,  and  there  has  developed  in 
America  strong  poh'tical  opposition,  there  is 
confusion  and  some  dismay  in  Paris.  The 
exact  terms  of  the  League  of  Nations  Cove- 
nant matter  little  here,  and  reservations  as 
to  the  Monroe  Doctrine  and  as  to  immigra- 
tion are  unimportant.  The  outstanding  fact 
is  that  exhausted,  war-worn  Europe  makes 
but  a  single  appeal  to  the  American  people. 
It  is  the  appeal  that  America  shall  share  with 


37S 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


her  Allies  of  the  war  struggle  some  of  the  re- 
sponsibility for  the  reconstruction  of  the 
world.  Europe  asks  that  America,  out  of 
her  enormous  potential  strength,  shall  supply 
some  of  the  guarantees  without  w^hich  future 
peace  is  doubtful. 

Millions  of  men  and  women  in  Great 
Britain,  France,  and  Italy,  amidst  the  ruins 
of  their  lives,  and,  in  devastated  regions  of 
the  European  continent,  amidst  the  wreckage 
of  their  homes  and  their  factories,  are  look- 
ing to  America  to  supply  the  element  of  hope 
necessary  for  them  if  they  are  to  undertake 
the  great  task  of  reconstruction. 

America  Aleans  Hope 

"What  Europe  believes — what  millions  of 
Europeans  personally  believe — is  that  if 
America  gives  her  assent  to  the  Treaty  of 
Peace  here  framed,  and  lends  her  guarantee 
to  the  preservation  of  that  peace  until  such 
time  as  the  little  peoples  shall  achieve  their 
own  stable  existence,  then — and  only  then — 
there  can  be  promise  of  real  peace  for  the 
future.  I  do  not  think  anyone  can  exaggerate 
the  tragic  intensity  of  the  emotion  of  Poles, 
Rumanians,  Czechoslovaks,  Jugo-Slavs,  and 
Greeks,  as  they  hear  growing  rumors  that 
America  may  go  home  and  quit  the  job,  and 
leave  Europe  amidst  its  ashes  while  they 
themselves  are  surrounded  by  hostility  and 
danger  as  they  begin  their  new  national  life. 

America  in  Europe  to-day  supplies  the  ele- 
ment of  hope.  The  thing  that  Europe  asks 
incessantly  is  that  America  shall,  on  terms 
which  have  some  promise  of  endurance,  give 
her  mighty  strength  to  the  preservation  of  the 
new  order  of  things  which  has  been  created. 
If  America  does  this,  Europe  will  disarm, 
and  even  the  Germans  will  perceive  the  use- 
lessness  of  new  aggression.  The  habit  of 
peace  will  succeed  the  habit  of  militarism, 
and  Europe  will  go  back  to  work ;  and,  with 
the  return  to  work,  Bolshevism  will  disap- 
pear. 

Disastrous  to  Withdraw 

But,  if  America  now  goes  home  leaving 
Europe  to  face  the  task  alone,  no  man  can 
be  certain  that  Bolshevism  will  not  pass  the 
Rhine,  or  even  the  Channel;  or  that  the  Ger- 
man Revolution  will  not  overrun  Europe 
with  doctrines  submersive  of  all  our  Western 
democracy,  and  with  armies  trained  in  the 
school  which  devastated  Northern  France 
only  four  years  ago. 

It  is  to  America  that  Europe  is  now  appeal- 
ing.    American  political  conditions  have  not 


been  and  are  not  yet  understood.  President 
Wilson  was  accepted,  honored  and  followed, 
because  of  the  value  Europe  attached  to 
America.  He  will  unquestionably  continue 
to  speak  in  Europe  with  the  voice  of  America, 
but  I  am  satisfied  that  if  circumstances  of 
domestic  politics  lead  to  rejection  by  Amer- 
ica, not  of  specific  provisions  of  President 
Wilson's  Covenant,  but  of  the  idea  of  Ameri- 
can participation  in  the  responsibility  of 
guaranteeing  the  peace  of  the  world,  the 
consequence  will  be  disastrous,  and  the 
element  of  hope  will  be  fatally  diminished 
in  Western  Europe. 

III.     French  Feeling  in 
February 

Looking  back  over  the  passage  of  events,  it 
should  be  recorded  that  we  had  in  the  course 
of  the  month  two  striking  changes  in  the 
European  situation,  one  within  and  one  with- 
out the  walls  of  the  Paris  Conference.  These 
changes  were  represented  ( 1 )  by  a  consider- 
able— though  happily  a  temporary — misun- 
derstanding between  France  and  the  United 
States  and  (2)  by  what  seemed  to  be  an 
amazing  resurgence  of  Germany,  which  as 
Paris  thought  for  the  moment  had  become 
almost  exactly  the  menace  that  it  was  for  two 
decades  before  the  outbreak  of  the  world 
war.  These  ttv'O  subjects  absorbed  the  at- 
tention in  Paris  in  February,  with  the  single 
addition  of  the  successful  achievement  of  the 
first  draft  of  the  League  of  Nations,  and  it  is 
these  three  points  which  I  shall  try  to  recall 
as  they  appeared  a  few  weeks  ago. 

I.  America  and  France.  I  pointed  out 
in  my  article  in  last  month's  Review  that 
Mr.  Wilson  had  been  welcomed  by  the  peo- 
ple of  Europe,  and  particularly  by  the 
French  people,  in  a  manner  unprecedented  in 
history.  He  was  hailed  as  a  deliverer  come 
from  another  world  rather  than  from  a  dif- 
ferent hemisphere.  During  the  early  part 
of  his  stay  he  successfully  retained  the  en- 
thusiasm and  the  admiration  of  the  French 
masses — the  "little  people"  who  welcomed 
him  from  their  hearts. 

But,  unfortunately,  there  seemed  from  the 
outset  some  degree  of  failure  of  understand- 
ing on  both  sides,  and  this  led  to  the  develop- 
ment of  a  situation  which  in  February  was 
viewed  with  regret  and  alarm,  although 
there  is  no  longer  any  reason  to  exaggerate  it 
or  to  fear  that  it  may  lead  to  permanently 
grave  consequences.  It  is  largely  forgotten 
already ;  yet  it  is  to  be  recorded  as  illustrat- 


PEACE    SETTLEMENT    NEAR 


379 


I 


I 


ing  the  difficult  course  of  negotiations  even 
between  the  most  friendly  countries. 

The  causes  of  the  misapprehension  were 
patent.  Mr.  Wilson  had  come  to  Europe 
resolved,  during  the  something  less  than 
three  months  that  he  had  available,  to  obtain 
a  Constitution  of  the  League  of  Nations, 
which  seemed  to  him  the  all-important  thing 
in  the  Paris  Conference.  To  this  from  start 
to  finish  he  was  prepared  to  subordinate 
everything  else  in  his  own  activities,  and  he 
actually  procured  a  subordination  of  much 
in  the  activities  of  the  other  nations.  More- 
over, while  Commissions  were  appointed  to 
examine  all  the  other  problems,  these  Com- 
missions necessarily  worked  in  secret  and 
without  publicity.  Thus  for  two  months 
the  Conference  at  Paris  gave  the  impression 
of  being  entirely  consumed  by  discussions  of 
the  League  of  Nations. 

What  France  Expected 

Now,  as  I  pointed  out  in  the  previous  ar- 
ticle, for  France  the  first  and  all  essential 
requirement  in  the  Peace  Treaty  was  that  it 
should  provide  guarantees  against  another 
coming  of  the  Germans,  and  against  a  repe- 
tition of  the  disasters  and  devastations  which 
had  gravely  if  not  mortally  wounded  France. 

In  exactly  the  same  sense,  the  French  con- 
ception of  the  League  of  Nations  was  that 
it  should  be  an  international  organization 
with  teeth  and  muscles,  capable  immediately 
— in  case  of  an  aggression  upon  one  of  the 
nations  of  the  League  by  any  great  Power — 
of  putting  strength  into  the  field  to  suppress 
that  attack. 

In  other  words,  the  French  thought  of  the 
League  of  Nations  as  an  international  so- 
ciety for  the  preservation  of  peace,  for  the 
protection  of  France,  and  for  the  expansion 
of  noble  and  generous  ideas ;  but  they  also 
thought  of  it  as  an  association  which,  had  it 
been  in  existence  on  the  1st  of  August,  1914, 
would  have  been  sufficiently  powerful  to  put 
into  the  field  armies  large  enough  to  stop,  the 
German  invasion  at  the  French  and  Belgian 
frontiers. 

The  point  is  capital.  It  is  essential,  if  one 
is  to  understand  the  situation  here  in  Paris, 
to  recognize  that  the  whole  French  concep- 
tion of  the  League  of  Nations  was  that  of 
an  organization  which,  until  such  time  as 
there  was  no  longer  any  doubt  of  Germany's 
abandonment  of  her  old  purpose,  should  be 
able  to  protect  France,  Belgium  and  all  the 
string  of   peoples   to   be   freed    by   the   Paris 


Treaty  from  the  peril  which  overtook  them 
in  August,  1914. 

Tlie  Wilson  Ideal 

So  far  as  one  could  judge,  Mr.  Wilson 
could  not  have  had  exactly  such  a  purpose  in 
mind  for  his  League  of  Nations,  since  ob- 
viously he  had  not  the  power  to  commit  the 
United  States  to  a  League  which  should  be 
in  fact  an  alliance — if  only  a  defensive  al- 
liance— carrying  with  it  the  necessity  of 
maintaining  troops  in  Europe  indefinitely, 
to  associate  itself  with  France  and  with  Eng- 
land and  with  Italy  in  a  military  program, 
providing  an  international  police  force  capa- 
ble of  restraining  Germany  if  she  started  on 
a  new  campaign  for  world  supremacy. 

Now  this  difference. in  point  of  view,  which 
would  inevitably  have  produced  some  dis- 
agreement, was  materially  affected  by  the 
circumstances  which  I  am  going  to  discuss 
in  a  moment,  namely,  what  appeared  to  be 
the  sudden  resurgence  of  Germany  herself, 
seeking  to  follow  old  pathways  and  unhesi- 
tatingly throwing  herself  into  the  arms  of 
the  Prussian  leaders  who  had  directed  Ger- 
man policies  in  all  the  brutal  and  terrible 
years  of  the  war. 

II.  Misunderstandings.  So  far  as  one 
can  judge,  the  President  of  the  United  States 
and  those  associated  with  him  recognized 
from  the  outset  that  they  were  unable  to 
commit  the  United  States  to  the  kind  of 
League  of  Nations  which  would  satisfy 
French  demands.  In  the  same  way  they 
would  not  commit  their  country  to  a  League 
of  Nations  which  fulfilled  British  aspirations, 
for  the  British  were  as  keen  to  have  America 
undertake  the  administration  of  various 
places  in  the  world  as  the  French  were  that 
America  should  maintain  an  army  in  Europe. 
Recognizing  this  they  concentrated  their  at- 
tention on  the  creation  of  a  document,  which 
should  do  by  moral  influence  something  which 
no  one  of  the  nations  which  has  fought  Ger- 
many with  the  possible  exception  of  the 
United  States  was  ready  to  believe  could  be 
achieved  by  moral  influence  alone. 

Disappointment   Regarding   Ajuerica 

We  had  then,  day  by  day,  a  growing 
French  anxiety,  apprehension  and  disappoint- 
ment. It  seemed  to  become  clearer  that 
America  was  not  going  to  recognize  Euro- 
pean facts  as  they  had  been  developed  by 
centuries.  Above  all  it  appeared  that  Amer- 
ica was  going  to  accept,  as  real  and  final,  a 
German    revolution   which   d.u'   bv   dav   was 


380 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIETV    OF    REVIEIFS 


more  clearly  revealing  itself  as  mere  stage 
shifting,  and  which  had  for  its  ultimate  con- 
sequences not  the  abolition  but  the  intensifi- 
cation of  the  old  German  imperialistic  am- 
bitions. 

Napoleon  coming  back  from  Elba  to  face 
Europe  in  arms,  and  appealing  to  the  French 
legislative  body,  remarked:  "I  asked  them 
for  men  and  munitions  and  they  talked  to 
me  about  the  rights  of  man."  France  with 
fifty  years  of  vivid  memories  of  German 
menace,  with  four  and  a  half  years  of  recent 
agony,  seeing  Germany  resurgent  but  not 
lepentant,  appealed  to  Mr.  Wilson  for 
guarantees  against  the  future.  But  France 
seemed  to  receive  from  Mr.  Wilson  only  an 
insistent  declaration  that  the  words  of  the 
covenant  of  the  League  of  Nations  were  a 
sufficient  guarantee  against  eighty  million 
of  Germans. 

The  result  was  unfortunate  but  inevit- 
able. Not  the  politicians  and  the  Govern- 
ment, but  all  France,  the  little  people  who 
had  fought  the  war  as  well  as  the  statesmen, 
felt  instantly  that  they  were  being  abandoned. 
France  as  a  result  of  the  Treaty  of  Peace 
would  once  more  be  left  single-handed  to 
bear  the  first  shock  of  German  attack,  as 
she  had  been  left  in  1914.  And  I  do  not 
think  that  anybody  can  exaggerate  the  emo- 
tion created  by  that  suspicion,  which  de- 
veloped into  a  conviction. 

Cletnenceau   the   Central  Figure 

In  all  this  time  M.  Clemenceau,  and  those 
about  him,  struggled  to  establish  in  the 
American  mind  the  peculiar  situation  of 
France.  Italy  had  the  Alps,  England  the 
Channel,  America  the  Atlantic,  but  France 
would  have  nothing  but  an  imaginary  line 
placed  between  herself  and  eighty  millions 
of  Germans. 

In  response  to  this,  there  seemed  to  be 
an  unmistakable  American  feeling  that  the 
inability  of  France  to  believe  in  the  adequacy 
of  the  covenant  of  the  League  of  Nations  as  a 
guarantee  for  the  future  was  a  proof  of  a  lack 
of  French  sympathy  with  the  great  and 
noble  conception  of  the  League  of  Nations 
itself.  The  French  demands  for  military 
guarantees  along  the  Rhine,  it  was  hinted, 
were  only  repetitions  of  the  old  Napoleonic 
ambitions  and  the  familiar  imperialistic  ap- 
petite of  later  times.  Moreover,  French  de- 
mands for  reparation  and  French  insistence 
that  the  blockade  should  be  maintained  until 
French  Industry  could  in  some  measure  re- 
cover   from    the    destruction    wantonly    per- 


petrated by  the  Germans  to  abolish  French 
competition,  were  interpreted  as  further  in- 
dications of  a  French  purpose  to  destroy 
Germany. 

III.  Clemenceau.  This  was  the  situa- 
tion existing  when  Mr.  Wilson  left  for 
America  carrying  with  him  a  covenant  of  the 
League  of  Nations.  Every  Frenchman 
thought  it  a  document  hopelessly  deficient 
in  the  matters  which  were  questions  of  life 
and  death  to  France.  And  in  this  tense  mo- 
ment M.  Clemenceau  was  struck  down  by 
an  assassin. 

What  might  have  'been  the  course  of 
French  politics  had  the  great  premier  escaped 
this  attack  may  be  problematical.  I  do  not 
think  anyone  will  argue  that  French  affairs 
were  handled  with  supreme  skill  and  judg- 
ment, since  a  misunderstanding  of  French 
purpose  was  permitted  to  grow  up.  That 
France  might  have  selected  some  other  man 
to  replace  one  who  must  remain  for  her  a 
symbol  of  her  military  victory  Is  conceivable, 
although  I  do  not  think  very  likely.  But 
when  Clemenceau  w^as  struck  down — at  a 
time  when  all  France  knew  that  he  was 
fighting  to  obtain  for  her  guarantees  which 
no  Frenchman  and  no  political  party  re- 
garded as  other  than  essential — there  was 
an  Instant  and  a  unanimous  rally  about  the 
President  of  the  Council. 

It  was  a  mistake  to  suppose  that  the  French 
feeling  of  February  was  based  upon  impe- 
rialism, territorial  appetite,  or  the  natural 
human  desire  for  revenge.  It  was  nothing 
else  than  a  conviction  that  the  decisions  of 
the  Paris  Conference  must  be  for  Fran-ce 
either  a  guarantee  of  continuing  national  ex- 
istence or  a  sentence  of  death. 

And  if  the  League  of  Nations  in  its  final 
form  was  not  destined  to  carry  with  it  the 
agreement  of  the  United  States — in  associa- 
tion with  France,  Great  Britain,  and  Italy — 
to  maintain  troops  in  France  until  it  was 
known  what  the  (jerman  meant  to  do,  it  was 
felt  by  the  French  that  the  League  would  be 
a  dead  letter,  a  supreme  and  tragic  failure. 

What  Britain  Expected 

If,  furthermore,  the  League  should  not  be 
accompanied  by  an  agreement  that  America 
would  undertake  certain  duties,  such  as  that 
of  a  mandatory  for  Armenia  and  other  spe- 
cific responsibilities  In  the  world,  it  would  be 
regarded  by  the  British  also  as  something  like 
a  monumental  failure.  British  policy,  from 
start  to  finish,  had  been  predicated  on  the 
idea  that  to  preserve  peace  and  order  in  the 


PEACE    SETTLEMENT    NEAR 


381 


world  there  must  be  actual  association  be- 
tween the  American  and  British  nations,  in 
the  task  of  administering  the  affairs  of  help- 
less and  suffering  populations. 

I  wish  that  it  lay  in  my  power  to  make  a 
clearer  exposition  of  this  only  superficially 
dissimilar  point  of  view  of  the  British  and 
French  publics  as  to  America.  Both  see  the 
presence  of  America  at  Paris  as  the  promise 
that  our  great  nation,  which  has  made  the 
least  sacrifice  in  the  preservation  of  civiliza- 
tion against  the  German  attack,  will  continue 
hereafter  to  contribute  out  of  its  great  re- 
sources, human  as  well  as  material,  for  the 
reshaping  and  perpetuation  of  world  order. 
Neither  the  one  nor  the  other  has  the  smallest 
faith  in  the  covenant  of  the  League  of  Na- 
tions as  being  in  itself  a  guarantee  against 
war.  Neither  the  one  nor  the  other  has  the 
least  notion  that  such  restricted  elements  of 
moral  force  as  are  therein  provided  for,  will 
be  of  the  least  avail  if  they  are  not  fortified  by 
force  until  such  time  as  their  full  and  sympa- 
thetic acceptance  by  Germany  is  established. 

IV.    Germany  as  Seen  at  Paris 
Six  Weeks  Ago 

In  the  first  week  of  November  Germany 
was  helpless,  incapable  of  defending  herself 
by  arms  and  torn  by  internal  disorders  which 
seemed  to  threaten  a  repetition  of  events  in 
Russia.  Germany  was  stricken  and  for  the 
moment  hopeless,  and  when  Mr.  Wilson 
came  to  Paris  and  even  when  the  Confer- 
ence itself  assembled,  there  was  no  feeling 
that  the  great  enemy  was  longer  anything 
but  a  miserable  and  contemptible  object. 

Two  months  later  Paris  saw — or  thought 
it  saw — something  like  this:  First  of  all,  the 
elements  of  disorder  had  been  repressed ;  the 
revolution  as  a  combat  was  over.  Second,  a 
general  election  had  provided  a  national  as- 
sembly sitting  in  Weimar,  assured  of  the  sup- 
port of  the  whole  nation  with  every  separatist 
tendency  abolished,  and  apparently  function- 
ing with  as  perfect  control  of  its  country  as 
British  Parliament  or  American  Congress. 
Third,  this  national  assembly  was  completely 
under  the  control  of  those  men  who  were 
associated  most  unpleasantly  in  the  world's 
mind  with  German  imperialism  during  the 
whole  period  of  the  war.  In  a  word,  the  old 
gang  was  back  in  the  stall.  Fourth,  to  this 
Germany  thus  resurgent  there  was  being 
added  by  their  own  will  seven  millions  of 
Austrians,  German  by  race,  inhabiting  a  large 
and  fertile  area  in  Central  Europe  and  bring- 


ing to  Germany  an  accession  of  military  and 
material  resources  exceeding  those  of  Belgium 
for  example. 

Thus,  as  the  first  consequence  of  an  unsuc- 
cessful war,  Germany  was  adding  an  area 
and  a  population  larger  than  Prussia  had  ever 
gained  in  any  one  of  her  successful  predatory 
wars.  Finally,  this  Germany,  having  passed 
out  from  the  shadow  of  defeat,  had  begun  to 
reassert  German  claims  to  Alsace-Lorraine, 
and  to  mobilize  armies  to  extinguish  the  hope 
of  Polish  liberation  and  reintegration — two 
of  the  things  expressly  guaranteed  in  Mr. 
Wilson's  fourteen  points,  which  had  been  the 
basis  of  the  armistice. 

Was  Gei'many  So  Soon  Recovered? 

Nor  was  this  all.  Germany  having  thus 
achieved  strength,  found  herself  surrounded 
by  half  a  dozen  smaller  peoples — the  Poles, 
the  Bohemians,  the  inhabitants  of  the  Balkan 
Provinces,  and  more  remotely  the  Southern 
Slavs  and  the  Rumanians — individually  and 
collectively  incapable  of  blocking  her  pathway 
to  the  East  or  South.  Provided  only  that 
national  existence  and  security  should  not  be 
guaranteed  to  these  peoples,  Germany  found 
herself  assured  of  the  economic  and  political 
mastery  of  Russia,  with  a  better  chance  to 
reach  the  Golden  Horn  than  she  had  in  1914. 

In  addition,  she  found  herself  with  her  fac- 
tories undisturbed,  and  her  farms,  her  fields 
and  her  herds  in  existence.  She  was  therefore 
certain  to  be  better  placed  in  the  competition 
of  world  trade  in  the  future,  provided  only 
she  could  escape  payment  for  the  destruction 
she  had  wrought  in  the  economic  machinery 
and  the  financial  resources  of  the  great  powers 
with  whom  she  had  fought. 

And  in  this  Germany,  this  new  Germany, 
unfolding  herself  before  us  daily,  there  was 
not  the  slightest  indication  of  a  change  of 
heart.  No  sign  was  to  be  found  even  at  Berne, 
where  German  Socialists  confronted  their 
brethren  of  the  rest  of  the  world  with  pre- 
cisely the  same  spirit  which  they  had  mani- 
fested throughout  the  war.  Nor  was  it  un- 
noticed that  the  one  German  \oice  raised  at 
Berne  denouncing  his  country's  guilt  and  as- 
serting its  responsibility  for  the  war  was  si- 
lenced by  an  assassin's  bullet  fired  by  a  repre- 
sentative of  reactionary  (n-rmany  a  few  days 
thereafter. 

Jf  hat  Every  Frcnchnuui  luluvcd 

It  should  be  made  clear  to  American  read- 
ers how  deep  was  the  conviction  of  Paris  in 
February  that  Germany  might  win  this  war 


382 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


after  all.  Unless  the  League  of  Nations 
should  give  us  real  guarantees  of  a  consoli- 
dated mutual  readiness  to  meet  a  new  Ger- 
man attack,  and  unless  the  costs  of  the  war 
to  the  last  dollar  possible  were  to  be  placed 
upon  the  shoulders  of  the  Germans,  every- 
thing seemed  to  have  been  lost.  I  know  that 
in  America  these  demands  were  sure  to  be 
interpreted  as  expressing  Allied  appetite  alike 
for  plunder  and  for  revenge.  Yet  in  Europe, 
radical  thought,  perhaps  even  more  than  con- 
servative— demanded  these  guarantees  for  the 
future.  And  radical  thought,  equally  with 
conservative,  recognized  that  the  German 
Revolution  had  not  changed  the  German 
spirit,  and  that  we  were  still  in  the  presence 
of  the  old  enemy,  led  by  the  old  generals, 
on  the  political  if  not  on  the  military  side. 

This,  then,  was  what  Paris  saw,  till  the 
clouds  began  to  lift  in  March:  Eighty  mil- 
lions of  Germans,  escaping  from  the  cloud  of 
defeat,  united,  were  occupying  Central  Eu- 
rope. They  were  surrounded  by  states  incap- 
able even  collectively  of  blocking  their  path- 
way if  they  began  another  war.  Conscious 
of  the  same  thing,  these  states  were  all  look- 
ing to  the  United  States,  champion  of  the 
League  of  Nations,  and  to  President  Wilson 
as  its  greatest  proponent,  to  clothe  the 
League's  constitution  with  vitality  and  force. 

V.    Wilson's  Second  Coming 

Returning  to  Paris  from  America,  Mr. 
Wilson  could  not  expect  that  same  spon- 
taneous outburst  which  greeted  him  on  his 
first  coming.  But  this  was  due  solely  to  the 
fact  that  such  an  ovation  in  the  very  nature 
of  things  could  not  be  repeated.  By  con- 
trast, however,  there  was  no  reason  to  suppose 
that  the  President  would  not  be  welcomed 
exactly  as  heartily  as  if  there  had  been  no 
domestic  disturbance  in  America.  In  fact, 
in  a  certain  sense  the  President's  welcome 
was  the  warmer  because  his  whole  mission 
had  undergone  a  sea  change.  He  came  to 
France  first  as  the  representative  of  America 
in  Europe,  but  now,  to  a  very  considerable  ex- 
tent, his  speeches  in  America  recently  have 
made  him  seem  to  be  the  representative  of 
Europe  in  America. 

To  suppose  that  the  representatives  of  the 
various  governments  in  Europe  would  have 
changed  their  attitude  towards  the  President 
of  the  United  States  because  of  the  opposition 
manifested  to  him  by  the  Republican  leaders 
in  the  Senate  was  to  make  a  mistake.  It  was 
to   misunde-rstand    the    political    situation    in 


Europe  itself.  Were  the  leaders  of  the  vari- 
ous governments  in  Europe  to  change  their 
attitude  and  their  treatment  of  Mr.  Wilson, 
he  would  immediately  become  the  spokesman 
for  the  respective  minorities  in  France,  in 
England,  and  in  Italy. 

Accordingly,  Mr.  Wilson  on  his  return 
was  welcomed  heartily  by  the  governments  as 
well  as  the  people.  His  speeches  in  America 
had  been  widely  approved  in  Europe ;  and  the 
possibility  that  Lloyd  George  and  Clemen- 
ceau  would  turn  from  Wilson  to  the  Repub- 
lican Senate  did  not  exist.  Moreover — and 
this  thing  should  be  recognized  in  America, 
whatever  the  fact  may  be — there  was  a  pro- 
found conviction  in  Paris  that  Mr.  Wilson 
had  already  won  his  fight  in  the  United 
States.  In  a  real  sense  he  comes  back  to 
France  as  a  victor.  How  accurate  or  mis- 
taken this  conclusion  is  will  be  better  realized 
at  home  than  here  in  Paris,  where  all  our  in- 
formation is  fragmentary  and  unsatisfactory. 

But  having  said  that  Mr.  Wilson  would 
be  welcomed  heartily,  would  preserve  his 
prestige,  would  doubtless  remain  the  most 
conspicuous  figure  in  Paris  to  the  end,  it  is 
essential  to  indicate  that  there  has  been  a 
profound  change  in  certain  directions  which 
will  be  felt  in  the  immediate  future.  When 
Mr.  Wilson  first  came  to  Europe,  the  world 
waited  upon  him  and  his  wishes  with  respect 
to  the  League  of  Nations.  When  Mr.  Wil- 
son arrived  in  Europe  this  time  he  found  the 
conference  at  Paris  in  the  act  of  completing 
a  preliminary  peace,  which  in  all  the  larger 
aspects  will  be  a  final  peace. 

Sometime  within  the  next  month  the  con- 
ference at  Paris  is  going  to  say  to  the  Ger- 
mans who  will  be  invited  to  come  to  Ver- 
sailles: "You  will  sign  the  following  peace 
terms.  These  terms  will  fix  the  frontiers  of 
Germany,  they  will  regulate  the  future  size 
of  the  German  army  and  navy,  they  will  dis- 
pose of  the  surplus  armament,  they  will  fix  a 
price  in  warships  and  merchant  marine  to  be 
paid,  and  in  all  important  respects  they  will 
decide  the  conditions  under  which  Germany 
must  hereafter  live." 

These  terms  they  will  be  invited  to  sign. 
If  they  refuse,  as  is  possible,  the  Allies  can 
put  on  the  blockade  and  Germany  will  face 
the  situation  that  her  own  food  supply  ap- 
proaches its  end.  If  the  Germans  sign,  there 
will  be  later  another  occasion  on  which,  as  in 
the  case  of  the  Treaty  of  Frankfort,  they  wih 
be  permitted  to  put  their  names  to  a  definitive 
document;  but  this  will  be  only  in  minor  de- 
tail a  modification  of  the  preliminary  peace. 


THE  LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS  AND 
UNDEVELOPED  STATES 

BY  HARRY  PRATT  JUDSON 

(President  of  the  University  of  Chicago) 

[Returning  recently  from  an  important  relief  nmission  to  Persia,  Dr.  Judson,  of  Chicago,  and  his 
colleagues  made  a  report  at  Paris  to  the  American  Peace  Delegation.  The  article  printed  here- 
with may  be  regarded  as  embodying  the  suggestions  made  by  Dr.  Judson  at  Paris.  For  many 
years  he  has  been  recognized  as  an  authority  in  the  field  of  American  history  and  politics  and 
he  is  one  of  the  foremost  Republicans  of  the  Middle  West.  In  advocating  our  adherence  to  the 
League  of  Nations  for  the  sake  of  helping  to  guard  the  development  of  backward  states  and 
regions,  Dr.  Judson  has  no  thought  of  any  weakening  of  America's  sovereignty  at  home  or  any 
lessening  of  America's  rightful  influence  within  those  spheres  that  have  chiefly  concerned  us 
hitherto. — The  Editor.] 


A  FRUITFUL  cause  of  international 
difficulties  in  the  past  has  been  the  fact 
that  considerable  areas  of  the  world  and  con- 
siderable populations  have  not  shared,  for  one 
reason  or  another,  in  the  general  progress 
vi^hich  has  marked  the  last  century.  The 
universal  prevalence  of  order,  justice  and  en- 
lightened law  for  the  benefit  of  all,  the  de- 
velopment of  natural  resources  in  every  land 
for  the  primary  benefit  of  the  dwellers  in 
those  lands,  fair  arrangements  for  the  inter- 
change of  commodities  throughout  the  world 
so  that  artificial  monopolies  and  unjust 
privilege  shall  be  avoided,  would  undoubted- 
ly go  far  towards  securing  peace  and  pros- 
perity everywhere. 

In  the  lack  of  any  organization  of  pro- 
gressive nations  to  secure  united  action  for 
these  purposes,  it  has  of  necessity  been  left  to 
individual  states  to  do  what  has  seemed  de- 
sirable and  practicable  to  secure  the  spread 
of  civilization.  In  this  way  the  Americas 
were  settled  by  European  immigrants  and 
their  vast  resources  utilized  for  the  support 
in  the  end  of  vast  populations  and  for  the 
enrichment  of  the  world.  In  this  way  Eu- 
ropean sovereignty  has  been  extended  over 
the  barbarous  continent  of  Africa,  order  es- 
tablished in  place  of  endless  tribal  wars,  an 
end  put  to  slavery  and  cannibalism,  and 
modern  industry  has  developed  the  forests 
and  mines  and  soil  for  great  modern  uses. 
In  this  way  the  islands  of  Oceania  have  had 
civilized  life  substituted  for  hopeless  sav- 
agery. In  this  way  a  great  part  of  the  con- 
tinent of  Asia  has  come  under  the  sway  of 
European  order  and  prosperity. 

For   upwards   of   four   hundred   years   the 


expansion  of  European  civilization  through- 
out the  world  has  been  carried  on  thus  by 
separate  nations,  each  doing  what  seemed 
good  in  its  own  eyes.  And  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  on  the  whole  great  benefits  have 
been  wrought  for  all  mankind  by  the  energy 
especially  of  some  of  the  great  civilized 
powers  which  have  spread  their  authority 
over  vast  spaces  beyond  their  European 
home. 

Guardianship  versus  Exploitation 

But  there  have  been  obvious  difficulties, 
dangers  and  infelicities  accompanying  this 
method  of  spreading  civilization. 

While  it  is  quite  true  that  civilization  has 
spread  over  the  world  by  the  enterprise  of 
individual  states,  yet  after  all  the  main  im- 
pelling force  has  been  the  interests  of  the 
states  in  question  and  of  their  citizens.  The 
extension  of  commerce,  the  opening  of  mines, 
the  finding  of  new^  avenues  for  the  invest- 
ment of  capital,  the  placing  on  virgin  soils 
of  surplus  populations — these  and  similar 
motives  have  in  the  main  actuated  the  nations 
of  Europe  in  their  dealings  with  undeveloped 
lands.  The  mines  of  Mexico  and  Peru,  the 
spice  trade  of  the  East  Indies,  the  furs  of 
Canada,  the  rubber  of  Central  Africa,  are 
among  the  many  examples  of  specific  reasons 
for  exploitation  in  the  interest  of  particular 
European  states. 

Countries  That  Need  Help 

But  obviously  such  world  enterprises  with 
such  motives  would  lead,  as  they  certainly 
did  lead,  to  collision  of  interests  and  to  bitter 
international  rivalry.  A  long  series  of  wars 
for  several   centuries   marked    the   expansion 

383 


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THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


of  Europe  overseas,  and  while  wars  for  such 
objects  have  been  avoided  in  recent  years, 
still  there  have  been  many  difficult  situations 
attending  arrangements  in  relation  to  Africa 
and  to  Asia,  which  have  often  brought  the 
great  powers  to  the  brink  of  war.  At  the 
present  time,  however,  the  waste  places  of 
the  earth  are  all  subject  to  the  jurisdiction 
of  some  European  state,  the  savage  races  are 
under  control,  and  not  many  difficulties  re- 
main with  reference  to  partly  civilized  lands. 
It  remains  true,  however,  that  there  are  still 
countries  which  are  not  in  accord  with  the 
conditions  of  human  progress  and  which  can 
secure  adjustment  with  those  conditions  only 
by  the  aid  of  more  advanced  nations.  It  is 
such  countries  that  call  for  especial  con- 
sideration at  this  time. 

Areas  which  need  the  help  of  the  more  ad- 
vanced nations  have  been,  and  are,  quite  dif- 
ferent in  their  specific  conditions. 

Some  have  been  scantily  populated  by 
savages,  as  was  the  case  in  the  early  days  of 
the  United  States  and  Canada. 

Others,  as  in  Africa,  were  rather  densely 
populated  by  savage  tribes,  often  quite  for- 
midable in  war. 

Mexico  and  Peru  had  considerable  semi- 
civilized  populations. 

New  States  and  Old  Civilizations 

A  very  different  picture  is  presented  by 
states  which  have  been  the  home  of  ancient 
civilizations  but  which,  for  a  variety  of  rea- 
sons, have  become  feeble,  as  in  parts  of  Asia. 

The  results  of  the  world  war  have  brought 
into  being,  or  will  do  so,  again,  new  states 
w^hich  will  require  especial  care  and  help 
until  they  are  self-supporting. 

So  far  as  there  are  unsettled  questions  re- 
lating to  any  of  these  forms  of  more  or  less 
dependent  lands,  some  permanent  principles 
should  now"  be  adopted,  in  order  to  avoid,  on 
the  one  hand,  danger  of  international  col- 
lision of  interests,  and  on  the  other  hand,  the 
unjust  exploitation  of  the  weak  by  the  strong. 
Justice  for  all  is  the  only  safe  basis  for  the 
peace  which  we  hope  will  be  enduring. 

In  this  connection  especial  attention  should 
be  given  to  the  rehabilitation  of  old  civiliza- 
tions. They  should  be  aided  in  every  reason- 
able way  to  become  modern,  strong,  and  self- 
respecting.  The  temptation  to  exploit  them 
in  the  interest  of  particular  nations  or  of  in- 
di\  idual  financial  interests  should  at  once  be 
overcome.  They  should  be  helped  perma- 
nently for  their  own  sake.  The  whole 
method  of  dealing  with  such  peoples,  in  short, 


should  be  revolutionized — should  be  exactly 
reversed. 

Help  Weak  States  and  Help  the  World! 

In  the  long  run  this  new  process  will  be 
a  benefit  to  the  world  as  a  whole,  although 
it  may  hamper  the  desires  of  special  financial 
interests.  The  process  will  benefit  the  world 
because  it  will  remove  causes  of  collision  and 
because  it  will  heal  the  rankling  sense  of 
injustice  which  is  dangerous  to  the  safety 
of  public  order.  It  will  benefit  the  world 
because  such  states  will  become  prosperous, 
their  raw  resources  will  be  developed  and 
their  commerce  will  increase  the  wealth  of 
the  world  by  general  diffusion  rather  than 
by  individual  and  partial  accretion.  It  will 
benefit  the  world  because  the  society  of  na- 
tions will  be  increased  by  the  addition  to  its 
progressive  membership  of  worthy  and  valu- 
able members.  But  the  new  principles  for 
the  help  of  nations  in  need  should  involve 
action  by  the  League  of  Nations.  One  or 
more  nations,  as  circumstances  may  warrant, 
may  be  delegated  by  the  League  to  act  as  its 
agents,  to  carry  out  its  mandates. 

The  League's  Trusteeship 

The  advantages  of  such  a  policy  are  very 
clear.  In  the  first  place  the  people  to  be 
developed  will  have  no  fear  of  absorption,  as 
it  has  been  in  the  past.  Protectorates  have 
been  established — there  was  no  other  way — 
which  have  rather  uniformly  tended  to  com- 
plete annexation.  The  action  of  a  state,  or 
a  group  of  states,  empowered  by  the  League, 
can  rest  under  no  suspicion  as  to  motives.^ 

The  agent  of  the  League  will  in  fact  be 
a  trustee,  on  the  one  hand  of  the  League  for 
carrying  out  its  purposes,  and  on  the  other 
hand  for  the  aided  state.  It  cannot  be  other- 
wise than  that  the  principles  of  trusteeship 
shall  be  scrupulously  observed. 

Again,  the  primary  purpose  of  the  trustee- 
ship will  be  the  interest  of  the  aided  state. 
The  very  fact  of  trusteeship  will  make  this 
fact  always  conspicuous — it  cannot  be  disre- 
garded. 

But,  as  has  been  said,  in  the  end  all  na- 
tions will  benefit  from  the  success  of  the 
undertaking.  It  is  for  the  interest  of  the 
world  to  have  no  backward  states. 

Doubtless  in  working  out  such  a  plan  there 
\v\\\  be  many  details  to  be  considered.  It  is 
very  likely  that  no  two-sided  states  will  be 
under  the  same  circumstances,  and  different 
methods  must  be  followed  accordingly. 

The  organization  of   the  League  of   Na- 


EXIT   BOOZE— ENTER   ALCOHOL 


385 


tions,  therefore,  should  have,  not  merely  a 
Court  for  the  settlement  of  justiciable  ques- 
tions ;  an  arbitration  tribunal  for  the  settle- 
ment of  differences  not  justiciable;  a  con- 
ference, for  the  codification  and  development 


of  international  law ;  but  also  a  commission 
for  providing  the  extension  of  aid  to  states 
in  need.  It  is  this  last  point  which  is  here 
urged  as  a  method  essential  to  peace  and 
justice  in  the  progress  of  the  world. 


EXIT  BOOZE -ENTER  ALCOHOL 

BY  WM.  H.  WAGGAMAN 

(Scientist    in    Fertilizer    Investigations,    Bureau    of    Soils,   Washington,    D.    C.) 


I 


THE  two  terms  booze  and  alcohol  have 
been  used  so  indiscriminately  that  the 
average  person  regards  them  as  more  or  less 
synonymous,  and  consequently  one  of  the 
most  valuable  and  useful  of  all  chemical  com- 
pounds Is  associated  in  our  minds  with  the 
dive,  roadhouse,  and  corner  saloon.  The 
terms  are  not  synonymous  by  any  means. 
Booze,  meaning  more  particularly  the  dis- 
tilled liquors,  whisky,  gin,  rum,  and  brandy, 
has  been,  is,  and  probably  always  will  be  a 
source  of  considerable  misery  due  to  Its  mis- 
use. There  Is  no  denying  that  for  this  reason 
there  is  a  world-wide  demand  to  curtail  or 
restrict  the  consumption  of  alcoholic  bev- 
erages, and  even  the  most  ardent  supporter 
of  the  bottle,  keg,  or  flowing  bowl  will  re- 
gretfully acknowledge  that  John  Barleycorn 
Is  losing  out.  Certainly  the  recent  ratifica- 
tion of  the  "bone-dry"  amendment  by 
Nebraska,  the  thirty-sixth  State  to  take  this 
stand,  seals  his  fate  in  this  country.  The 
stage  is  set  and  on  January  16,  1920,  amidst 
howls  of  protest  and  groans  of  regret  which, 
however,  will  all  be  drowned  in  vociferous 

applause — exit  booze. 

t 

What  Is  Industrial  Alcohol? 

But  the  manufacture  of  alcohol  for  in- 
dustrial purposes  is  growing  by  leaps  and 
bounds.  Alcohol,  moreover,  Is  a  substance 
of  such  extreme  importance  in  science,  art, 
and  industry  that  its  production  should  not 
only  be  unhampered  by  foolish  or  ignorant 
prejudice,  but  every  encouragement  should 
be  given  the  manufacturers  so  that  they  can 
place  their  product  on  the  market  at  the 
lowest  possible  cost. 

Yet  it  was  only  thirteen  years  ago  that  this 
country  awoke  to  the  necessity  of  having  tax- 
free  alcohol  for  our  arts  and  industries.  Up 
to  that  time  practically  all  alcohol,  whether 
it  was  burned  as  fuel  or  its  nature  destroyed 

Apr. — 4 


In  some  manufacturing  process,  carried  the 
same  tax  as  that  consumed  for  beverage  pur- 
poses. In  1906,  however,  Congress  passed 
a  bill  permitting  Its  withdrawal  from  bonded 
warehouses  free  of  tax,  provided  there  was 
added  to  such  alcohol  small  amounts  of  some 
substance  which  rendered  it  unfit  for  use  as 
a  beverage.  Alcohol  so  treated  Is  known  as 
denatured  or  industrial  alcohol.  While  the 
denaturing  agent  varies,  depending  on  the 
subsequent  use  of  the  alcohol.  It  Is  always  of 
such  a  character  that  It  cannot  be  readily 
removed.  The  more  common  denaturents 
are  wood  alcohol,  benzine,  pyradine,  and  car- 
bolic acid. 

It  is  Interesting  to  compare  the  production 
of  alcohol  for  beverage  purposes  with  that 
used  In  the  arts  and  industries  during  the 
past  ten  years.  The  following  figures  taken 
from  the  latest  report  of  the  Commissioner 
of  Internal  Revenue  show  how  industrial 
alcohol  is  coming  Into  its  own : 

PRODUCTION     OF     DISTILLED     SPIRITS     AND     INDUSTRIAL 
ALCOHOL    DURING    THE    PAST    TEN    YEARS 

Distilled  Denatured  or 

Spirits  Industrial   Alcohol 

Year  (Gallons)  (Proof  Gallons) 

1909 133,450,755  7,967,736 

1910 156,237,526  10,605,870 

1911 175,402,306  1.1,682,888 

1912 178,249,985  13,955,904 

1913 185,353,383  16.953,553 

1914 174,611,746  ,17,811,078 

1915 132,134,152  25,411,718 

1916 249,123.922  84,532,253 

1917 277,834,367  93,762,423 

,1918 173,476,474  90,644,722 

The  abnormal  increase  in  the  output  of 
industrial  alcohol  during  the  past  four  years 
was  due  largely  to  the  demands  of  war, 
enormous  quantities  of  this  compound  having 
been  used  in  the  maiuifacture  of  smokeless 
powders,  In  the  production  of  fulminates  or 
primers   for  guns  and   cannon,   and    for   the 


386 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


many  medicinal  preparations  which  are  so 
necessary  In  the  treatment  and  care  of  the 
wounded. 

The  apparent  falling  off  In  the  production 
of  industrial  alcohol  during  1918  is  due  to 
the  fact  that  the  abo\e  table  does  not  give 
the  large  volume  of  tax-free  but  iindenatured 
alcohol  used  by  the  Government  for  war 
purposes. 

Hotu  Alcohol  Is  Made 

Pure  alcohol  is  a  colorless,  mobile  liquid 
with  a  rather  pleasant,  refreshing  odor,  but 
a  disagreeable,  burning  taste.  From  a 
chemical  standpoint  it  consists  of  a  com- 
pound of  carbon,  hydrogen,  and  oxygen,  but 
containing  so  little  of  the  last-mentioned  ele- 
ment that  it  takes  fire  readily  when  a  flame 
Is  applied  and  burns  until  the  demand  of 
its  hydrogen  and  carbon  atoms  for  oxygen  is 
satisfied.  The  high  combustibility  of  alcohol 
is  alone  sufficient  to  insure  this  compound 
an  immense  future,  for  It -Is  this  property 
which  renders  it  capable  of  supplying  man 
with  the  four  forces,  heat,  electricity,  light, 
and  power,  which  are  essential  to  the  growth 
of  civilization.  Curiously  enough,  the  in- 
itials of  these  four  forces  which  are  man's 
chief    aids   spell    the    significant   word    help. 

While  the  manufacture  of  neither  alcohol 
nor  distilled  liquors  is  a  difficult  process,  care- 
ful control  and  strict  attention  to  details  are 
necessary  in  order  to  obtain  the  maximum 
yields  of  a  high-grade  product. 

Most  substances  containing  the  carbohy- 
drates, sugar,  starch,  or  cellulose,  when  prop- 
erly treated  produce  alcohol  and  carbonic, 
acid  gas,  and  since  all  vegetable  matter  con- 
tains one  or  more  of  these  substances,  the 
raw  materials  for  alcohol  production  are 
practically  unlimited.  The  various  cereal 
crops,  potatoes,  both  white  and  sweet,  and 
products  of  the  sugar  industry  are  particu- 
larly rich  in  carbohydrates,  and  therefore  they 
have  been  our  chief  sources  of  industrial  al- 
cohol, as  well  as  of  alcoholic  beverages. 

There  are  three  distinct  steps  in  the  manu- 
facture of  alcohol  or  distilled  spirits.  First, 
a  mash  or  wort  Is  prepared  by  grinding  these 
raw  materials  and  mixing  with  water  till 
the  starch  and  cellulose  are  in  a  glutinous 
condition  and  can  be  readily  acted  upon.  Be 
fore  starch,  cellulose  and  even  cane  and  beet 
sugar  will  produce  alcohol  they  must  first 
undergo  a  chemical  change  by  which  they 
are  converted  Into  some  simple  sugar  such 
as  maltose  or  glucose,  either  of  which  is 
readily  acted  upon  by  the  alcoholic  ferment. 


The  conversion  of  these  carbohydrates  into 
simple  sugars  may  be  accomplished  either 
by  malt,  which  effects  the  change  through 
fermentation,  or  by  an  acid  which  produces 
the  same  effect  through  its  chemical  activity. 

After  the  above  change  is  brought  about 
the  second  step  consists  in  adding  yeast  to 
this  mass  and  allowing  the  alcoholic  ferments 
to  work  on  the  sugars.  The  products  of  this 
fermentation  are  alcohol  and  carbonic  acid. 
Those  who  have  visited  distilleries  or  brew- 
eries remember,  no  doubt,  the  violent  ebulli- 
tion of  the  wort,  or  beer,  which  is  due  to  the 
escape  of  carbonic  acid  gas  from  the  solution. 
The  alcohol  remains  in  this  liquid  and  is 
separated  from  the  water  by  distillation, 
which  constitutes  the  third  step  of  the 
process. 

It  has  been  suggested  that  the  obsolete 
liquor  distilleries  might  be  converted  into 
Industrial  alcohol  plants,  but  unfortunately 
this  cannot  be  done  without  a  considerable 
expenditure,  since  the  types  of  stills  used 
for  the  two  products  differ  very  materially. 

Why  Alcoholic  Beverages  Are  Costly 

Although  industrial  alcohol  and  alcoholic 
beverages  are  made  by  the  same  general  proc- 
ess, there  is  a  wide  difference  in  the  cost 
of  the  alcohol  or  active  ingredient  of  the 
two  types  of  products.  Well-made  distilled 
spirits  for  beverage  purposes  cannot  be  pro- 
duced very  cheaply  for  a  number  of  reasons. 
In  the  first  place,  the  high-grade  raw  ma- 
terials are  in  immense  demand,  for  they  con- 
stitute our  daily  bread.  The  fact  that  booze 
cut  so  deeply  Into" the  world's  cereal  crops, 
rice,  corn,  barley,  and  rye,  was  one  of  the 
main  reasons  why  the  production  of  dis- 
tilled liquors  was  stopped  or  restricted  by 
many  of  the  nations  during  the  late  war.  In 
the  second  place,  the  fermentation  and  dis- 
tillation steps  must  be  so  controlled  and  con- 
ducted that  a  high  yield  of  alcohol  is  often 
sacrificed  in  order  to  obtain  a  product  of  the 
proper   flavor. 

The  average  drinking  man  has  a  very  fas- 
tidious palate,  and  can  detect  rather  fine 
shades  of  difference  In  a  liquor's  flavor, 
which  accounts  in  part  for  the  many  brands 
and  blends  of  whisky,  rum,  gin,  and  brandy. 
The  great  importance  of  flavor  also  makes  it 
impracticable  to  convert  the  carbohydrates 
of  the  mash  into  simple  sugars  by  means  of 
the  mineral  acids  and,  therefore,  the  more 
tedious  and  expensive  method  of  using  high- 
grade  malt  must  be  employed.  Finally  the 
aging  of  the  product  for  a  number  of  years. 


EXIT   BOOZE— ENTER   ALCOHOL 


387 


which  is  considered  necessary  to  add  to  it 
the  last  touch  of  mellowness  and  aristocracy, 
also  ties  up  for  a  protracted  period  a  large 
amount  of  unproductive  capital. 

Industrial     Alcohol     May     Utilize     Waste 

In  the  manufacture  of  alcohol  for  indus- 
trial purposes,  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  un- 
necessary to  use  pure  or  high-grade  materials. 
In  fact,  many  waste  products  may  be  utilized, 
such  as  the  over-ripe  fruit,  cores  and  skins 
which  are  the  by-products  of  canneries,  po- 
tato parings,  molasses,  and  other  wastes  of 
the  sugar  industry.  Even  sawdust  when 
properly  treated  and  fermented  can  be  made 
to  yield  alcohol  which  is  just  as  valuable  for 
industrial  uses  as  that  derived  from  corn, 
rye  or  potatoes. 

Not  only  can  relatively  inexpensive  raw 
materials  be  used  in  manufacturing  alcohol, 
but  the  conversion  of  the  starch,  cellulose 
or  sucrose  in  the  mash  into  simple  sugars 
can  be  brought  about  more  expeditiously  and 
inexpensively  by  means  of  a  mineral  acid 
in  lieu  of  malt.  Since  flavor  is  of  no  conse- 
quence in  the  preparation  of  the  product,  fer- 
mentation and  the  subsequent  distillation  can 
be  so  conducted  that  a  maximum  yield  of 
alcohol  is  obtained  at  a  minimum  of  expense. 
Finally,  there  is  no  object  or  advantage  in 
storing  such  alcohol  for  protracted  periods. 
It  may  be  marketed  as  fast'  as  it  is  manufac- 
tured and  the  investment  thus  made  con- 
tinually productive. 

Because  relatively  pure  undenatured  al- 
cohol (95  per  cent.)  is  loaded  with  a  heavy 
tax  it  is  commonly  believed  that  its  produc- 
tion is  rather  costly.  Such  is  not  the  case, 
although  the  restrictions  surrounding  its 
manufacture  In  the  United  States  are  such 
as  to  render  the  product  more  expensive  than 
abroad.  European  countries  long  ago  recog- 
nized the  importance  of  offering  every  en- 
couragement to  the  manufacturers  of  alcohol 
for  industrial  purposes  and  shortly  before 
the  war  Germany  was  producing  alcohol  (95 
per  cent,  pure)  at  a  cost  of  less  than  30  cents 
per  gallon  as  compared  with  40  to  50  cents 
in  this  country.  The  war  has  shown  that 
American  sagacity  Is  second  to  none  and  here 
is  another  chance  for  us  to  match  our  In- 
genuity against  the  German's. 

Alcohol  as  a  Fuel  and  an  Illurninant 

The  uses  of  alcohol  are  so  numerous  that 
should  Its  production  suddenly  cease  a  num- 
ber of  industries  would  be  greatly  hampered, 
if   not   actually   paralyzed.      Of   course   the 


possibility  of  alcohol  supplanting  such  fuels 
as  coal,  oil,  and  gas,  is  very  remote.  The 
fact  that  the  United  States  has  been  blessed 
with  enormous  resources  of  these  so-called 
"fossil  fuels"  has  made  us  accept  them  as  a 
matter  of  course  and  has  caused  us  to  be  very 
profligate  in  their  use.  Some  day,  however, 
the  world  must  face  a  serious  dearth  in  such 
fuels,  and  as  they  become  increasingly  scarce 
their  cost  will  automatically  rise,  and  it  is 
conceivable  that  alcohol  in  some  locations 
as  least  might  be  as  cheap  as  the  natural  fuels 
we  now  so  thoughtlessly  waste. 

Even  now  alcohol  for  heating  purposes  has 
a  very  important  place  in  almost  every  home, 
since  it  gives  oi¥  no  unpleasant  odor,  is  rela- 
tively safe  to  handle  and  does  not  carbonize 
like  kerosene.  Electricity  is  its  only  rival 
as  a  fuel  under  the  chafing-dish  or  coffee 
percolator  and  electricity  is  not  only  con- 
siderably more  expensive,  but  it  Is  not  every- 
where available. 

Alcohol  has  been  and  Is  now  used  very 
successfully  for  lighting  purposes.  The  ad- 
vent of  the  Welsbach  mantel,  which  depends 
on  heat  for  its  luminosity,  has  made  it  pos- 
sible to  utilize  alcohol  lamps.  Where  so 
used  alcohol  gives  approximately  three  times 
as  much  light  as  the  same  volume  of  kero- 
sene burned  in  a  good  oil  lamp.  The  clean- 
liness of  alcohol  and  its  freedom  from  odor 
make  it  particularly  desirable  as  an  illurnin- 
ant where  gas  and  electricity  are  not  at  hand. 

As  a  Substitute  for   Gasoline 

The  use  of  alcohol  as  a  motor  fuel  is  very 
common  abroad  but  has  not  been  practised 
to  any  extent  in  this  country,  because  the 
cost  of  production  Is  still  too  high  to  enable 
it  to  compete  with  gasoline.  While  it  is 
true  that  weight  for  weight  gasoline  has  a 
higher  calorific  power  and  Is  more  easily  con- 
verted into  the  gaseous  state  than  alcohol, 
where  actually  used  In  the  internal  combus- 
tion engine  considerably  less  of  Its  theoretical 
power  can  be  developed  than  that  of  alcohol. 
A  comparison  of  the  two  fuels  under  the  con- 
ditions best  adapted  for  the  use  of  each  has 
shown  that  the  power  developed  per  gallon 
of  fuel  Is  about  the  same.  For  this  reason 
it  seems  unlikely  that  alcohol  will  be  em- 
ployed to  any  extent  for  power  purposes  un- 
til its  price  and  that  of  gasoline  are  more 
nearly  equal. 

The  present  price  of  industrial  alcohol  in 
the  United  States  Is  about  sixty-five  cents 
per  gallon,  but  there  is  c\er\  reason  to  believe 
that  its  cost  will  eventually  be  very  materially 


388 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW   OF   REVIEWS 


reduced.  If  the  price  of  gasoline  continues 
to  advance  it  is  only  a  question  of  time  before 
this  fuel  will  meet  in  alcohol  a  formidable 
rival.  Alcohol  already  occupies  a  very, im- 
portant place  in  the  automobile  world  as  the 
chief  constituent  of  many  anti-freeze  mix- 
tures w^hich  are  used  in  radiators  during  the 
winter. 

Varied    Uses 

While  we  need  and  should  have  cheaper 
alcohol,  certain  industries  must  have  it  al- 
most regardless  of  its  cost.  Next  to  water, 
alcohol  is  undoubtedly  man's  most  useful 
solvent.  It  is  the  active  ingredient  of  many 
paint  and  varnish  removers ;  it  dissolves  shel- 
lacs and  gums  on  which  water  has  no  effect. 
It  is  used  as  a  diluent  in  the  so-called  "dopes" 
for  aeroplane  wings  w^hich  render  these 
monsters  of  the  air  practically  water-proof. 
It  extracts  from  many  herbs  the  qualities 
which  render  them  so  useful  in  medicine. 
The  oils  and  essences  familiar  to  the  thrifty 
housewife,  such  as  essence  of  vanilla,  lemon 
and  wintergreen,  are  alcoholic  solutions  of 
these  flavoring  materials.  The  manufac- 
ture of  perfumery  is  nearly  as  dependent  on 
alcohol  as  the  iron  industry  is  upon  coke. 
Modern  surgery  has  reached  its  present  high 
degree  of  success  largely  because  of  the  use 
of  the  anesthetics,  ether  and  chloroform. 
Both  of  these  compounds  are  produced 
through  the  agency  of  alcohol.  A  mixture 
of  alcohol  and  ether  is  used  as  a  solvent  for 
introcellulose,  which  is  the  active  ingredient 
of  many  high  explosives.  During  the  late 
war  the  quantity  of  alcohol  consumed  in  the 


United  States  for  explosives  and  other  war 
purposes  was  50,000,000  proof  gallons. 

Alcoholic  solutions  of  collodion  are  ex- 
tensively used  in  the  manufacture  of  artificial 
leather  and  to  a  less  extent  in  artificial  silk. 
Alcohol  and  one  of  the  by-products  formed 
in  its  manufacture  are  of  such  importance  in 
photography  that  should  the  supply  of  these 
two  substances  be  suddenly  cut  off,  the  in- 
comes of  a  number  of  our  "movie"  heroes 
and  heroines  would  be  threatened  with  ex- 
termination. 

The  dye  industry,  which  has  been  so  de- 
veloped in  this  country  during  the  past  few 
years  that  while  Germany  may  some  day 
compete  with  us  she  can  never  monopolize 
this  business  again,  is  largely  dependent  on 
alcohol  as  a  solvent. 

And  so  we  might  go  on  enumerating  the 
uses  and  extolling  the  virtues  of  alcohol  and 
damning  spirituous  beverages  with  the  faint- 
est of  praise.  This  is  not  a  prohibition  article, 
however,  nor  is  it  written  to  fill  the  lovers 
of  "liquid  fire"  with  a  longing  to  have  the 
fast-tightening  "lid"  blown  off  into  illimit- 
able space,  so  that  "jags"  might  once  more 
be  long,  glorious  and  cheap.  No,  it  is 
simply  to  show  that  while  the  alcoholic  bev- 
erage will  soon  be  a  practically  extinct 
species,  the  production  of  alcohol  for  indus- 
trial purposes  should  be  encouraged  in  every 
way.  It  is  also  hoped  that  the  article  will 
straighten  out  that  popular  misconception 
that  alcohol  is  produced  mainly  for  internal 
use  and  internal  revenue.  It  is  high  time 
we  all  should  know  that  alcohol  is  alcohol 
and  booze  is  booze. 


ACROSS   THE    STYX 
From  the  News   (Dallas,  Texas) 


@  Paul  Thompson,  New  York 

HOME  AGAIN-AND  READY  TO  PLAY  THEIR  PART  IN  THE  NEW  AMERICAN  ERA 

(Three  hundred  thousand  Negroes  formed  no  small  part  of  Uncle  Sam's  victorious  army.   They  are  now  being  rapidly 

demobilized.    Half  a  million  other  Negro  workers  migrated  from  the  South  to  the  North  during  the  war  period) 


THE  NEGRO  AT  WORK 

A  Development  of  the  War  and  a  Problem  of  Reconstruction 
BY  GEORGE  EDMUND  HAYNES 

(Director   of   Negro   Economics,    United   States  Department  of  Labor) 


NEGROES  at  work  in  industry  and  in 
agriculture  contributed  as  materially 
to  winning  the  war  as  did  Negroes  on  the 
battle-front  in  France.  They  helped  to  build 
ships,  to  dig  coal,  to  operate  railroads,  to 
raise  corn,  wheat,  oats,  hogs,  and  other  food 
products,  and  to  raise  cotton  and  other 
staples.  They  worked  in  powder  plants  and 
in  munition  factories ;  they  helped  to  build 
cantonments.  The  brawny  arms  of  black 
stevedores  and  screwmen  loaded  many  ves- 
sels with  supplies  on  the  docks  at  Nor- 
folk, Charleston,  Savannah,  New  Orleans, 
and  other  places,  and  unloaded  vessels  in 
record  time  at  foreign  ports.  When  the  full 
story  of  the  war  is  written,  the  black  steve- 
dore battalions  at  French  docks,  who  some- 
times worked  night  and  day  without  relief, 
will  have  a  high  place  in  the  annals  of 
victory. 

.  A  gang  of  Negro  riveters  at  Sparrows 
Point,  Md.,  first  broke  the  world's  record 
for  driving  rivets  into  the  hull  of  a  steel 
ship.  Thousands  of  other  Negro  workers  in 
the  shipyards — at  Newport  News,  Charles- 
ton, Wilmington,  Tampa,  and  other  places — 


helped  to  build  the  ''bridge  of  ships"  for  the 
transportation  of  troops  and  supplies  to  Eu- 
rope. Negro  pile  drivers  at  Hog  Island  es- 
tablished a  new  world's  record  which  still 
stands. 

In  the  coal  fields  of  West  Virginia,  Ken- 
tucky, Tennessee,  and  Alabama,  other 
thousands — many  of  them  working  extra 
shifts — mined  coal  during  the  serious  winter 
months  of  1917-1918,  thus  helping  to  provide 
fuel  not  only  for  homes  but  also  for  in- 
dustry and  transportation  during  the  mad 
race  of  war.  In  agriculture  during  the  past 
four  years,  the  values  of  the  twelve  principal 
food  and  feed  crops  in  the  Southern  States 
increased  more  rapidly  than  the  values  of 
the  cotton  crop,  great  as  those  were.  The 
Negro  farmer  and  farm  laborer  had  a  large 
share  in  this  increase. 

The   Govcrunicjit's   JJ'dr-T'unc   Interest 

The  Department  of  Labor  began  dur- 
ing the  war  to  give  attention  to  these  Negro 
labor  problems,  in  its  war-time  effort  to  in- 
crease the  morale  and  efficiency  of  Negro 
workers  and  to  improve  their  relations  with 


390 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


white  workers  and  employers  for  maximum 
production. 

In  promoting  this  work  the  Secretary  of 
Labor  held  that  since  Negroes  constitute 
about  one-tenth  the  total  population  of  the 
country,  and  one-seventh  the  working  popu- 
lation they  should  have  representation  in 
council  when  matters  affecting  them  were 
being  considered. 

State  conferences  were  held  in  Virginia, 
North  Carolina,  Georgia,  Florida,  Missis- 
sippi, Kentucky,  Ohio,  Illinois,  New  Jersey, 
Michigan,  and  ^Missouri.  In  these  confer- 
ences representative  white  and  Negro  citizens 
frankly  and  freely  discussed  problems  in- 
volved, plans  of  organization,  and  methods 
of  work  for  mobilizing  and  energizing  Negro 
workers  through  improving  the  relationship 
between  them  and  white  employers  and 
white  workers,  and  through  improving  work- 
ing and  living  conditions. 

Each  conference  adopted  a  plan  for  organ- 
izing its  own  State  into  a  Negro  Workers' 
Advisory  Committee  and  into  local  commit- 
tees for  counties,  cities,  and  towns.  On  these 
committees  representatives  of  white  employ- 
ers and  Negro  workers — and,  wherever  pos- 
sible, white  workers — were  appointed  by  the 
Department  of  Labor.  In  addition,  super- 
visors of  Negro  economics  of  the  Depart- 
ment are  at  work  in  five  Southern  and  four 
Northern  States  as  executives,  working 
through  the  United  States  Employment 
Service  to  direct  the  activities  of  these  com- 
mittees. 

So  effective  has  been  the  constructive  work 
of  this  field  organization,  and  so  far-reaching 
have  been  the  results,  that  the  service  has 
been  continued  into  the  reconstruction  period 
and  its  permanent  development  is  proposed 
both  by  public  officials  and  by  private 
citizens. 

Effects  of  tfie  War  on  Negro  Workers 

Out  of  the  great  war  have  come  many 
changes  for  our  country.  The  changes  in 
our  domestic  life  are  not  so  apparent  as 
those  in  our  international  relations;  they 
are,  however,   no  less  certain. 

Negro  workers  have  been  affected  by  war 
conditions — first,  in  their  relations  to  white 
employers;  second,  in  their  relation  to  white 
wage-earners;  and  third,  within  themselves. 

As  to  changed  relations  of  Negro  work- 
ers to  white  employers:  Before  the  war 
Northern  employers  depended  upon  Euro- 
pean immigrants  for  much  of  their  unskilled 
and  semi-skilled  labor.     When  the  war  cut 


off  this  supply,  Southern  towns  and  rural 
districts  were  tapped  for  Negro  labor.  Be- 
tween 1915  and  1918  probably  from  400,000 
to  500,000  Negroes  in  the  South  migrated 
to  Northern  industrial  and  commercial 
centers. 

Northern  employers  for  the  most  part 
had  limited  previous  experience  with  Negro 
workers.  Extreme  necessity  for  labor  forced 
many  to  try  them.  Wherever  thought 
and  care  were  used  during  the  necessary 
adjustment  period,  the  experiment  was  suc- 
cessful, the  employer  was  pleased,  and  the 
Negro  as  a  permanent  employee  often  gained 
consideration.  Of  course,  there  have  been 
some  complaints  about  irregularity,  timidity, 
and  unwillingness  of  Negroes  to  work  out- 
of-doors  in  winter.  The  fact  remains,  how- 
ever, that  scores  of  Northern  employers  who 
had  not  previously  employed  Negroes  tried 
them  during  the  war  as  an  experiment,  and 
have  retained  them  since. 

The  war  labor  experience  and  migration 
North  have  also  changed  the  Negro's  re- 
lation to  Southern  employers,  who  have  made 
a  revaluation  of  Negro  labor.  Here  and 
there  during  the  war  attempts  were  made 
to  use  compulsory  "work  or  fight"  ordi- 
nances, but  in  most  localities  the  more  liberal 
method  of  better  treatment  gained  headway. 
Marked  advance  was  made  in  increased 
wages  and  improved  living  and  working  con- 
ditions, and  in  furnishing  educational  and 
community  facilities.  In  many  localities 
white  and  Negro  citizens  have  met  and  are 
still  meeting  for  conferences  and  discussions 
where  frankness  and  freedom  of  speech  pre- 
vail. A  better  understanding  between  the 
races  in  such  localities  has  resulted.  The 
white  press  of  the  South  has  come  out  more 
emphatically  than  ever  for  justice,  law,  and 
order  in   dealing  with   Negroes. 

Furthermore,  the  Negro  has  changed  in 
his  relations  with  white  workers,  especially 
in  the  North.  Undoubtedly  the  effects  of 
the  labor  shortage  in  northern  industries  dur- 
ing the  war,  when  there  were  more  jobs 
than  workers,  enabled  Negroes  to  enter  many 
industries  without  opposition.  Before  1914, 
Negro  workers,  men  and  women,  had  been 
limited  principally  to  domestic  and  personal 
service  occupations  in  northern  communities. 

Then  local  unions  in  cities  like  Chicago, 
Cleveland,  and  New  York  began  to  open 
their  doors  to  Negro  members.  Peaceful 
entrance  to  a  wide  range  of  occupations 
where  unions  are  strong  has  been  accom- 
plished under  the  pressure  of  war  conditions. 


THE    NEGRO    AT    WORK 


391 


DRESSING  HOGS   IN  A  CHICAGO  PACKING  PLANT 


to   secure   a   higher  standard   of   living   and 
greater  liberty  of  conduct. 

What  the  Negro   Wants 

There  has  been  gradually  crystallizing  a 
unity  of  opinion  and  of  thought  within  the 
rank  and  file  of  Negroes,  as  a  result  of  this 
war  experience  in  industry  and  agriculture. 


National  and  State  labor  or- 
ganizations have  repeatedly 
announced  a  policy  of  know- 
ing no  creed  or  color,  and 
have  called  upon  local  unions 
to  put  these  principles  into 
practise. 

On  the  other  hand,  Negro 
workers  are  not  eagerly  join- 
ing the  unions,  and  some  are 
attempting  to  organize  along 
racial  lines  because  of  suspi- 
cions    and     unpleasant     ex- 
periences of  past  years.    The 
Negro  has   a   point  of  view 
of  his  own.     He  believes  in 
organization     for     collective 
bargaining;  but  he  naturally  inclines  toward 
conciliatory  agreements  to  prevent  industrial 
strife,  rather  than  toward  conflict  and  peace 
conferences  after  industrial  war. 

Finally,  the  Negro  worker  himself  has 
been  greatly  modified  by  his  war-work  ex- 
perience. Change  in  residence  from  the 
South  to  the  North,  of  about  half  a  million 

workers  haS  affected  the  Negro's  home  and      Any  honest  attempt  to  adjust  labor  relations 
community.     The  struggle  to  secure  better      should  seriously  consider  it.     This  unity  of 
conditions    of    work    and    opportunities    for      opinion  may  be  summarized  as  follows : 
larger  life  has  created  a  restlessness  of  mind  First,  they  desire  to  get  work  and  to  hold 

calling  for  the  best  Negro  leadership  and  the      it  on  the  same  terms  as  other  workers,  and 
most   sympathetic   attitude    of   white    Amer-      to  receive  equal  pay  for  equal  work. 
ic^"s.  ^  ^  Second,  they  desire  education  of  all  kinds. 

The  present  migration  northward  is  Many  workers  acknowledge  their  lack  of 
only  an  acceleration  of  a  movement  from  the  efficiency.  In  their  own  way,  they  point  out 
rural  districts  to  urban  centers,  and  from  the  need  of  opportunity  for  training  to  en- 
South  to  the  North,  that  has  been  going  on  able  them  to  take  a  larger  part  in  modern 
for  half  a  century.  The  acceleration,  how-  production.  Employers  who  have  furnished 
ever,  has  driven  deep  into  the  consciousness  shop  training  for  Negroes  testify  that  thev 
of  the  Negro  masses  the  perception  that  a  are  very  "teachable"  and  enthusiastic  over 
man's  freedom  means  his  opportunity  to  move      the  opportunity. 

from  place  to  place,  to  find  a  better  job,  and  Third,  they  want  justice  in  public  courts 

and  before  tribunals;  they 
want  removal  of  the  restric- 
tions and  inconveniences  in 
public  conveyances;  they  ask 
for  provision  in  communities 
where  Negroes  live  of  public 
facilities  like  fire  protection, 
police  vigilance  against  vice 
and  crime,  as  well  as  legal 
protection  against  mob  \  io- 
lence  and  lawlessness.  About 
64  Negroes,  5  of  them 
wolnen  were  lynched  in  this 
country  last  \ear,  and  about 
24S  \n  the  four  preceding 
\ears.  'J'hey  want  a  chance 
NEGRO  WOMEN  FILLING  CANS   WITH  CORN  BEEF.  FOR  THE  ARMY  tO    buy    or    rent    good    houses 


392 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


SKILLED   NEGRO   LABOR   IN   A   NEWPORT   NEWS 
SHIPYARD 


on  well-paved  streets  with  sanitary  and  other 
community  facilities  considered  essential  to 
wholesome  living. 

Fourth,  although  the  masses  of  the  Negro 
people  see  it  more  or  less  dimly,  there  is 
nevertheless  a  growing  desire  among  them 
for  opportunity  for  self-determination  and 
self-development.  They  express  the  wish  to 
work  and  to  live  as  a  part  of  the  people 
for  whose  happiness  and  advancement  gov- 
ernments exist.  They  are  turning  away  from 
the  old  idea  that  black  men  and  women  were 
born  and  should  be  trained  for  ''hewers  of 
wood  and  drawers  of  water."  They  are 
beginning  to  believe  in  the  worth  of  the 
worker,  and  that  all  should  join  not  only  in 
producing  good  things  but  in  enjoying  them. 

After-War  Problems   of  Negro   Labor 

These  war-born  changes  in  the  Negro's 
relations  and  mind  call  for  thought  and 
plans.  In  the  short  time  that  has  elapsed 
since  the  signing  of  the  armistice,  the  Negro 
has  shown  his  readiness  for  adaptation  -to 
new  conditions.  In  Ohio,  Illinois,  Pennsyl- 
vania, New  Jersey,  Michigan,  and  other 
Northern  States  where  large  numbers  of 
Negro  newcomers  have  not  yet  become  ad- 
justed to  the  highly  organized  industrial 
life,  they  face  uncertain  conditions.  But 
they  are  maintaining  that  cheerful  hopeful- 
ness so  characteristic  of  the  Negro.  They 
are  turning  their  smiling  faces  forward  with 
that  radiant  faith  they  possess  as  an  enduring 
asset  of  American  democracy.  In  the  South, 
they  are  responding  with  enthusiasm  where 


offers  of  better  chances  and  conditions  are 
promised  or  provided. 

Reconstruction  as  it  touches  Negro  work- 
ers involves  race  relations  which  include 
white  employers  and  white  workers,  now  no 
less  than  during  war  times.  Consequently, 
many  problems  are  before  us  and  will  persist 
into  peace  times,  calling  for  cooperative 
plans  and  liberal  policies.  Their  solution  is 
of  great  moment  to  white  employers  and 
white  workers,   as  well  as  to   the   Negroes. 

The  demobilization  of  about  300,000 
Negro  soldiers  into  civilian  life  and  occupa- 
tions brings  more  delicate  and  difficult  ques- 
tions than  did  the  drafting  of  them  into  the 
army.  The  shifting  of  thousands  of  Negro 
workers,  particularly  in  the  North,  from 
war  industries  to  peace  industries,  Is  already 
presenting  peculiar  problems.  With  a  large 
amiount  of  unemployment  of  white  workers 
in  the  same  communities,  the  prevention  of 
race  friction  and  riots — such  as  have  occurred 
in  East  St.  Louis,  111.,  Chester,  and  Phila- 
delphia, Pa. — calls  for  constructive  policies 
and  programs.  In  the  interest  of  white 
workers,  of  Negro  workers,  and  of  local  com- 
munities where  they  reside,  these  difficulties 
should  be  met  so  as  to  bring  about  peaceful 
adjustment  before  occasions  of  violence  arise. 
Cooperation  and  not  repression  Is  the  effec- 
tive method. 

Negro  women  have  entered  industry  as 
never  before,  both  North  and  South.  Do- 
mestic and  personal  service  has  offered  them 
larger  wages.  Amicable  adjustment  for 
them  calls  for  serious  consideration.  The 
farm  labor  question  in  the  South  Is  very 
largely  a  Negro  labor  question.     Conditions 


CORE-MAKERS   IN   AN   INDIANAPOLIS   FOUNDRY 


THE    NEGRO    AT    WORK 


393 


A  ROOMFUL  OF  NEGRO  TYPISTS  IN  A.  CHICAGO  MAIL  ORDER  HOUSE 


there  now  are  such  that  the  most  thoughtful 
men  and  women  of  both  races  are  seeking 
principles  and  plans  for  adjustment.  Liv- 
ing conditions  of  Negro  wage-earners,  both 
North  and  South,  need  to  receive  more  atten- 
tion during  the  period  of  reconstruction  and 
peace  than  heretofore.  One  of  the  most 
striking  evils  of  the  large  migration  of  Ne- 
groes to  northern  communities  is  the  poor 
housing  which  they'  are  forced  to  accept, 
even  in  cases  where  they  have  the  means  and 
the  desire  to  buy  or  rent  better  homes. 

The    Need    of    Permanent    Plans 

The  common  interests  of  white  employ- 
ers wishing  to  engage  the  services  which  Ne- 
gro wage-earners  have  to  offer,  the  fact  that 
Negro  wage-earners  must  work  to  live,  and 
that  white  workers  must  do  the  same,  make 
this  labor  situation  one  of  the  most  far- 
reaching  factors  in  the  problem  of  bringing 
a  just  and  amicable  adjustment  of  race  rela- 
tions. This  racial  labor  adjustment  between 
white  employers,  white  workers  and  Negro 
workers  has  a  vital  economic  nexus.  The 
active  cooperation  of  white  employers  espe- 
cially may  render  a  large  patriotic  service 
which  at  the  same  time  will  advance  industry, 
agriculture,  and  commerce.  It  calls  for  the 
cooperation  of  the  several  States  and  many 
localities  in  a  national  policy,  a  nation-wide 
program  of  work  and  some  organized  means 
through  which  local  citizens  and  authorities 
may  act  freely. 

The  experiments  of  the  Department  of 
Labor  with  its  Negro  Workers'  Advisory 
Committees  and  its  State  supervisors  of  Ne- 
gro economics  have  received  the  commenda- 
tion of  whites  and  Negroes,  North  and  South, 
and  they  offer  a  definite  indication  of  a  way 


to    achieve    practical,     constructive     results. 

The  next  step  needed  is  closer  cooperation 
among  agencies,  private  and  public,  in  pro- 
grams of  work  and  cooperative  organization 
with  local  autonomy  and  a  nation-wide 
policy.  Chambers  of  commerce,  merchants 
associations  and  employers  individually,  as 
well  as  the  organizations  of  white  workers, 
have  here  a  special  call  for  sympathetic  co- 
operation with  a  struggling  American  group. 
The  facts  of  racial  antagonism  may  be  met 
by  mutual  understanding. 

The  patriotic  devotion  of  Negro  workers  in 
war  production  and  their  cheerful  facing  of 
reconstruction  uncertainties  add  to  the  Negro 
soldier's  supreme  sacrifice  to  make  a  heavier 
national  obligation  for  these  workers  to  have 
democratic  justice  in  America  during  the 
coming  peace  era  with  its  expected  prosperity. 


.-ia 


NKCRO    Si:\VlNG-iMAi  IIIN'K   Ol'KKATORS    liN    A   CllUAGO 
GARMENT   I-AcTORY 


BULLFROG  LAKE  IN  THE  PROPOSED  ROOSEVELT  NATIONAL  PARK,  CALIFORNIA 


A  ROOSEVELT  NATIONAL  PARK 


COMPARATIVELY  few  Americans, 
whether  travelers  or  stay-at-homes, 
have  an  adequate  notion  of  what  is  involved 
in  the  bill  introduced  in  the  last  Congress  to 
extend  the  area  of  Sequoia  National  Park,  to 
be  known  as  Roosevelt  National  Park.  It  is 
somehow  easier  for  the  American  who  has 
never  view^ed  the  Alps  to  imagine  what 
Switzerland  is  like  than  to  visualize  a  tract 
of  land  larger  than  the  State  of  Rhode  Island, 
situated  in  central  California  just  west  of  the 
summit  ridge  of  the  Sierras,  embracing  with- 
in   its    limits    the    highest    mountain    in    the 


United  States,  with  river  canyons  far  sur- 
passing in  grandeur  any  of  Europe's  scenic 
features,  and  all  this  thrown  open  by  the 
Government  as  a  national  playground. 

Mount  Whitney,  Mount  Langley,  Mount 
Tyndall,  and  Mount  Williamson,  ranging  in 
height  from  14,000  to  14,500  feet,  and 
Mount  Brewer,  Thunder  Mountain,  and  the 
Kawaah  Peaks,  all  over  13,500  feet  in  ele- 
vation, are  the  outstanding  features  of  the 
park  landscape,  but  there  are  hundreds  of 
other  elevations  second  only  to  these.  The 
Kings  and  Kern  River  canyons,  equal  if  not 


PRESIDENT  ROOSEVELT  AND  JOHN   MUIR.    WITH  A   GROUP   OF   FRIENDS,  STANDING   IN  FRONT  OF  ONE  OF  THE 

FAMOUS  "BIG  TREES"  IN  THE  YOSEMITE  NATIONAL  PARK 

394 


A    ROOSEVELT    NATIONAL    PARK 


395 


KEARSARGE    PINNACLES    AND    LAKES,    NEAR 

KEARSARGE  PASS — TWELVE  THOUSAND  FEET 

ELEVATION 


©  National  Geographic  Society 


THE      GENERAL    SHERMAN       TREE,    SAID    TO    BE    THE 
OLDEST  AND  LARGEST  LIVING  THING   IN   THE   WORLD 


TEHIPITE    DOM  I.  EAST    VIDETTE    AND    1  ALLS 

SCENIC  FEATURES  OF  THE  PROJECTED  ROOSEVELT  NATIONAL  PARK  IN  CALIFORNIA 


396 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


(g)  National  Geographic  Society 

LOOKING  OFF  TO  FAREWELL  GAP  FROM  TIMBER  GAP— ELEVATION   10.558  FEET 

(V'andever    Mountain,    on    the   right   of   the   gap,    rises   to    12,000  feet) 


superior  to  the  Yosemlte  in 
vastness,  with  their  rushing 
waterfalls,  give  this  region  a 
scenic  character  possessed  by 
no    equal    area    in    America. 

The  existing  Sequoia  Park 
took  its  name,  very  properly, 
from  the  towering  native 
trees  so  numerous  within  its 
boundaries.  Roosevelt  Park 
will  include  the  "Big  Trees" 
as  one  of  its  features,  in  a 
setting  of  mountain  and  cas- 
cade extending  for  seventy- 
five  miles  from  north  to  south. 
The  John  Muir  Trail  leads 
all  the  way  from  Mount 
Whitney  to  the  Yosemite 
National  Park. 

Secretary  Lane  and  Direc- 
tor Stephen  T.  Mather,  of 
the  National  Park  Service, 
are  enthusiastic  supporters  of 
the  plan  to  dedicate  these  six- 
teen hundred  square  miles  of 
rugged  mountain  scenery  to 
the  American  President  who 
in  his  life-time  rejoiced  un- 
ceasingly in  his  love  of  the 
great  out-of-doors. 


THE  ROOSEVELT  NATIONAL  PARK.  THE  YOSEMITE  NATIONAL  PARK  AND 
THE  JOHN   MUIR   TRAIL   CONNECTING   THE   TWO   SCENIC    RESERVES 


j"^  /Bulgaria 


IP 


>RUMArsriA 


RUSSIA     ACASP/AN\ 
/\\     SEA 


PERSIA 


LANDS  OCCUPIED  BY  TURKEY  IN    1914 


TURKISH  POPULATIONS 
REVERTING  TO  TYPE 

BY  GEORGE  E.  WHITE,  D.D. 

(President  of  Anatolia  College,  Marsovan) 

[Several  weeks  ago  Dr.  White,  as  the  head  of  a  large  party  of  teachers,  medical  and  hospital 
experts,  and  social  workers,  set  sail  from  New  York  for  Turkey,  to  resume  the  work  from  which 
they  had  been  driven  away  by  the  Turks  in  the  war  period.  Dr.  White  is  one  of  the  American 
educators  of  statesmanlike  grasp  who  have  given  this  country  its  position  of  influence  in  the  Near 
East.  We  have  in  previous  articles  in  this  Review  described  the  American  colleges,  one  of  which — in 
Northern  Asia  Minor — is  under  Dr.  White's  presidency.  The  article  printed  herewith  has  great 
value  as  showing  how  rapidly  the  Turkish  problem  may  be  solved  if  the  Armenians,  Greeks,  and 
other  basic  populations  of  Turkey  are  given  their  full  opportunity  and  if  the  old  forms  of  Turkish 
government  are  boldly  swept  away. — The  Editor.] 


AMONG  the  phrases  that  evolutionary 
thinking  has  made  familiar  to  us  Re- 
troversion to  Type  is  one  of  the  most  sug- 
gestive. It  seems  to  apply  quite  as  usefully 
in  the  field  of  human  history  as  in  the  natural 
world.  Atoms  of  humanity  or  tribal  aggre- 
gations like  molecules  may  be  absorbed  in 
some  large  body  politic  and  lose  their  own 
identity,  but  the  resulting  combination  prob- 
ably retains  the  character  of  each  of  its  con- 
stituents, and  when  superficial  force  domi- 
nates alien  elements  without  vitally  trans- 
forming and  absorbing  them,  the  tendency  is 
for  the  hidden  but  inherent  nature  of  each 
component  part  to  come  to  the  surface  again 
by  and  by.     This  process,  if  I  am  not  mis- 


taken, is  now  in  operation  over  the  fair  ter- 
ritories and  among  the  remaining  millions 
of  people  that  make  up  the  Turkish  Empire 
as  it  is  to-day.  Real  progress  means  the  de- 
velopment of  native  character. 

A  vision  rises  before  my  eyes.  It  is  easier 
for  me  to  visualize  the  "first  four  hundred 
families"  of  Turkish  history  than  the  "first 
four  hundred  families"  of  New  York  so- 
ciety. The  place  is  in  central  Asia  Minor; 
the  time,  about  1250  A.  D. ;  the  figures,  a 
nomad  tribe  on  the  march.  They  have  come 
up  from  Khorassan  in  tlie  depths  of  Asia  and 
are  seeking  a  new  home.  They  are  encamped 
on  a  beautiful  Anatolian  u|-)1:hu1  under  a  skv 
of    Mediterranean    blue.       1  lie    women    and 

y)7 


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THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


children  cower  and  whimper  among  the  ox- 
carts, while  the  men  are  watching  a  battle 
in  progress  on  the  plain  below.  The  Mon- 
gol characteristics  of  the  tribe  appear  in  the 
slit  slant  eyes,  high  cheek  bones,  yellowish  or 
brownish  color,  sparse  hair  and  beard,  small 
nose,  and  squat  figure.  Long  and  eagerly 
did  the  men  scan  the  struggle  on  the  plain 
until  they  could  restrain  themselves  no 
longer,  and  with  the  Mohammedan  battle 
cry,  "Allah  Ekber,"  ''God  is  Great,"  they 
swing  into  their  saddles  and  charge  down  the 
mountain  to  turn  the  tide  of  battle  in  favor 
of  the  Seljuk  Sultan,  Aladdin  of  Iconium. 
And  that  is  the  way  the  Ottoman  Turks 
enter  the  pages  of  European  history  and  be- 
gin to  bear  a  part  in  the  western  world.  In 
the  great  stretches  of  history  it  was  not  so 
very  long  ago. 

Asia  Alinor  Submerged  and  Europe  Invaded 
by  Ottoman  Turks 

The  Ottomans  were  one  of  many  Turkish 
and  Tartar  tribes  that  swarmed  out  of  the 
prolific  Mongol  hive  in  central  Asia.  Their 
first  victory  won  them  a  fief  and  a  home 
granted  by  Sultan  Aladdin.  By  degrees  they 
eclipsed  and  absorbed  their  Seljuk  cousins 
and  predecessors,  and  for  many  generations 
they  were  moving  forv^^ard  on  an  ever-ad- 
vancing tide.  The  numbers  of  the  Otto- 
mans or  Osmanlis  were  augmented  by  other 
hordes  of  Turkish  adventurers  and  by  the 
gradual  conquest  or  adhesion  of  numerous 
clans  of  Tartars  who  established  themselves 
more  or  less  independently  at  first  in  various 
parts  of  Asia  Minor,  much  as  in  the  Apoca- 
lyptic vision  the  tail  of  the  dragon  drew  after 
it  a  third  of  the  stars  of  heaven.  The  wan- 
dering Turks  of  this  period  on  the  west 
coasts  of  Asia,  like  the  approximately  con- 
temporary Normans  on  the  west  coasts 
of  Europe,  were  characterized  by  the 
primitive  virtues  of  manly  daring  and  phy- 
sical strength,  while  they  possessed  in  addi- 
tion the  vigor  of  pristine  Mohammedan 
faith. 

The  Turks  submerged  the  Armenian 
provinces  and  kingdoms,  conquered  the  de- 
pendencies of  the  Byzantine  Empire  piece- 
meal, crossed  the  Dardanelles  and  penetrated 
the  Balkafl  peninsula,  returned  to  capture 
Constantinople  in  1453,  and  then  moved  on 
again  toward  central  Europe  and  the  coast 
lands  of  the  Mediterranean.  The  one  point 
for  us  to  emphasize  in  passing  is  that  in 
spite  of  all  the  blood  they  shed  the  Turks 
nowhere    exterminated    the    local    Christian 


peoples  that  they  conquered.  A  large  pro- 
portion of  the  inhabitants  they  absorbed  into 
the  Mohammedan  system;  another  part  re- 
tained their  Christianity  with  a  status  of 
serfdom  under  the  theocratic  rule  of  Islam. 
Some  embraced  Mohammedanism  out  of  re- 
gard for  its  early  virtues;  others,  whole 
cities,  villages,  and  tribes,  faltered  assent  to 
the  creed  of  the  Prophet  to  save  their  lives; 
countless  women  and  girls  were  swept  into 
the  harems;  individual  adventurers  went 
over  to  the  prevailing  system;  many  Chris- 
tian children  were  brought  up  in  Turkish 
homes ;  and  processes  like  these  went  on  for 
centuries,  until  the  wonder  is  that  Chris- 
tianity remained  alive  and  everywhere  a 
vital  force. 

Rise  and  Culmination  of  Turkish  Power 

It  is  related  that  of  the  48  Grand  Viziers, 
or  Prime  Ministers,  following  the  conquest 
of  Constantinople,  only  4  were  Ottoman 
Turks  by  origin;  10  represented  other 
Moslem  peoples;  and  34  were  of  Christian 
ancestry.  The  Ottoman  power  at  sea  was 
largely  recruited  from  among  men  of  Greek 
ancestry.  One  terrible  weapon  of  Moham- 
medan conquest  was  wholly  forged  of  Chris- 
tian steel.  For  500  years,  approximately 
from  1326  to  1826,  it  was  the  general  rule 
to  take  1000  Christian  boys  a  year,  circum- 
cise them  by  force,  and  organize  them  in  the 
Janizary  corps,  which  was  commonly  re- 
garded as  the  most  formidable  force  in  the 
Turkish  army  in  peace  time  or  in  war.  Of 
course  the  words  Moslem  and  Christian  in 
this  connection  must  be  understood  as  they 
were  historically  used,  to  signify  not  only 
individual  religious  character  and  convic- 
tions, standards  and  habits  of  living,  and  re- 
lations with  the  governments  and  peoples  of 
foreign   countries. 

In  the  time  of  Queen  Elizabeth  Sultan 
Solyman  ruled  over  an  Empire  worthy  to 
be  compared  with  any  in  that  age  of  great 
empires  in  extent,  number  of  inhabitants, 
wealth,  activity,  and  aims.  Europe,  Asia, 
and  North  Africa  each  contributed  terri- 
tory enough  for  an  empire  in  Itself.  The 
Black  Sea  was  a  Turkish  lake;  the  Medi- 
terranean hardly  less  so.  The  Turkish  ad- 
vance culminated  In  1683,  when  a  villager 
from  our  Marsovan  plain,  Kara  Mustapha 
Pasha,  as  Grand  Vizier  and  Commander-in- 
Chief,  led  the  Turks  in  the  second  siege  of 
Vienna.  The  expedition  failed,  and  from 
that  point  the  Turkish  power  became  a  re- 
ceding tide. 


TURKISH   POPULATIONS    REVERTING    TO    TYPE 


399 


Disintegration 

To  pass  immediately  to  our  own  times,  the 
present  writer  has  lived  in  Turkey  twenty- 
five  years,  and  during  this  period  has  seen 
not  less  than  25,000,000  people  with  their 
territories  finally  emancipated  from  the 
Turkish  yoke.  Bosnia,  Herzegovina,  Alba- 
nia, Macedonia,  Bulgaria,  the  Greek  Islands, 
Crete,  Cyprus,  Tripoli,  and  Egypt,  are  no 
longer  reckoned  as  Turkish,  though  the 
changes  in  their  political  status  have  often 
been  effected  by  successive  stages.  It  is  very 
remarkable  that  a  process  of  disintegration 
should  proceed  so  rapidly;  that  in  so  many 
countries  the  Ottoman  government  should 
become  ineffective  and  disappear ;  also  that 
the  Turkish  element  in  the  population  left 
behind  should  be  so  small,  and  the  original 
nationalities  should  rise  to  the  surface  again. 
Retroversion  to  type! 

Home  Rule  for  the  Arabs 

It  is  doubtful  whether  Americans  realize 
the  full  significance  of  the  recent  Arab  move- 
ment. The  Germans  thought  that  they 
scored  an  important  military  advantage  in  in- 
ducing the  Sultan  at  Constantinople  as  Ca- 
liph, or  Pope  of  the  Moslem  World,  to  pro- 
claim the  "Jihad"  or  Holy  War.  The  Brit- 
ish countered  by  taking  the  Caliphate  away 
from  the  Sultan.  In  other  words,  the  Arabs 
went  over  from  the  side  of  the  Turks  and 
Germans  to  the  side  of  the  British,  and  car- 
ried .the  Caliphate  with  them.  Four  cen- 
turies ago,  in  the  year  that  Martin  Luther 
nailed  his  theses  to  the  church  door,  the 
Turks  conquered  Egypt  and  brought  home 
the  Caliphate,  the  spiritual  headship  of  all 
Mohammedans,  with  them.  But  the  Arab 
claim  had  never  lapsed,  and  was  successfully 
brought  to  the  front,  in  cooperation  with 
the  admired  and  respected  English. 

With  the  British  navy  to  control  the 
waters  by  which  Arabia  is  almost  surround- 
ed, the  Arab  tribes  on  land  made  short  .work 
of  Turkish  military  authority  in  the  great 
peninsula.  The  Turks  never  really  con- 
quered the  country,  nor  did  any  other  out- 
side power.  Turkish  soldiers  have  gone 
there  to  die,  but  Turkish  citizens  have  never 
gone  there  to  live.  Now  it  is  Arabia  for  the 
Arabs !  We  are  told  that  under  old  Quaker 
methods  of  administration  after  discussion 
some  leading  member  stated  that  "the  weight 
of  the  meeting"  was  in  favor  of  a  given 
course,  and  this  would  prevail  except  in  case 
of  a  rebellion.     Similarly  the  Moslem  world 


will  take  its  fetvas  or  religious  decisions  from 
the  source  received  by  prevailing  Moslem 
sentiment  as  the  real  Caliph,  the  rightful 
Successor  of  the  Prophet. 

Turkey's  Nominal  Area  and  Population 

Omitting  Arabia  entirely  from  our  calcu- 
lation, however,  Turkey  in  losing  the  prov- 
inces named  above  during  the  last  twenty- 
five  years  has  lost  more  in  area  and  in  terri- 
tory than  was  left  under  her  government  in 
1914.  Nowhere  has  she  lost  any  consider- 
able population  of  Turks ;  in  every  case  the 
lands  have  practically  reverted  to  descend- 
ants of  the  earlier  inhabitants. 

These  so-called  Turkish  territories  and 
their  people  quite  naturally  divide  themselves 
into  four  great  sections:  Asia  Minor  with 
Constantinople  and  the  thin  slice  of  European 
Turkey  remaining,  Armenia,  Syria,  and 
Mesopotamia.  For  the  purposes  of  com- 
parison the  figures  may  best  be  presented  in 
the  form  of  a  table,  together  with  the  cor- 
responding statistics  for  Turkey's  four  allies, 
and  for  America's  four  corresponding  allies 
in  western  Europe. 

Turkey                                            Area  Population 
Constantinople  and  Asia- in  sq.  m. 

Minor 210,000  13,000,000 

Armenia,   six  provinces..      82,000  3,000,000 

Syria 116,000  4,000,000 

Mesopotamia    142,000  2,000,000 

Totals 550,000  22,000,000 

Turkey's  Allies: 

Germany    208,000  65,000,000 

Bulgaria    44,000  5,000,000 

Austria     115,000  30,000,000 

Hungary     125,000  22,000,000 

Totals 492,000  122,000,000 

America's  Allies: 

France    207,000  40,000,000 

Belgium    12,000  8,000,000 

Italy    110,000  35,000,000 

British    Isles 121,000  47,000,000 

Totals 450,000       130,000,000 

It  will  be  seen  by  the  above  round  num- 
bers that  Asia  Minor  and  Constantinople 
with  its  strip  in  Europe,  Armenia,  Syria,  and 
Mesopotamia,  are  larger  respectively  than 
Germany,  Bulgaria,  Austria,  and  Hungary; 
again  they  are  larger  respectively  than 
France,  Belgium,  Italy,  and  the  British 
Isles.  The  Ottoman  countries  in  soil,  cli- 
mate, natural  resources,  accessibility  to  salt 
water  and  so  to  the  markets  of  the  world, 
probably  equal  or  surpass  the  European  in 
potential  worth. 

When  we  come  to  the  human  occupation, 


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THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


however,  it  is  a  different  story.  Turkey  has 
room  to  add  100,000,000  to  her  population 
before  reaching  the  density  of  her  Central 
Allies,  or  could  add  more  than  100,000,000 
before  being  as  thickly  settled  as  are  the  four 
Entente  Allies.  This  suggests  how  vital  the 
issues  of  the  war  are  as  related  to  the  future 
of  Turkey.  Let  us  look  at  these  four  Turk- 
ish quarters  a  little  more  in  detail. 

Mesopotamia's  Future 

Mesopotamia  was  the  latest  important  ad- 
dition to  the  Turkish  Empire,  Bagdad  hav- 
ing been  conquered  about  the  time  the  Massa- 
chusetts Puritans  were  founding  Harvard 
College.  The  Turks  never  needed  room 
there  for  settlement,  and  there  is  no  con- 
siderable Turkish  element  in  the  sparse  popu- 
lation. The  native  tribesmen  are  kin  with 
the  people  of  Arabia  in  blood,  speech,  and 
culture.  One  easily  believes  that  the  British 
soldiers  are  regarded  as  deliverers  rather 
than  conquerors  by  the  inhabitants.  Surveys 
made  a  few  years  ago  by  Sir  William  Will- 
cocks  proved  that  old  irrigation  systems,  left 
to  ruin  under  the  Turkish  administration, 
can  be  rebuilt .  and  extended,  whereupon 
Mesopotamia  will  literally  bud  and  blossom 
as  the  rose. 

Syria's  Spirit 

Syria  is  another  section  of  the  empire 
where  the  Turkish  pulse  was  beating  feebly. 
Turkish  has  never  supplanted  Arabic  as  the 
spoken  language,  and  the  Turk  himself  is  a 
dreaded  foreigner.  The  people  are  Semi- 
tic, with  a  local  history  and  culture  that  is 
dear  to  them.  Before  the  war,  when  the 
Ottoman  Parliament  was  a  real  forum  for 
the  expression  of  thought,  there  was  a  strong 
Syrian  movement  for  some  real  degree  of 
decentralization  in  government;  the  leaders 
sought  an  opportunity  to  develop  local  spirit, 
a  Syrian  consciousness,  and  the  use  of  Arabic 
beside  Turkish  as  an  official  tongue.  The 
settlement  of  some  Jews  in  Palestine  and  a 
Zionist  movement  may  have  helped  Syrian 
sentiment.  The  result  of  even  a  mild  de- 
gree of  French  influence  in  the  Lebanon  gov- 
ernment shines  in  the  eyes  of  all  Syrians  with 
its  reflection  of  security  and  happiness. 

An   Armenian  State 

In  Armenia  conditions  are  more  compli- 
cated. That  unfortunate  race  has  been  wide- 
ly scattered,  owing  to  hard  conditions  in 
their  own  home.  But  they  remember  well 
that   their   Greater  Armenian    and   Cilician 


Kingdoms  were  both  carried  down  by  in- 
vading Turks.  A  conviction  has  been  grow- 
ing in  the  world  outside  that  the  Armenians 
were  in  justice  entitled  to  some  small  state 
of  their  own.  In  1813  a  delegation  headed 
by  the  Armenian  Nubar  Pasha  secured  from 
European  courts  an  arrangement  by  which 
inspectors  of  six  or  seven  Armenian  provinces 
in  Turkey  were  to  be  appointed  under  Eu- 
ropean sanction.  A  Norwegian  and  a  Hol- 
lander accepted  the  invitation  given  them, 
but  the  war  current  was  too  near  at  hand 
to  permit  of  a  successful  result. 

At  the  minimum  about  80,000  square  miles 
should  be  reckoned  as  Armenian  territory — 
a  larger  area  than  is  controlled  by  any  Bal- 
kan state.  The  population  of  that  section  is 
about  three-sevenths  Armenian,  two-sevenths 
Turkish,  and  two-sevenths  Kurdish.  But 
probably  not  less  than  one-half  of  the  Turks 
in  this  region  and  nearly  half  of  the  Kurds 
are  of  Armenian  ancestry.  And,  to  view 
matters  from  another  angle,  a  very  large^  pro- 
portion of  the  Mohammedans  are  of  the 
Kuzzelbash  or  Shia  sect,  who  are  no  true 
Mohammedans.  If  an  autonomous  Armenia 
is  established,  members  of  the  race  from 
many  parts  of  the  world  will  naturally  gra- 
vitate thither,  and  if  some  Turks  were  ruled 
over  by  Armenians  that  would  be  only  ''turn 
about"  after  the  centuries  in  whch  many  Ar- 
menians have  been  ruled  over  by  Turks. 

Case  of  Stavrili 

One  or  two  incidents  must  be  related 
here,  because  they  are  characteristic.  Not 
far  from  Trebizond  live  the  clan  of  Stavrili, 
descendants  of  the  Greeks  who  kept  a  Greek 
kingdom  in  being  until  after  Constantinople 
had  fallen.  The  Stavrili  knew  that  they 
were  of  Christian  ancestry,  but  in  some  hour 
of  persecution  their  fathers  had  yielded  as- 
■eent  to  Islam.  The  same  buildings  were  said 
to  serve  as  mosques  above  ground  and 
churches  below ;  the  same  men  as  imams  by 
day  and  priests  by  night ;  the  same  boys  were 
said  to  be  circumcised  and  baptized ;  and 
named  both  Osman  and  Constantine. 

A  few  years  ago  these  Stavrili  determined 
to  throw  off  the  mask,  and  return  to  their 
Christian  allegiance,  and  they  did  so,  though 
at  the  cost  of  much  government  pressure 
lasting  for  years.  With  some  of  them  I  be- 
came personally  acquainted  when  they  were 
exiled  from  home.  One  day  a  Stavrili  met 
a  Turkish  friend,  and  the  latter  remarked, 
"I  hear  you've  turned  Christian."  The 
Greek  answered  that  they  had  always  known 


TURKISH   POPULATIONS    REVERTING    TO    TYPE 


401 


that  their  ancestors  were  Christian  Ortho- 
dox, and  they  had  decided  to  avow  their 
original  heritage.  "But,"  said  the  Moslem, 
"you've  been  to  mosque  all  these  years,  and 
we've  said  our  prayers  side  by  side :  how  did 
you  think  you  could  deceive  God  all  the 
time."  "I  never  tried  to  deceive  God,"  was 
the  answer,  "He  always  knew  just  what  I 
was.  I  tried  to  deceive  you,  and  in  that  I 
succeeded." 

Christians  in  Disguise 

One  day  in  1915  when  the  Turks  were 
dealing  out  death  and  destruction  to  the 
Armenians,  an  American  met  an  Armenian 
on  a  college  campus.  With  suffering  in  every 
feature  the  latter  said:  "I'm  in  an  awful 
strait :  tell  me  what  to  do.  My  only  son  has 
just  graduated  from  college,  but  he  was  ar- 
rested and  sent  from  the  city  in  the  'night 
deportation.'  His  mother  keeps  up  hope 
that  her  one  child  is  still  living,  but  I  can- 
not doubt  that  he  is  dead.  I  am  a  Protestant 
Christian.  I  can  never  be  anything  else. 
And  I  am  not  afraid  of  death.  I  am  ready 
for  the  'deportation'  and  to  meet  my  fate 
whatever  it  is.  But  there  are  about  seven- 
teen women  and  girls  in  our  street,  two  or 
three  to  a  house,  whose  men  folks  are  all 
killed.  They  have  submitted  their  petitions 
for  registry  as  Moslems,  and  are  to  stay  and 
live.  They  urge  me  to  become  a  Moslem 
too,  saying  that  if  I  do  they  can  rely  on  me 
as  a  friend  and  neighbor  to  help  them  in  those 
ways  for  which  a  man  is  needed.  Ought  I 
to  request  registry  as  a  Moslem  in  order  to 
help  them?"  As  things  turned  out  he  reg- 
istered as  a  Moslem,  took  a  Turkish  name, 
put  on  a  turban,  and  lived  to  save  others, 
when  in  a  sense  he  could  not  save  himself. 
There  have  been  numberless  cases  of  the  sort 
all  down  the  centuries.  How  many  Arme- 
nians have  been  lost  to  the  nationality  by 
forced  defection  ?  Some  day  the  process  of 
retroversion  will  appear. 

The  writer  is  reminded  in  this  connection 
of  the  view  expressed  by  a  German  Consul 
who  had  lived  many  years  in  Turkey  and 
knew  conditions  there  well.  He  said  to  me 
just  after  the  blow  at  the  Armenians  was 
struck  by  the  Turkish  government  in  al- 
liance with  the  German  that  as  a  student  of 
history  he  believed  the  result  of  that  blow 
would  be  to  establish  an  autonomous  Arme- 
nia. As  an  official  he  could  not  support  a 
policy  contrary  to  that  of  his  government, 
but  as  a  man  he  believed  that  Armenian 
rights  would  be  vindicated  in  this  way. 

Apr.— 5 


Religious  Divisions 

Constantinople  and  Asia  Minor  have 
shared  their  fortunes  together  ever  since  the 
imperial  city  was  founded.  The  united  popu- 
lation, including  European  Turkey,  is  about 
13,000,000.  Of  this  number  at  least  3,000,- 
000  are  Christians.  Constantinople  itself  is 
largely  Greek,  and  Smyrna  is  still  more  so. 
On  the  principle  of  nationality  a  strong  ar- 
gument would  be  built  up  for  attaching  the 
province  of  Smyrna  and  the  west  coast  of 
Asia  Minor  to  Hellenic  Greece,  but  we  will 
not  now  pursue  that  subject.  There  are 
large  Armenian  communities  in  Asia  Minor, 
and  other  Christians  of  various  sects. 

In  the  heart  of  the  Turkish  Empire,  then, 
the  home  of  the  Turkish  people,  the  Moslem 
population  approaches  10,000,000.  Most  of 
these  are  Turks ;  there  are  considerable  com- 
munities of  Circassians,  Georgians,  Laz, 
Kurds,  Albanians,  Arabs,  and  others  includ- 
ed, but  as  Islam  is  their  common  faith  we 
need  not  press  the  thought  of  dividing  them. 

There  is  another  fact,  however,  not  com- 
monly realized.  Turks  to  the  number  of 
2,000,000  to  3,000,000  belong  to  the  Shia  or 
Alevi  sect,  and  there  is  a  deep  chasm  be- 
tween them  and  Orthodox  Mohammedans. 
"Ah  those  devil  worshipers,  those  devil  wor- 
shipers," they  say  of  Sunnite  Moslems  to 
a  friend.  "In  this  world  they  lord  it  over 
us,  but  in  the  next  we'll  saddle  them  for  our 
asses,  and  we'll  ride  'em,  and  we'll  ride  'em." 
Shias  feel  themselves  nearer  to  Christians 
than  to  regular  Turks.  Remember,  Shia 
women  veil  themselves  before  Turks,  but  not 
before  Christians.  They  say,  "He  who  was 
revealed  to  you  as  Jesus  was  revealed  to  us 
as  Ali."  "Less  than  the  thickness  of  an 
onion  skin  separates  you  from  us." 

It  is  commonly  believed  that  Shias  are  of 
Christian  ancestry  in  the  far  off  past,  and 
that  their  secret  breaking  of  bread  and  drink- 
ing of  wine  is  a  form  of  the  Lord's  Supper. 
They  themselves  anticipate  the  time  when 
they  will  intermarry  with  Christians,  which 
signifies  the  closest  bond  that  they — poor 
people — can  understand.  In  reality  Shias 
are  not  one  with  the  ruling  Turkish  system. 
They  should  be  reckoned  as  separate.  In- 
deed about  the  time  the  war  began  one  of 
my  friends,  a  Sheikh  of  influence,  said  to 
me,  "We'll  give  the  devil-worshipers  who 
are  running  things  one  more  chance.  But 
we're  watching  them,  and  we  don't  propose 
to  have  c\er\thing  continue  as  it  is  now. 
We've  got  our  own  organization  now  under 
the  name  of  a  commercial  union  ;  really  it  is 


402 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


a  political  society.  We've  got  branches  every- 
where among  our  people.  If  conditions  don't 
improve  we'll  bring  in  the  British.  I'll  run 
up  the  British  flag  with  my  own  hand,  and 
then  their  government  will  have  to  take  no- 
tice. 

A   Majority   of   Turks  from    Christian 
Ancestry 

Reckoning  the  Turks  as  approaching  10,- 
000,000  in  number,  including  fractional  na- 
tionalities thrown  in  for  good  measure  and 
including  the  Shia  sectaries,  let  us  not  for- 
get that  a  great  portion  of  the  whole  are  of 
non-Turkish,  non-Moslem,  origin.  Our 
knowledge  of  their  history  from  the  beginning 
until  now  establishes  this  definitely.  Prob- 
ably less  than  half  of  the  men,  women  and 
children  called  Turks  owe  their  ancestry  to 
the  Mongol  and  Moslem  tribesmen  who 
migrated  from  inner  Asia  to  Anatolia.  Prob- 
ably the  larger  part  are  of  ancestry  once 
reckoned  Christian.  This  is  confirmed  by 
the  fact  that  the  physical  characteristics  of 
Mongols  have  largely  faded  out.  They 
visibly  persist  in  some,  notably  in  Tartars 
immigrant  from  the  Crimea  or  the  Balkan 
states,  whose  lineage  is  comparatively  pure. 
This  but  emphasizes  the  difference  in  the 
case  of  the  Anatolian  stock. 

In  the  heart  of  what  we  call  the  Turkish 
Empire  approximately  one-fourth  of  the  pop- 
ulation are  avowedly  Christian ;  approximate- 
ly a  fourth  of  the  remainder,  the  Shias,  are 
nearer  in  sentiment  to  Christians  than  to  reg- 
ular Mohammedans;  a  majority  of  the  whole 
are  of  Christian  origin.  Force  has  held 
them  together  until  now,  but  "blood 
will  tell,"  and  the  principle  of  "retro- 
version to  type"  cannot  be  escaped.  After 
careful  observations  continued  during  many 
years  of  residence  in  the  country,  I  am  con- 
vinced that  the  Mohammedan  Turks  do  not 
increase  in  numbers,  possibly  as  the  penalty 


of  nature  for  the  permission  of  polygamy, 
w^hile  the  Ottoman  Christians  do  increase 
rapidly  unless  checked  by  periods  of  massacre. 
If,  then,  some  2,000,000  to  5,000,000  Mon- 
gol immigrants  filtered  into  Asia  Minor, 
their  descendants  possibly  reach  those  num- 
bers to-day ;  the  rest  of  the  population  is  to 
be  credited  with  Christian  ancestry. 

What  "Rights"  Has  Turkey? 

The  rights  of  the  Turks  as  a  de  facto  gov- 
ernment are  sometimes  treated  as  sacrosanct, 
along  with  the  rights  of  other  "small"  peo- 
ples. Certainly  rights  should  be  respected, 
including  such  as  have  long  been  subverted 
by  wrongs,  but  what  are  the  rights  of  the 
Turks  to  Asia  Minor  and  Constantinople? 
The  rights  of  invaders.  By  what  authority 
did  they  maintain  their  claim?  By  the  au- 
thority of  the  sword.  The  Turks  never 
built  that  matchless  capital,  nor  dug  the 
waterway  that  gives  it  national  and  interna- 
tional importance.  The  Turks  have  always 
been  fine  soldiers ;  as  a  peasant  and  pastoral 
people  they  are  patient,  hospitable,  natural- 
ly kind-hearted ;  the  only  constructive  work 
ever  attributed  to  the  race  is  the  Seljukian 
architecture,  and  the  Ottomans  put  the  Sel- 
juks  out  of  business  centuries  ago. 

The  writer  shares  in  the  general  Anglo- 
Saxon  feeling  of  real  friendliness  and  regard 
for  the  common  Turks.  But  the  question  of 
an  independent  Turkey  maintaining  all  its 
alleged  rights  without  responsibility  and 
without  challenge  is  no  longer  practical.  The 
question  is  w^hether  America  and  our  allies 
shall  carry  to  its  issue  a  process  already  in 
operation  in  Turkey,  whereby  the  people  of 
that  country  will  be  relieved  of  alien  domina- 
tion, and  will  be  assisted  to  work  out  their 
own  destiny  with  a  fair  chance  for  their 
own  native  character  and  hereditary  dispo- 
sition. Then  real  progress  will  be  at 
hand. 


THE  NEW  MAP  OF  ASIA 


W 


BY  MAJOR  E.  ALEXANDER  POWELL,  U.  S.  A. 

(Former   American   Vice    Consul-General    in    Syria) 

E  are  about  to  witness  the  opening  of      forward   across  those  romantic  and   mysteri- 
one  of  the  most  significant  chapters  in      ous  regions  which  have  been  so  long  within 


the  history  of  human  progress.  For  the  first 
time  since  the  Osmanli  hordes  came  spurring 
out  of  Inner  Asia  behind  their  horsetail 
standards  and  overran  the  lands  bo'rdering 
on  the  Mediterranean,  the  map  of  Western 
Asia  is  to  be  re-drawn.  The  great  empire 
founded  by  Osman,  an  empire  which  for  six 
hundred    years    has    been    a    synonym    for 


the  jealously  guarded  pale  of  Islam.  The 
plains  across  which  tramped  the  glittering 
hosts  of  Cyrus  and  Alexander  will  ere  long 
resound  to  the  hoot  of  British  locomotives 
and  the  clatter  of  British  harvesting  ma- 
chines. Water  will  flow  again  in  those 
Babylonian  canals  which  were  dug  when 
the   world   was   j^oung,    irrigating   the    land 


cruelty,  intrigue,  intolerance  and  oppression,  where    the    first    wheat    was    grown.      The 

is  to  be  pushed  back  within  the  confines  of  red-and-white   flag  of  Armenia  will   flutter 

that  Anatolian  region  whence  it  arose.    The  once  more  from  the  towers  of  Van  and  Erze- 

Greeks,  Armenians,  Hebrews  and  Arabs  are  roum.       In    Jerusalem    the    walls    of    the 

to  be  ridded  of  Turkish  rule.  Temple  will  rise  again.     European  colonists 

Once  again  the  atlases  will  bear  the  names  will  build  their  banks  and  factories  and  ware- 

of  those  classic  lands — Armenia,   Syria,  Ju-  houses  on  soil  soaked  with  the  blood  of  their 


dea,     Mesopotamia,      Babylonia,     Arabia — 
which   have  had   no   geographic  or  political 
significance  for  centuries.     The  kingdoms  of 
Herod  and  Tigranes  and  Haroun-al-Raschid 
are  to  be  revived,  though  whether  as  protec- 
torates,  like   Egypt   and   Morocco ;   as   con- 
dominiums,  like   the   Sudan ;   as   sphei*es   of 
influence,   as   in   North    China   and    Persia; 
or  under  the  administration  of  mandatories, 
t6  use  the  latest  word  in  the  lexicon  of  inter- 
national politics,  is  yet  to  be  determined.  But, 
no      matter     what      the 
eventual  form  of  govern- 
ment,   Western    Asia    is 
to  be  reconstituted  along 
racial  lines.     The   gates 
of   the   future   are   to  be 
flung    open    to    the    op- 
pressed   peoples    of    the 
Nearer  East.  That  much 
is  certain. 

Europe  is  going  east- 
ward. Just  as,  during 
the  last  half  of  the  nine- 
teenth century,  her  out- 
posts pushed  southward, 
ever  southward  into 
Africa,  so  now  the  skir- 
mish lines  of  Christian- 
ity, civilization  and  com- 
merce are  about  to  move 


crusading  ancestors.  The  hoe  will  supersede 
the  rifle,  the  plow  will  replace  the  machine- 
gun.  Cook's  tourists  may,  in  the  not  far  dis- 
tant future,  wander  at  will  in  the  Forbid- 
den Cities  of  Islam.  Barbarism  and  fanat- 
icism will  retreat  before  the  inexorable  ad- 
vance of  civilization. 

Until  the  Great  War  broadened  our  hori- 
zon and  aroused  our  imaginations,  we  Ameri- 
cans were  a  peculiarly  insular  and  self-cen- 
tered people.     We  took  but  cursory  interest 


POSSIBLE  DIVISION  AND  REARRANGEMENT  OF  THE  TURKISH  EMPIRE 

403 


404 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


in  the  politics  and  problems  of  other  coun- 
tries or  events  on  other  continents,  for  our 
minds  and  our  energies  were  concentrated 
on  the  development  of  the  great,  rich  land 
which  stretches  from  Sandy  Hook  to  the 
Golden  Gate.  Western  Asia  was  to  most  of 
us  a  vague  and  legendary  region  until  our 
interest  was  awakened  by  the  exploits  of 
Maude  in  Mesopotamia  and  AUenby  in 
Palestine.  Armenia  we  had  always  thought 
of  in  terms  of  massacres ;  an  Armenian  was 
to  most  of  us  a  dark-complexioned  foreigner 
who  peddled  embroideries  and  rugs.  Arabia 
we  conceived  as  an  expanse  of  yellow  sand 
(in  the  geographies  of  our  school-days  it  was 
always  colored  yellow)  across  which  bands 
of  Bedouins  in  flowing  burnouses  scurried  on 
rocking  camels.  Syria  meant  figs;  Anatolia, 
rugs ;  Babylonia,  of  course,  evoked  pictures 
of  Belshazzar  and  the  hanging  gardens. 

Mesopotamia  we  had  seen  mentioned,  in 
some  of  the  more  serious  magazines,  in  con- 
nection with  a  German  railway  and  a  Brit- 
ish irrigation  scheme,  and  a  Sunday  supple- 
ment had  identified  it  as  the  site  of  the 
Garden  of  Eden.  Our  knowledge  of  Pales- 
tine, such  as  it  was,  had  been  obtained  from 
the  Scriptures,  from  returned  missionaries, 
and  from  Burton  Holmes.  As  for  Kurdis- 
tan and  the  Hedjaz  and  the  Dodecanesus, 
they  have  been  to  us  scarcely  more  than 
names,  of  which  we  knew  next  to  nothing 
and  about  which,  to  tell  the  truth,  we  were 
not  particularly  eager  to  learn.  But  our 
sudden  injection  into  Old  World  politics  as 
the  result  of  our  participation  in  the  war 
has  broken  down  the  barrier  of  aloofness  with 
which  we  had  hedged  ourselves  in.  The 
"splendid  isolation"  of  which  we  used  to 
boast  is  now  a  thing  of  the  past. 

Trade  Opportunities  in   Western  Asia 

There  is  another  and  more  material  side 
to  the  question.  With  a  merchant  marine 
w^hich  is  already  the  second  largest  in  the 
world  and  promises  to  soon  be  the  first,  and 
with  industries  stimulated  by  the  demands  of 
war  until  their  production  has  been  enor- 
mously increased,  we  cannot  afford  to  turn 
our  backs  on  the  rich,  new  markets  which 
will  be  thrown  open  to  commerce  with  the 
Europeanization  of  Western  Asia. 

Here  is  an  example  of  what  I  mean:  Ac- 
cording to  the  painstaking  and  conscientious 
investigations  of  Sir  William  Willcocks,  the 
irrigable  area  of  Mesopotamia  is  from  two 
to  three  times  as  large  as  that  of  Egypt. 
Cotton,  sugar-cane,  corn,  cereals,  opium  and 


tobacco  will  flourish  on  the  banks  of  the 
Tigris  and  the  Euphrates  as  they  do  in  the 
Valley  of  the  Nile.  It  follows,  therefore, 
that  if,  as  a  result  of  the  introduction  of 
Western  methods,  Mesopotamia  should  be 
able  to  support  two  to  three  times  as  many 
people  as  Egypt,  its  population  might  be  ex- 
pected to  increase  from  its  present  two  mil- 
lion to  thirty  million — in  other  words,  thirty 
million  potential  purchasers  of  American 
goods.  But  where  will  these  thirty  million 
people  come  from,  you  ask?  They  will 
come  from  India.  India  suffers  from  two 
evils — famine  and  over-population.  And 
Mesopotamia,  which  can  produce  enormous 
quantities  of  food  and  can  receive  many 
millions  of  emigrants,  lies  at  India's  door. 

Unless  all  the  indications  are  wrong,  the 
next  few  years  will  witness  a  tremendous 
struggle  for  world-trade,  and  there  are  al- 
ready signs  a-plenty  that  of  that  trade  our 
merchants  and  manufacturers  intend  to  have 
their  share.  Opportunity  is  beckoning  to  us 
from  Western  Asia.  Whether  our  interests 
are  those  of  trade  or  altruism,  the  moment 
calls  for  more  exact  knowledge  and  for 
deeper  thinking  about  the  Nearer  East.  It 
is  an  immensely  complicated  problem,  for 
everything  is  in  the  melting-pot  from  Beirut 
to  Bombay,  from  Ararat  to  Aden. 

A  Few  Geographical  Comparisons 

I  have  no  intention  of  turning  this  article 
into  a  geography  lesson  or  a  travel  mono- 
logue, but  I  find  that  few  Americaris  have 
other  than  the  haziest  ideas  as  to  the  extent 
and  population  of  the  regions  which  are 
under  discussion  in  Paris.  Did  you  know, 
Mr.  Reader,  that  the  territory  whose 
boundaries  are  to  be  re-drawn  has  a  popula- 
tion greater  than  that  of  France  and  an  area 
equal  to  that  of  all  the  States  east  of  the 
Mississippi?  Were  you  aware  that  Turkey- 
in-Asia  has  a  railway  system — not  a  dotted 
line  on  a  map,  mind  you,  but  a  system  actu- 
ally in  operation — which,,  if  laid  down  on 
this  continent,  would  reach  from  the  Rio 
Grande  to  Hudson  Bay?  Did  you  know 
that,  as  a  result  of  the  completion  of  the 
tunnels  in  the  Taurus  and  the  linking  up  of 
the  Palestine-Egyptian  systems,  it  is  possible 
to  travel  to-day,  with  only  two  changes — 
one  at  the  Bosphorus,  the  other  at  the  Suez 
Canal — from  Paris  to  the  Sudan?  And,  now 
that  the  German  bar  in  East  Africa  has  been 
removed,  that  in  a  few  more  years,  a  very 
few,  there  will  be  through  rail  service  from 
Calais  to  Cape  Town?    Did  you  know  that 


THE    NEW   MAP    OF   ASIA 


405 


Mesopotamia  was  the  original  habitat  of 
wheat?  That  the  finest  coffee  in  the  world, 
known  to  us  as  Mocha,  comes  from  that 
Arabia  which  we  are  accustomed  to  refer  to 
as  worthless  desert?  Were  you  aware  that 
Beirut  is  as  large  as  New  Haven,  that  Da- 
mascus is  as  large  as  Providence,  that  Alep- 
po is  as  large  as  St.  Paul,  that  Bagdad  is 
as  large  as  Denver,  and  that  Smyrna  is  con- 
siderably larger  than  either  Washington  or 
New  Orleans? 

The   New   State    of   Armenia 

Let  us  take  Armenia  to  begin  with.  If, 
on  the  map  of  Asia  Minor,  you  will  draw 
a  line  from  Alexandretta,  on  the  Mediter- 
ranean, to  Samsoun,  on  the  Black  Sea,  and 
another  line  from  Alexandretta  due  east  to 
Mount  Ararat,  the  mighty  boundary-stone 
which  marks  the  meeting-place  of  Turkey, 
Persia  and  Russia,  the  resultant  triangle  will 
roughly  correspond  to  the  area  of  Turkish 
Armenia.  Though  Turkish  Armenia,  in  its 
broadest  sense,  is  usually  understood  to  in- 
clude nine  vilayets — Trebizond,  Erzeroum, 
Van,  Bitlis,  Mamuret-el-Aziz,  Diarbekir, 
Sivas,  Aleppo  and  Adana — the  Armenia 
which  it  is  proposed  to  revivify  will  prob- 
ably consist  of  only  the  first  six  of  these 
provinces,  for  the  Turks  will  almost  cer- 
tainly be  permitted  to  retain  Sivas,  the  popu- 
lation of  which  is  overwhelmingly  Osmanli ; 
Aleppo,  the  greatest  railway  center  in  West- 
ern Asia,  is  within  the  British  sphere  of  in- 
fluence; while  France  has  claims  to  Adana. 

To  get  a  mental  picture  of  the  new  state 
of  Armenia  you  must  imagine  a  country 
about  the  size  of  North  Dakota,  with  Da- 
kota's cold  winters  and  scorching  summers, 
consisting  of  a  dreary  and  monotonous  pla- 
teau of  an  average  height  of  6000  feet,  with 
grass  -  covered,  treeless  mountains  and 
watered  by  many  rivers,  whose  valleys  form 
wide  stretches  of  arable  land.  Rising  above 
the  general  level  of  this  Armenian  tableland 
are  barren  and  forbidding  ranges,  broken  by 
many  gloomy  gorges,  which  culminate,  on 
the  extreme  northeast,  in  the  mighty  peak  of 
Ararat,  the  traditional  resting-place  of  the 
Ark.  This  region  has  been  identified  with 
the  Armenians  as  their  historic  home  for 
three  thousand  years.  The  names  of  towns, 
valleys,  mountains,  lakes  and  rivers  are  Ar- 
menian ;  the  countryside  is  dotted  with  the 
monuments  of  ancient  Armenia ;  the  soil  is 
soaked  with  Armenian  blood — for  it  was  a 
boast  of  the  Turks  that  they  would  have 
Armenia  without  the  Armenians — and,  above 


all  else,  every  Armenian,  no  matter  where 
he  may  dwell,  is  profoundly  attached  to  this 
wild  and  somber  land,  the  cradle  of  his  race. 

The  Armenians  unquestionably  have  the 
first  and  the  greatest  claim  to  Armenia. 
They  have  been  known  as  a  nation  since  the 
times  of  Herodotus  and  probably  earlier. 
Under  Tigranes  Armenia  was  the  center  of 
an  empire  extending  from  the  Orontes  to  the 
Caspian.  Though  for  six  hundred  years  she 
has  suffered  under  Turkish  cruelty  and  op- 
pression, she  has  steadfastly  remained  the  bul- 
wark of  Christianity  in  Asia.  Before  the 
war  the  Armenians  in  the  six  vilayets  num- 
bered approximately  1,000,000  as  compared 
to  600,000  Turks.  But  there  is  no  saying  how 
many  Armenians  remain,  for  during  the  past 
four  years  the  Turks  have  perpetrated  a 
series  of  wholesale  massacres  in  order  to  be 
able  to  tell  the  Christian  Powers,  as  a  Turk- 
ish official  cynically  remarked,  that  **one  can- 
not make  a  state  without  inhabitants."  A 
few  generations  of  peaceful  lives  should  be 
quite  enough,  however,  for  the  prolific  Arme- 
nians to  repopulate  the  country  and  to  re- 
store it  to  its  ancient  prosperity. 

If  Armenia  be  not  assigned  to  the  Arme- 
nians, to  whom,  then,  will  it  be  given?  The 
Turks,  certainly,  have  no  right  to  it  from 
any  point  of  view.  The  Kurds  have  even 
less  claim  than  the  Turks,  for  their  only 
interest  in  the  country  was  the  opportuni- 
ties it  provided  for  rapine  and  plunder. 
Their  country,  Kurdistan,  lies  further  to  the 
south.  In  the  early  days  of  the  war  it  was 
assumed  that  Armenia  would  eventually  fall 
to  Russia,  but  the  Bolshevik  government  has 
announced  that  it  is  opposed  to  territorial 
expansion,  and,  even  were  it  not,  it  is  incon- 
ceivable that  the  Allies  would  toss  the 
unhappy  Armenians  from  the  frying-pan 
into  the  fire  by  taking  them  from  the  Turks 
and  giving  them  to  the  Bolsheviks.  The  piti- 
ful remnant  of  the  Armenian  people  must 
be  permanently  delivered  from  massacre  and 
oppression  and  placed  under  the  guardian- 
ship of  a  Power  which  can  guarantee  their 
security  and  aid  their  progress. 

The  problem  of  appointing  a  guardian,  or 
guardians,  for  Asiatic  Turkey  is  complicated 
by  the  fact  that  various  European  nations 
possess  large  and  frequently  conflicting  in- 
terests in  tliat  country.  Greece,  for  instance, 
lays  claim  to  the  immensely  rich  and  pros- 
perous vilayet  of  Aid  in,  a  province  approxi- 
mately the  size  of  the  State  of  Maine,  to- 
gether with  the  seaport  of  Smyrna,  wliich  is 
one  oi  tlie  great   harbors  of   the  world   and 


406 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


which  Is  practically  a  Greek  city,  her  con- 
tention being  that  this  district  was  settled  by 
Greeks  in  the  ver}'  dawn  of  history,  that  for 
centuries  it  formed  part  of  the  Greek  Em- 
pire, that  its  resources  and  industries  have 
been  developed  by  Greek  capital  and  Greek 
labor,  and  that  its  population  is  largely  Greek 
to-day,  more  than  half  of  the  375,000  in- 
habitants of  Smyrna  being  of  Hellenic  de- 
scent and  speaking  the  Greek  tongue.  For 
that  matter,  about  one-fifth  of  the  total  pop- 
ulation of  Asia  Minor  are  Greeks. 

Italy's  Claims 

Italy  is  supposed  to  be  desirous  of  obtain- 
ing control  of  the  vilayet  of  Adalia,  cor- 
responding to  the  ancient  Pamphylia,  which 
lies  between  the  Greek  sphere  of  Aiden  and 
the  French  sphere  of  Adana.  The  territory 
claimed  by  Italy  is  rather  extensive,  for  it 
contains  the  excellent  harbor  of  Adalia,  on 
the  Gulf  of  Alexandretta,  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  which  she  holds  numerous  valuable 
concessions,  and  includes  territories  of  con- 
siderable agricultural  and  mineral  potentiali- 
ties where  large  numbers  of  Italian  emigrants 
may  be  able  to  find  homes. 

Whereas  Greece  bases  her  claims  to  terri- 
tory in  Asia  Minor  on  historic  and  racial 
grounds,  Italy's  special  title  to  these  regions 
is  quite  frankly  based  upon  the  vital  poli- 
tical and  commercial  importance  to  her  of 
the  Eastern  Mediterranean.  What  Italy  im- 
peratively needs  is  a  free  field  for  economic 
expansion  and  for  the  colonization  of  her 
emigrants,  who  would  find  in  Asia  Minor  a 
region  admirably  adapted  for  the  exercise  of 
their  abilities  as  agriculturists,  manufactur- 
ers and  traders. 

Italy,  it  must  be  remembered,  has  an  ex- 
cess of  300,000  births  over  deaths  annually, 
and  for  this  surplus  population  an  outlet  of 
some  sort  must  be  found.  Though  industry 
in  Italy,  which  has  advanced  by  leaps  and 
bounds,  is  making  ever  increasing  demands 
on  labor,  the  demand  is  still  far  from  equal- 
ling the  supply.  Italy  has  an  excess  of  labor 
and  this  huge  labor  reserve  must  be  taken 
care  of  by  emigration,  if  possible  to  lands 
over  which  flics  the  Italian  flag.  Though 
Italian  expansionists  may  be  expected  to  pro- 
test at  any  scheme  which  would  apportion  to 
Italy  so  small  a  share  of  Asia  Minor  as  the 
Adalia  district,  the  distribution  would  not  be 
as  unequal  as  it  at  first  sight  appears,  for, 
in  addition  to  her  territorial  demands  in  Eu- 
rope, Italy  has  put  forward  claims  to  an  en- 
largement of  her  African  colony  of  Libya,  to 


the  cession  to  her,  by  France  of  the  colony  and 
seaport  of  Djibuti,  which,  as  the  terminus 
of  the  Ethiopian  Railway,  is  the  trade  gate- 
way to  Abyssinia,  and  to  the  group  of  twelve 
islands  off  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor  known 
as  the  Dodecanesus. 

What  Shall  Be  Done  With  Syria? 

Of  the  countless  problems  arising  from 
the  reconstitution  of  Western  Asia,  that  per- 
taining to  the  final  disposition  of  Syria  is 
perhaps  the  most  perplexing.  Until  very  re- 
cently it  has  been  understood  that  to  France 
would  be  allotted  the  vilayet  of  Adana,  in 
which  are  the  cities  of  Adana  and  Alexan- 
dretta— the  latter  of  great  commercial  im- 
portance as  being  the  terminus  of  a  line  con- 
necting with  the  Bagdad  Railway — and  the 
whole  of  Syria  except  Palestine.  France  has 
strong  historic  and  economic  claims  upon  this 
region.  King  Philip  of  France  led  the  Third 
Crusade  to  the  Holy  Land  and,  after  a  long 
siege,  captured  St.  Jean  d'Acre.  The  Sixth 
Crusade  was  led  by  another  French  sovereign, 
Louis  XI.  In  1789  Napoleon,  in  his  at- 
tempt to  conquer  Asia,  marched  from  Egypt 
up  the  coast  as  far  as  Esdraelon,  but  was 
forced  back  the  year  following.  In  1860 
another  French  army,  disembarking  at  Bei- 
rut, liberated  the  Christians  of  the  Lebanon, 
secured  for  them  under  European  guarantees 
a  separate  administration  with  a  governor  of 
their  own  faith,  and  laid  to  Damascus  the 
first  good  road  Syria  had  known  since  the 
departure  of  the  Romans. 

Recent  developments  suggest,  however, 
that  if  Syria  is  divided  at  all,  which  now 
seems  unlikely,  Palestine  will  either  be  inter- 
nationalized or  erected  into  an  autonomous 
Hebrew  state ;  Northern  Syria,  including  the 
immensely  important  city  of  Aleppo,  will  be 
incorporated  in  the  British  sphere;  and  to 
the  King  of  the  Hedjaz  will  be  assigned 
Damascus  and  the  Hauran,  of  which  he  has 
already  assumed  possession;  France's  share 
being  limited  to  the  littoral,  with  the  ports 
of  Beirut  and  Tripoli,  and  the  Sanjak  of 
Lebanon. 

Such  an  arrangement  bristles  with  difficul- 
ties and  dangers,  however,  for  the  different 
parts  of  Syria  are  economically  interdepend- 
ent. The  fertile  plains  of  the  Hauran,  for 
example,  have,  from  time  immemorial,  been 
the  granary  for  the  mountaineers  of  Leba- 
non and  the  peoples  along  the  coast.  Arbi- 
trarily to  divorce  the  Hauran  from  Western 
Syria  would  result  in  cutting  off  the  food 
supply  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  latter  region 


THE    NEW   MAP    OF    ASIA 


407 


and,  in  the  opinion  of  those  who  know  Syria, 
would  deal  a  death  blow  to  Syrian  national 
life  and  hinder  the  development  of  the  new- 
ly liberated  land. 

The  total  area  embraced  in  France's  claims 
in  Adana  and  Syria  is  somewhat  larger  than 
that  of  California.  It  is,  moreover,  by  far 
the  most  desirable  territory  in  Western  Asia, 
having  two  fine  harbors,  a  moderately  good 
railway  system,  roads  which  are  considered 
excellent  in  Turkey,  immense  forests  on  the 
slopes  of  the  Lebanon  (it  was  with  cedar 
from  Lebanon  that  Solomon's  temple  was 
built),  rich  but  undeveloped  mineral  de- 
posits in  the  Anti-Lebanon,  vast  wheat-fields 
in  the  Hauran,  a  soil  in  which  will  flourish 
almost  every  product  of  the  temperate  and 
sub-tropic  zones,  and  a  most  delightful  all- 
the-year-round  climate. 

France  has  long  been  the  favorite  Euro- 
pean power  of  the  Syrians.  Many  of  the  con- 
cessions in  the  country  were  formerly  held  by 
French  companies ;  millions  of  French  capital 
are  invested  there.  France  has  built  harbor- 
works  and  railways  and  schools,  and  among 
the  better  classes  French  is  the  general  lan- 
guage of  conversation. 

The  Hebrew  State   of  Palestine 

Since  Lord  Robert  Cecil,  in  his  speech  of 
December  2,  1917,  solemnly  declared  Pales- 
tine for  the  Jews,  it  has  been  assumed  that  a 
portion  of  the  ancient  Kingdom  of  Judea 
would  be  erected  into  an  autonomous  state, 
though  under  European  or  American  pro- 
tection, with  Jerusalem  as  its  capital.  But 
just  how  much,  or  how  little  of  Palestine 
will  be  allotted  to  the  Jews,  there  is  no  tell- 
ing. Though  the  modern  subdivisions  of 
Turkey  do  not  afford  a  boundary  by  which 
Palestine  can  be  separated  exactly  from  the 
rest  of  Syria  in  the  north,  from  the  Desert 
of  Sinai  in  the  south,  or  the  Arabian  Desert 
in  the  east,  Palestine  may  be  said  generally 
to  denote  the  southern  third  of  the  province 
of  Syria — a  region  about  140  miles  long, 
from  twenty-five  to  eighty  miles  in  width, 
in  area  about  one-sixth  the  size  of  England. 

It  is  very  doubtful,  however,  if  any  He- 
brew state  which  may  be  formed  will  in- 
clude the  whole  of  Palestine,  for  England 
has  quite  frankly  announced  that  she  in- 
tends to  retain  possession  of  the  ports  of 
Acre  and  Haifa,  the  latter  being  of  great 
commercial  importance  because  of  the  exten- 
sive harbor-works  built  by^  the  Germans  and 
because  it  is  the  terminus  of  a  railway  which, 
running   through    Samaria   and    crossing   the 


Jordan,  connects  at  Der'at  with  the  Damas- 
cus-Medina system. 

Rich  Lands  of  Mesopotamia  and  Babylonia 

To  England  also  falls,  by  right  of  con- 
quest, the  least  known  and  potentially  the 
richest  of  all  these  Asian  lands — Mesopo- 
tamia-Babylonia. Mesopotamia,  in  the  wid- 
est sense,  means  all  the  country  between  the 
Tigris  and  Euphrates  rivers  from  Armenia 
to  the  Persian  Gulf ;  in  a  narrower  and  more 
proper  usage,  the  northern  part  of  this  re- 
gion, called  to-day  by  the  Arab  name.  El 
Jezirah  ("the  island  peninsula"),  the 
southern  portion,  known  to  the  natives  as 
Irak  Arabi,  corresponding  to  ancient  Baby- 
lonia. This  Mesopotamian  region  has  al- 
most unlimited  agricultural  possibilities. 
Though  it  is  to-day  the  most  sparsely  popu- 
lated part  of  the  Turkish  Empire,  it  was  in 
ancient  times  the  most  densely  inhabited  part 
of  the  world.  According  to  the  figures  of 
Herodotus,  Babylon  covered  an  area  five 
times  that  of  Paris.  After  the  destruction 
of  the  city  it  became  a  quarry,  Seleucia  and 
Ctesiphon  being  built  with  its  stones.  The 
former  town  had,  in  Pliny's  time,  600,000 
inhabitants  and  Ctesiphon  must  have  been 
nearly  as  large.  As  late  as  the  eleventh  cen- 
tury Bagdad,  then  the  capital  of  the  gigan- 
tic Arab  Empire,  had  more  inhabitants  than 
has  Chicago. 

There  is  no  reason  why  a  land  which  once 
supported  such  an  enormous  population  can- 
not be  made,  with  the  aid  of  modern  science, 
to  do  so  again.  The  carrying  out  of  Sir 
William  Willcocks'  plans  for  the  irrigation 
of  the  Tigris-Euphrates  delta  will  recon- 
vert Mesopotamia  and  Babylonia  into  such 
another  garden  as  the  Imperial  Valley  of 
California — perhaps  the  most  striking  «x- 
ample  in  the  world  of  the  miracles  that  can 
be  performed  by  water. 

India  to   Constantinople  by  Rail 

Not  alone  IVIesopotamia,  but  southern 
Persia  as  well,  must  come  under  the  influence 
of  England,  thus  forging  the  final  links  in 
an  all-British  road  from  Egypt  to  India. 
The  day  is,  I  am  convinced,  not  nearly  as 
far  distant  as  most  people  suppose  when  two 
transcontinental  railways,  the  one  from 
China  and  India,  the  other  from  the  Cape, 
will  meet  near  Aleppo,  and,  passing  through 
the  famous  old  Cilician  Gates,  approach  a 
Constantinople  which  i^icithcr  Turkish  nor 
Teutonic,  but  a  free  city  under  the  protec- 
tion of  the  Stars  and  Stripes. 


406 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


The  New  Arabian   Nation 

Of  all  the  changes  wrought  by  the  war, 
none  is  more  striking  or  more  significant  than 
the  vast  Arab  Empire  which  it  is  proposed 
to  establish  under  the  rulership  of  the  King 
of  the  Hedjaz.  From  present  indications,  it 
is  to  be  assumed  that  this  great  new  nation, 
which  will  have  an  area  four  times  that  of 
Texas,  will  include  the  whole  of  the  south- 
western peninsula  of  Asia,  as  far  north  as 
Damascus,  which  is  already  occupied  by 
Arab  troops. 

The  present  provinces  of  Arabia  are :  ( 1 ) 
Al  Tih,  which  corresponds  to  the  peninsula 
of  Sinai;  (2)  the  Hedjaz,  in  which  are  the 
Holy  Cities  of  Mecca  and  Medina  and  their 
ports,  Jiddah  and  Yambo;  (3)  Asir,  the 
alpland  south  of  the  Hedjaz;  (4)  Yemen, 
the  southwest  corner  of  the  peninsula,  long 
famous  for  its  Mocha  coffee,  which  is  ex- 
ported through  the  port  of  Hodeidah ;  (5) 
Hadramaut,  which  borders  on  the  Indian 
Ocean;  (6)  Mahra  and  Shilu,  the  incense 
country  lying  further  to  the  east;  (7)  Oman, 
a  semi-independent  sultanate  of  which  Mas- 
kat  is  the  capital;  (8)  Hasa;  (9)  Bahrian, 
a  group  of  eight  islands  in  the  Persian  Gulf, 
famous  for  their  pearl-fisheries;  (10)  Dah- 
na,  the  great  territory  lying  between  Hadra- 
maut, Oman  and  Nejd;  (11)  Nejd,a  desert 
province  in  the  interior;  (12)  Nufud,  the 
desert  north  of  Jebel  Shammar ;  and  (13) 
the  Hammad,  which  includes  the  deserts  of 
Syria,  Mesopotamia  and  Babylonia. 

To  give  you  some  idea  of  the  size  of  this 
proposed  Arab  state,  I  might  mention  that  in 
length  it  is  equivalent  to  the  distance  from 
New  York  to  Kansas  City ;  its  breadth,  from 
the  Red  Sea  to  the  Arabian  Sea,  is  as  far  as 
from  San  Antonio  to  St.  Paul. 

The  King  of  the  Hedjaz  Gets  His  Reward 

Though  the  erection  of  this  Arab  Empire 
arouses  no  enthusiasm  in  France,  because  it 
threatens  her  territorial  ambitions  in  Syria, 
she  cannot  well  interpose  any  objections,  for 
it  is  in  the  nature  of  a  reward  to  the  King 
of  the  Hedjaz,  who  will  be  its  first  ruler, 
for  the  invaluable,  though  little  advertised, 
services  which  he  rendered  to  the  Allied 
cause.  It  was  he  alone  who  foiled  the 
Kaiser's  scheme  for  loosing  the  fanatic  mil- 
lions of  Islam  in  a  Holy  War,  and  it  was 
his  Arab  armies,  led  hv  his  son,  Feisul,  whose 
able  cooperation  was  largely  responsible  for 
the  British  victories  in  Mesopotamia  and 
Palestine.     There  was  no  more  brilliant  coup 


in  the  entire  w^ar  than  that  which  won  for 
the  Allies  the  friendship  and  assistance  of 
this  unknown  but  powerful  Arab  chieftain. 

William  Hohenzollern's  thirteenth  trump, 
which  he  always  intended  to  play  at  the 
critical  moment  in  the  World  War,  was  the 
proclamation,  through  the  medium  of  his 
allies,  the  Young  Turks,  of  a  Jehad,  or  Holy 
War,  the  launching  of  which  would  inevi- 
tably have  resulted  in  disturbances  of  the 
gravest  character  in  all  the  Mohammedan 
countries  under  European  rule.  Now  a  Je- 
had cannot  be  proclaimed,  as  is  popularly 
supposed,  by  the  Sultan  of  Turkey.  The 
only  person  who  possesses  such  authority  is 
the  Grand  Sherif  of  Mecca,  the  descendant 
of  the  Prophet  and  the  head  of  the  Moslem 
religion.  In  his  possession  is  the  Holy  City 
of  Mecca,  the  birthplace  of  Mohammed  and 
the  site  of  the  Kaaba,  in  whose  direction  200,- 
000,000  Moslems  daily  turn  their  faces  in 
prayer. 

The  hope  of  Germany  and  her  allies  was 
to  obtain  the  declaration  of  a  Holy  War, 
which  would  have  compelled  every  Moslem, 
in  every  part  of  the  world,  to  fight  for  his 
religion.  How  real  and  how  terrible  was 
this  menace  was  known  to  every  European 
official  and  missionary  from  Morocco  to  Ma- 
laysia. Late  in  1916  Enver  Pasha,  the  Turk- 
ish Minister  of  War,  acting  under  orders 
from  Berlin,  made  the  long  journey  to  the 
Holy  City  for  the  purpose  of  inducing  the 
Grand  Sherjf  to  unfurl  the  Green  Flag  and 
summon  the  followers  of  the  Prophet  to 
arms,  which,  it  was  confidently  expected,  he 
would  consent  to  do.  Just  how  the  secret 
agents  of  England  learned  of  the  reasons  for 
Enver's  sudden  pilgrimage  and  just  what 
steps  they  took  to  counteract  his  plans,  will 
perhaps  never  be  disclosed.  The  fact  re- 
mains, however,  that  the  British  arguments 
were  potent  and  that  Enver's  pleadings  fell 
on  deaf  ears,  the  Grand  Sherif  not  only 
bluntly  refusing  to  proclaim  a  Jehad  but  as- 
tounding the  Kaiser's  emissary,  as  well  as 
all  Islam,  by  declaring  the  independence  of 
the  Hedjaz  with  himself  as  its  ruler. 

The  greatest  blow  which  Turkey  could 
have  received  was  this  refusal,  for  it  both 
ended  her  hopes  of  securing  allies  among  the 
Moslems  of  India  and  North  Africa  and  it 
destroyed  the  fanaticism  which  is  so  essential 
to  the  fighting  Turk.  From  that  moment 
dated  the  deterioration  of  the  Turkish  sol- 
dier, who  now  realized  for  the  first  time  that 
he  was  fighting  in  a  cause  of  which  the  head 
of  his  religion  did  not  approve. 


PLANNING  RED  CROSS  WORK 
FOR  TIMES  OF  PEACE 

BY  LIVINGSTON  FARRAND 

(Chairman  of  the  Central  Committee  of  the  American  Red  Cross) 


THE  Red  Cross  has  done  a  great  work 
and  done  it  magnificently.  The  whole 
world  recognizes  its  success.  But  that  work 
fades  into  insignificance  when  compared 
with  the  possibilities  which  lie  ahead.  The 
war  Was  fought  to  make  the  world  a  fitter 
place  in  which  to  live.  We  all  realize  now, 
and  we  knew  before  the  war,  that  the  world, 
even  in  peace  times,  does  not  present  ideal  or 
even  very  good  living  conditions.  The  stim- 
ulus of  the  war  created  everywhere  a  desire 
to  serve,  and  in  many  ways  the  Red  Cross 
made  that  desire  effective.  The  impetus  of 
the  great  task  now  being  completed  is  carry- 
ing us  on  to  the  solution  of  these  problems. 
With  the  strong  spirit  of  service  abroad  in 
the  land,  and  with  the  machinery  of  the  Red 
Cross  organization  at  its  present  pitch  of 
power  and  efficiency,  there  is  perhaps  a  bet- 
ter chance  than  ever  before  in  the  world  to 
raise  the  average  of  human  well-being.  That 
is  why  the  work  that  lies  ahead  of  the  Red 
Cross  is  greater  and  more  fundamentally  im- 
portant than  the  work  that  lies  behind. 

It  is  difficult,  even  impossible,  to  say  at 
this  time  what  the  details  of  our  peace  activi- 
ties will  be.  Our  efforts  are  still  deeply  en- 
grossed in  the  after-the-war  emergency.  The 
far-reaching  program  of  service  built  up  dur- 
ing the  last  two  years  for  our  own  soldiers 
and  sailors  and  their  families  and  for  the  war- 
stricken  people  of  our  allies  cannot  be 
abruptly  abandoned.  Our  army  is  still  in 
Europe.  Though  France,  Italy,  and  Bel- 
gium are  rapidly  taking  over  the  relief  work 
within  their  own  borders,  this  transfer  must 
be  made  carefully  to  insure  a  permanent  re- 
sult. Within  the  last  few  months  emer- 
gency calls  have  come  from  Poland,  the  Bal- 
kans, Russia,  and  Palestine. 

In  the  United  States  itself,  service  to  the 
returning  troops  (both  whole  and  disabled) 
and  to  their  families  must  continue.  Here 
and  abroad  many  problems  and  distresses  re- 
sulting directly  from  the  war  remain  to  be 
dealt  with.     Last  November  it  was  expected 


that  the  funds  already  in  hand  would  be  suf- 
ficient to  carry  the  work  abroad  to  a  success- 
ful conclusion.  .This  expectation  cannot  be 
realized.  In  spite  of  the  most  rigid  economy 
and  careful  distribution,  the  appropriations 
for  relief  in  Europe  for  the  first  two 
months  of  1919  were  the  largest  ever  made  by 
the  War  Council.  A  further  appeal  for 
funds  will  not  be  made  until  the  last  possible 
moment,  but  it  is  highly  probable  that  such 
action  will  be  necessary  before  the  year  is 
out.  The  war  task  of  the  Red  Cross  is  not 
finished  and,  for  a  short  time  at  least,  it  will 
demand  our  chief  energies. 

Meantime,  the  future  is  taking  on  definite 
shape. 

Nearly  all  problems  of  distress  reduce 
themselves  largely  to  terms  of  the  physical 
condition  of  the  people.  In  America  600,000 
men  in  the  prime  of  life  were  rejected  in  the 
Army  draft  because  of  preventable  minor  ail- 
ments. Last  year  150,000  people  died  of 
tuberculosis,  a  curable  and  preventable  dis- 
ease. One-tenth  of  our  babies  die  before 
they  reach  the  age  of  one  year.  Thousands 
of  men,  women,  and  children  in  America  are 
suffering  the  bitter  limitations  of  avoidable 
ill  health.  Such  waste  of  human  power 
should  no  longer  be  tolerated.  The  Red 
Cross  has  definitely  entered  the  field  to  pro- 
tect our  public  health.  The  campaign  will 
be  carried  on  through  Chapter  Committees 
on  Nursing  Activities.  In  this  work  the 
Red  Cross  does  not  desire  to  usurp  the  field 
of  any  existing  organization.  Where  public 
health  or  nursing  organizations  exist,  the 
local  Red  Cross  will  seek  to  cooperate  with 
them  to  the  full  extent  of  its  resources. 

The  Red  Cross  will  follow  three  main  lines 
of  attack  in  the  battle  against  disease.  To 
establish  public  nursing  service  in  each  com- 
munity will  be  the  first  aim.  A  public  nurse 
is  a  gilt-edge  investment  in  good  health.  Her 
duties  are  too  various  to  describe.  Among 
them  are  pre-natal  care,  hourly  nursing,  child 
care,   industrial  nursing.     She  keeps  a  wary 

409 


410 


THE    AMERICAN    REFIEfV    OF   REVIEWS 


eye  on  sanitation.  She  is  ready  for  all  emer- 
gency calls.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  she  is  the 
guardian  of  the  public  well-being.  Where 
the  community  cannot  install  such  a  nurse, 
the  Red  Cross  chapters  will  be  urged  to  do 
so,  as  a  demonstration,  until  the  State  or 
municipality  will  assume  the  responsibility. 
Because  the  number  of  women  fitted  for  this 
work  falls  far  below  the  need,  the  Red  Cross 
has  appropriated  $100,000  for  scholarships  to 
encourage  graduate  nurses  to  take  the  neces- 
sary extra  training  in  social  work. 

Ill-health  and  lowered  vitality  are  most 
often  directly  due  to  disregard  of  the  sim- 
plest rules  of  hygiene  and  right  living.  Fam- 
ily health  is  in  the  hands  of  the  housekeepers. 
The  Red  Cross  will  try  to  bring  to  all  Amer- 
ican women  the  saving  knowledge  of  the 
principles  of  diet,  sanitation,  and  home  nurs- 
ing. These  courses  are  short  and  simple  and 
easily  adapted  to  the  especial  needs  of  the 
student — whether  she  be  business  woman, 
factory  worker  or  housekeeper. 

The  study  of  first-aid  will  also  be  pro- 
moted. Although  administered  by  the  De- 
partment of  Military  Relief  instead  of  the 
Department  of  Nursing,  this  work  is  an  in- 
tegral part  of  the  fight  for  physical  fitness. 

The  influenza  epidemic,  the  horror  of 
which  is  still  fresh  in  our  memories,  empha- 
sized the  necessity  of  permanent  preparation 
for  such  disasters.  Many  communities  suf- 
fered heavy  loss  because  available  medical  re- 
sources were  not  known.  In  others  the 
prompt  location  of  nurses  and  doctors  saved 
the  day.  To  guard  against  future  emergency, 
each  Red  Cross  chapter  will  keep  on  record 
as  complete  a  list  as  possible  of  the  nurses  and 
women  with  nursing  experience  in  its  district. 

No  pledge  of  service  is  implied  by  registra- 
tion in  this  nursing  survey ;  but  in  addition 
to  this  the  chapters  will  continue  to  enroll 
Red  Cross  nurses  to  insure  an  adequate  re- 
serve for  the  American  Army  and  Navy.    • 

In  the  field  of  Home  Service  the  Red  Cross 
will  continue  to  aid  our  fighting  men  and 
their  families  until  the  army  is  demobilized 
and  after  that  to  assist  them  in  the  inevitable 
period  of  readjustment.  The  after  care  of 
disabled  men  will  be  important  for  some  time 
to  come.  Home  Service  Sections  have  re- 
cently received  permission  to  care  for  fami- 
lies, unconnected  with  the  Army  or  Navy, 
whose  distress  is  a  direct  result  of  influenza. 
In  the  future  they  will  be  able  to  undertake 
general  social  welfare  in  many  communities 
where  there  are  no  other  agents  for  this  relief. 

Chapters  st?ill  have  large  stocks  of  material 


on  hand  which  they  are  urged  to  make  up 
into  sewed  and  knitted  garments  to  help  meet 
the  tremendous  need  for  clothing  in  Europe. 
The  commission  to  Europe  has  asked  that  for 
the  time  being  they  receive  shipments  of 
1,000,000  garments  a  month.  We  cannot 
tell  how  long  it  will  be  wise  to  continue  pro- 
duction in  the  chapter  workrooms.  We  know 
that  at  present  the  need  is  literally  unlimited. 

As  always,  the  Red  Cross  will  be  organized 
to  relieve  disaster.  For  this  purpose  emer- 
gency supplies  will  be  collected  at  central 
points,  available  for  immediate  use. 

Ten  million  school  children  have  served 
the  Red  Cross  in  ways  as  valuable  as  they 
were  innumerable.  They  will  continue  their 
active  membership  in  the  future.  The  exact 
form  of  service  that  will  be  asked  of  them  is 
not  yet  formulated.  They  can  be  assured, 
however,  that  their  future  part  wilj  not  be 
unworthy  of  their  past. 

The  development  of  the  American  Red 
Cross  during  the  war  has  awakened  the 
world  to  the  possibilities  of  this  type  of  or- 
ganization. Thirty  days  after  the  declara- 
tion of  peace  a  convention  of  all  Red  Cross 
societies  will  meet  in  Geneva.  A  committee 
representing  the  societies  of  America,  Eng- 
land, France,  Japan,  and  Italy  is  formulating, 
with  the  aid  of  experts,  the  program  to  be 
presented  for  their  consideration.  This  will 
include  campaigns  against  tuberculosis,  ma- 
laria, and  other  preventable  diseases,  the  pro- 
motion of  child  welfare,  and  all  other  peace- 
time activities  in  which  the  Red  Cross  can 
effectively  engage.  It  is  hoped  that  an  inter- 
national organization  may  be  established  in 
Geneva,  to  act  as  a  clearing  house  for  the 
national  societies.  It  would  distribute  in- 
formation and  advice  on  new  experiments, 
suggest  activities,  and  stimulate  development 
as  opportunity  arose.  A  strong  Red  Cross 
organization  in  each  country  would  do  much 
to  cleanse  the  world  and  prevent  disease  and 
suffering  from  reaching  the  crushing  propor- 
tions to  which  they  have  grown. 

The  Red  Cross  is  going  out  to  deal  with 
fundamental  problems  ^of  living,  not  simply 
results  of  the  temporary  disorganizations  of 
affairs.  The  present  organization  ha:s  been 
tempered  in  the  stress  of  world  struggle.  It 
has  accomplished  impossibilities  under  terrific 
strain.  In  the  -hands  of  the  American  people 
it  is  a  tried  and  powerful  tool  for  human  bet- 
terment. Not  to  use  it  would  be  unpardon- 
able. There  is  no  organization  that  has  ever 
dreamed  of  being  able  to  accomplish  the 
things  now  at  the  door  of  the  Red  Cross. 


OUR  AGRICULTURAL 
RESOURCES 

BY  MEADE  FERGUSON 

(Editor  of  the  Southern  Planter) 


WE  believe  the  ultimate  limit  of 
this  nation's  greatness  will  be  meas- 
ured by  the  capacity  of  its  lands  to  produce 
food  for  an  ever-increasing  population.  With 
our  territorial  limits  fixed,  and  the  population 
increasing  at  the  rate  of  about  2,000,000 
souls  annually,  the  rapid  depletion  of  plant 
food  in  our  arable  soil  is  of  grave  concern. 

The  development  of  our  other  resources, 
the  big  business  of  our  cities  and  industries, 
all  depend  upon  the  foodstuffs  which  must 
come  from  the  soil. 

We  are  proud  of  the  fact  that  we  were 
able  to  produce  the  food  which  was  the 
great  factor  in  winning  the  war ;  and  we  are 
going  to  furnish  the  20,000,000  tons  of  food 
necessary  to  save  the  people  of  Europe  from 
starving.  But  how  many  of  our  people  real- 
ize that  if  this  great  exportation  of  food- 
stuffs continues  for  many  years  longer  we 
will  be  agriculturally  bankrupt? 

We  are  told  by  Government  officials  that 
if  we  include  all  the  land  that  may  be  irri- 
gated, and  all  the  land  in  the  South  that  some 
day  may  be  drained,  we  have  less  than  750,- 
000  square  miles  of  additional  land  for  agri- 
cultural purposes.  Last  year  alone  35,000 
square  miles  of  that  land  was  taken  up,  so 
it  will  be  only  a  short  time  until  all  the  land 
is  brought  under  the  plow.  There  are  mil- 
lions of  acres  in  the  East  and  South  w^hich 
have  already  been  exhausted  by  continuous 
cropping.  These  lands  can  be  restored  to 
productivity  only  at  great  expense  for  com- 
mercial fertilizers  and  labor,  and  by  pains- 
taking management.  Areas  depleted  of  agri- 
cultural resources  will  more  than  offset  new 
lands   which    are   brought   under   cultivition. 

The  Chemical  Food  of  Plants 

By  agricultural  resources,  \\q  mean  chemi- 
cal elements  which  are  in  the  soil  in  avail- 
able form  for  the  normal  growth  and  devel- 
opment of  plants.  These  elements  are  nitro- 
gen, potassium,  phosphorus,  magnesium,  sul- 
phur, sodium,  iron,  chlorin,  silicon,  and  cal- 


cium. Besides  these  elements,  others  are  of- 
ten found.  There  are  many  plants  which 
grow  to  maturity  without  sodium,  silicon, 
and  chlorin ;  but  all  the  other  elements  named 
must  be  present  for  normal  growth.  Carbon, 
hydrogen,  and  oxygen  are  also  found  in 
plants,  but  these  elements  are  obtained  from 
air  and  moisture. 

The  number  of  soil  constituents  liable  to 
rapid  exhaustion  is  limited  in  many  cases 
to  three,  and  at  most  four,  which  are  nitro- 
gen, phosphoric  acid  (phosphorus),  potash 
(potassium),  and  lime  (calcium),  the  latter 
only  in  exceptional  cases.  The  reason  why 
these  are  liable  to  be  exhausted  is  that  they 
exist  in  larger  amounts  than  the  others  in 
the  plants  that  are  grown  and  in  smaller 
amounts  than  the  others  in  even  the  most 
fertile  soils. 

Our  best  soils  originally  contained  large 
quantities  of  the  three  most  important  plant 
food  constituents — nitrogen,  phosphoric  acid, 
and  potash — which  form  the  basis  of  all  com- 
mercial fertilizers;  but  continuous  cropping 
has  mined  our  soils  of  these  valuable  re- 
sources. From  a  yield  of  40  bushels  of 
wheat  to  the  acre  in  the  virgin  soil  in  our 
great  wheat-growing  districts,  the  average 
has  dropped  to  15  bushels  for  the  nation  and 
below  10  bushels  in  some  of  the  States. 
These  conditions,  if  they  continue,  must  prove 
disastrous. 

I  low    Tobacco  Robs  the  Soil 

Much  of  the  exhausted  soil  in  the  East 
and  South  is  due  to  the  production  of  tobacco. 
At  the  present  prices  of  fertilizer  to  fanners, 
one  t(Hi  of  tobacco  takes  from  tht*  soil  and 
carries  with  it  $150  worth  of  nitrogen, 
phosphoric  acid,  and  potash.  Not  many 
years  ago  a  ton  of  tobacco  did  not  bring  to 
the  grower  as  much  monc)  as  the  actual 
plant  food  taken  out  of  the  soil  would  cost 
him  to-day  in  commercial  fertilizer. 

Our  annual  exports  of  tobacco  average 
around  450,000,000  pounds  or  225,000  tons,^ 

411 


412 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


representing  $33,750,000  worth  of  plant  food 
taken  out  of  the  country.  Yet  we  grow  more 
tobacco  than  all  the  other  nations  combined. 

A  bushel  of  wheat  exported  carries  with  it 
60  cents'  worth  of  plant  food,  which  is  lost 
to  us.  A  million  bushels  exported  take  from 
us  $600,000  worth  of  plant  food. 

A  ton  of  cottonseed  meal  carries  with  it 
$81  worth  of  plant  food.  In  1913  we 
shipped  to  European  countries  564,000  tons, 
for  which  we  received  $15,225,798.  It 
would  cost  the  farmers  in  this  country  to- 
day over  $45,000,000  to  buy  the  plant  food 
they  sent  to  Europe  that  year  in  cottonseed 
meal. 

A  ton  of  linseed  meal  contains  $66  worth 
of  plant  food.  In  1913  we  exported  419,- 
000  tons,  which  contained  over  $27,000,000 
worth  of  plant  food  at  the  present  prices. 
We  received  that  year  for  the  linseed  meal 
exported  $12,982,423. 

So  it  goes  through  the  whole  list  of  farm 
crops.  We  are  exporting  great  quantities  of 
these  products,  which  are  most  exhaustive  to 
the  soil,  while  we  import  practically  noth- 
ing that  contains  the  important  elements  of 
plant  food. 

Germatiy  and  the  Sugar  Beet 

Many  years  ago  the  nations  of  Europe 
realized  that  they  were  facing  a  catastrophe 
from  soil  exhaustion,  and  they  began  to  take 
steps  to  avoid  it.  Germany  in  particular  set 
about  it  in  painstaking,  methodical  manner. 
Her  economists  pointed  out  the  great  advan- 
tage to  be  obtained  by  importing  raw  mate- 
rials and  foodstuffs  which  are  rich  in  plant 
food  and  by  exporting  finished  products  and 
manufactured  articles  such  as  chemicals,  dye- 
stuffs,  toys,  and  also  products  of  the  soil 
which  contain  little  or  no  plant  food.  This 
is  particularly  noticeable  in  the  great  efforts 
which  were  made  in  that  country  to  develop 
the  sugar-beet  industry.  Sugar  beets  require 
a  fertile  soil  for  best  development ;  but  the 
sugar,  the  refined  product,  is  composed  of  car- 
bon, hydrogen,  and  oxygen,  which  elements 
have  no  commercial  value  as  plant  food. 
'J  herefore,  if  the  pulp  and  leaves  are  re- 
turned to  the  land,  or  i^A  to  animals  and 
returned  as  manure,  the  soil  never  becomes 
depleted. 

Some  twenty  years  ago  a  professor  in  the 
University  of  (loettingen,  lecturing  to  stu- 
dents on  the  subject  of  agricultural  econom- 
ics, made  the  following  statement: 


In  every  million  bushels  of  wheat  we  purchase 
from  America,  there  are  1,575,000  pounds  of  plant 
food  (nitrogen,  phosphoric  acid,  and  potash), 
which  is  worth  25  per  cent,  of  the  price  we  pay 
for  the  wheat.  In  the  20,000,000  pounds  of  sugar 
that  we  sell  to  pay  for  this  wheat,  there  is  not 
one  pfennig's  worth  of  plant  food.  The  govern- 
ment is  therefore  justified  in  paying  a  bounty  on 
all  sugar  exported,  because  in  fostering  and  in- 
creasing the  sugar  industry  more  than  one  pur- 
pose is  accomplished.  Not  only  are  the  agricul- 
tural resources  of  Germany  built  up  and  the 
development  of  the  sugar  beet  industry  of  the 
United  States  discouraged  and  prevented,  but  if 
the  time  comes  when  Germany  will  be  compelled 
to  produce  her  own  breadstuffs  our  rich  sugar 
beet  lands  will  be   ready. 

Thus  it  was  before  the  war;  when  the 
vast  areas  of  sugar-beet  lands  in  our  country 
were  being  depleted  of  their  fertility  by  pro- 
ducing grain  crops  we  were  buying  annually 
from  other  countries  four  to  five  billion 
pounds  of  sugar. 

Agi'iculture    and   Statesmanship 

The  time  has  come  when  this  nation,  like 
the  older  countries  of  Europe,  must  prepare 
to  check  the  drain  on  its  agricultural  re- 
sources and  conserve  them  for  use  at  home. 
Statesmen  who  have  charge  of  legislation  in 
the  future  should  bear  in  mind  that  in  sup- 
plying the  world  with  raw  materials,  espe- 
cially the  products  of  the  farm,  we  are  draw- 
ing on  our  crop-producing  resources  to  an 
alarming  degree ;  and  that  unless  the  prices 
obtained  for  these  products  are  sufficient  to 
cover  the  total  cost  of  production — enabling 
the  farmers  to  have  a  profit  after  replacing, 
with  commercial  fertilizers,  the  plant  food 
taken  from  the  soil — we  will  ultimately  be 
poorer  instead  of  richer,  and  in  a  short  time 
will  be  in  a  position  similar  to  that  of  the 
countries  of  Europe  fifty  years  ago. 

Industries  in  this  country  could  be  so 
shaped  by  legislation  that  consumption  would 
more  nearly  equal  our  food  production.  In- 
stead of  sending  such  enormous  quantities  of 
raw  materials  abroad  they  should  be  worked 
up  at  home  and  the  finished  products  ex- 
ported. With  our  wonderful  natural  re- 
sources, other  than  agricultural,  we  can  eas- 
ily lead  all  nations  in  manufacturing.  We 
should  compete  with  Elurope  in  drawin;^ 
raw  products  from  the  undeveloped  coun- 
tries of  South  America,  and  thus  preserve 
and  increase  our  agricultural  resources  so 
that  there  will  be  food  for  future  gen- 
erations. 


PROPOSED  COVENANT  OF  THE 
LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS 

Text  of  the  Draft  as  Reported  to  the  Peace  Conference  on 

February  14,  1919 


COVENANT 

Preamble — In  drder  to  promote  international 
cooperation  and  to  secure  international  peace  and 
security  by  the  acceptance  of  obligations  not  to  re- 
sort to  ivar,  by  the  prescription  of  open,  just,  and 
honorable  relations  betiveen  nations,  by  the  firm 
establishment  of  the  understandings  of  interna- 
tional laiv  as  the  actual  rule  of  conduct  among 
Governments,  and  by  the  maintenance  of  justice 
and  a  scrupulous  respect  for  all  treaty  obliga- 
tions in  the  dealings  of  organized  peoples  nvith 
one  another,  the  Poiuers  signatory  to  this  cove- 
nant adopt  this  Constitution  of  the  League  of 
Nations : 

Article  I — The  action  of  the  high  contracting 
parties  under  the  terms  of  this  covenant  shall  be 
effected  through  the  instrumentality  of  a  meeting 
of  a  body  of  delegates  representing  the  high  con- 
tracting parties,  of  meetings  at  more  frequent 
intervals  of  an  Executive  Council,  and  of  a  per- 
manent international  secretariat  to  be  established 
at  the  seat  of  the  League. 

Article  II — Meetings  of  the  body  of  delegates 
shall  be  held  at  stated  intervals  and  from  time 
to  time,  as  occasion  may  require,  for  the  purpose 
of  dealing  with  matters  within  the  sphere  of 
action  of  the  League.  Meetings  of  the  body  of 
delegates  shall  be  held  at  the  seat  of  the  League, 
or  at  such  other  places  as  may  be  found  con- 
venient, and  shall  consist  of  representatives  of 
the  high  contracting  parties.  Each  of  the  high 
contracting  parties  shall  have  one  vote,  but  may 
have  not  more  than  three  representatives. 

Article  III — The  Executive  Council  shall  con- 
sist of  representatives  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  the  British  Empire,  France,  Italy,  and 
Japan,  together  with  representatives  of  four  other 
States,  members  of  the  League.  The  selection  of 
these  four  States  shall  be  made  by  the  body  of 
delegates  on- such  principles  and  in  such  manner 
as  they  think  fit.  Pending  the  appointment  of 
these  representatives  of  the  other  States,  repre- 
sentatives of  [blank  left  for  names]  shall  be  mem- 
bers of  the  Executive  Council. 

Meetings  of  the  Council  shall  be  held  from 
time  to  time  as  occasion  may  require,  and  at  least 
once  a  year,  at  whatever  place  may  be  decided  on, 
or,  failing  any  such  decision,  at  the  seat  of  the 
League,  and  any  matter  within  the  sphere  of 
action  of  the  League  or  affecting  the  peace  of  the 
world    may   be   dealt   with    at   such    meetings. 

Invitations  shall  be  sent  to  any  Power  to  at- 
tend a  meeting  of  the  council  at  which  such  mat- 


ters directly  affecting  its  interests  are  to  be  dis- 
cussed, and  no  decision  taken  at  any  meeting 
will  be  binding  on  such  Powers  unless  so  in- 
vited. 

Article  IV — All  matters  of  procedure  at  meet- 
ings of  the  body  of  delegates  or  the  Executive 
Council,  including  the  appointment  of  commit- 
tees to  investigate  particular  matters,  shall  be 
regulated  by  the  body  of  delegates  or  the  Execu- 
tive Council,  and  may  be  decided  by  a  majority 
of  the  States  represented  at  the  meeting. 

The  first  meeting  of  the  body  of  delegates  and 
of  the  Executive  Council  shall  be  summoned  by 
the  President  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

Article    V — The    permanent    secretariat    of    the 

League  shall   be  established   at  ,  which  shall 

constitute  the  seat  of  the  League.  The  secretariat 
shall  comprise  such  secretaries  and  staff  as  may 
be  required,  under  the  general  direction  and  con- 
trol of  a  Secretary  General  of  the  League,  who 
shall  be  chosen  by  the  Executive  Council.  The 
secretariat  shall  be  appointed  by  the  Secretary 
General  subject  to  confirmation  by  the  Executive 
Council. 

The  Secretary  General  shall  act  in  that  ca- 
pacity at  all  meetings  of  the  body  of  delegates  or 
of  the  Executive  Council. 

The  expenses  of  the  secretariat  shall  be  borne 
by  the  States  members  of  the  League,  in  accord- 
ance with  the  apportionment  of  the  expenses  of 
the  International  Bureau  of  the  Universal  Postal 
Union. 

Article  VI — Representatives  of  the  high  con- 
tracting parties  and  officials  of  the  League,  when 
engaged  in  the  business  of  the  League,  shall 
enjoy  diplomatic  privileges  and  immunities,  and 
the  buildings  occupied  by  the  League  or  its 
officials,  or  by  representatives  attending  its  meet- 
ings, shall  enjoy  the  benefits  of  extraterritoriality. 

Article  VII — Admission  to  the  League  of  States, 
not  signatories  to  the  covenant  and  not  named  in 
the  protocol  hereto  as  States  to  be  invited  to  ad- 
here to  the  covenant,  requires  the  assent  of  not 
less  than  two-thi^s  of  the  States  represented  in 
the  body  of  delegates,  and  shall  be  limited  to  fully 
self-governing  countries,  including  dominions  and 
colonies. 

No  State  shall  be  admitted  to  the  League  unless 
it  is  able  to  give  effective  guarantees  of  its  sincere 
intention  to  observe  its  international  obligations 
and  unless  it  shall  conform  to  such  principles  as 
may  be  prescribed  by  tlie  League  in  regard  to 
its  naval  and  military  forces  and  armaments. 

413 


414 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


Article  VIII — The  high  contracting  parties 
recognize  the  principle  that  the  maintenance  of 
peace  will  require  the  reduction  of  national  arma- 
ments to  the  lowest  point  consistent  with  national 
safety,  and  the  enforcement  by  common  action  of 
international  obligations,  having  special  regard 
to  the  geographical  situation  and  circumstances 
of  each  State,  and  the  Executive  Council  shall 
formulate  plans  for  effecting  such  reduction. 
The  Executive  Council  shall  also  determine  for 
the  consideration  and  action  of  the  several  Gov- 
ernments what  military  equipment  and  armament 
is  fair  and  reasonable  in  proportion  to  the  scale 
of  forces  laid  down  in  the  program  of  disarma- 
ment; and  these  limits,  when  adopted,  shall  not 
be  exceeded  without  the  permission  of  the 
Executive  Council. 

The  high  contracting  parties  agree  that  the 
manufacture  by  private  enterprise  of  munitions 
and  implements  of  war  lends  itself  to  grave  objec- 
tions, and  direct  the  Executive  Council  to  advise 
how  the  evil  effects  attendant  upon  such  manufac- 
ture can  be  prevented,  due  regard  being  had  to 
the  necessities  of  those  countries  which  are  not 
able  to  manufacture  for  themselves  the  munitions 
and  implements  of  war  necessary  for  their  safety. 

The  high  contracting  parties  undertake  in  no 
way  to  conceal  from  each  other  the  condition  of 
such  of  their  industries  as  are  capable  of  being 
adapted  to  warlike  purposes  or  the  scale  of  their 
armaments,  and  agree  that  there  shall  be  full 
and  frank  interchange  of  information  as  to  their 
military  and  naval  programs. 

Article  IX — A  permanent  commission  shall  be 
constituted  to  advise  the  League  on  the  execution 
of  the  provisions  of  Article  VIII,  and  on  military 
and   naval   questions  generally. 

Article  X — The  high  contracting  parties  shall 
undertake  to  respect  and  preserve  as  against  ex- 
ternal aggression  the  territorial  integrity  and 
existing  political  independence  of  all  States 
members  of  the  League.  In  case  of  any  such 
aggression  or  in  case  of  any  threat  or  danger 
of  such  aggression  the  Executive  Council  shall 
advise  upon  the  means  by  which  the  obligation 
shall   be   fulfilled. 

Article  XI — Any  war  or  threat  of  war,  whether 
immediately  affecting  any  of  the  high  contracting 
parties  or  not,  is  hereby  declared  a  matter  of 
concern  to  the  League,  and  the  high  contracting 
parties  reserve  the  right  to  take  any  action  that 
may  be  deemed  wise  and  effectual  to  safeguard 
the  peace  of  nations. 

It  is  hereby  also  declared  and  agreed  to  be  the 
friendly  right  of  each  of  the  high  contracting 
parties  to  draw  the  attention  of  the  body  of  dele- 
gates or  of  the  Executive  Council  to  any  circum- 
stance affecting  international  intercourse  which 
threatens  to  disturb  international  peace  or  the 
good  understanding  between  nations  upon  which 
peace  depends. 

Article  XII — The  high  contracting  parties  agree 
that  should  disputes  arise  between  them  which 
cannot  be  adjusted  by  the  ordinary  processes  of 
diplomacy  they  will  in  no  case  resort  to  war 
without  previously  submitting  the  questions  and 
matters  involved  either  to  arbitration  or  to  in- 
quiry by  the  Executive   Council,  and   until   three 


months  after  the  award  by  the  arbitrators  or  a 
recommendation  by  the  Executive  Council,  and 
that  they  will  not  even  then  resort  to  war  as 
against  a  member  of  the  League  which  complies 
with  the  award  of  the  arbitrators  or  the  recom- 
mendation of  the  Executive  Council. 

In  any  case  under  this  article  the  award  of  the 
arbitrators  shall  be  made  within  a  reasonable 
time,  and  the  recommendation  of  the  Executive 
Council  shall  be  made  within  six  months  after 
the  submission  of  the  dispute. 

Article  XIII — The  high  contracting  parties 
agree  that  whenever  any  dispute  or  difficulty  shall 
arise  between  them,  which  they  recognize  to  be 
suitable  for  submission  to  arbitration  and  which 
cannot  be  satisfactorily  settled  by  diplomacy,  they 
will  submit  the  whole  matter  to  arbitration.  For 
this  purpose  the  court  of  arbitration  to  which  the 
case  is  referred  shall  be  the  court  agreed  on 
by  the  parties  or  stipulated  in  any  convention 
existing  between  them.  The  high  contracting 
parties  agree  that  they  will  carry  out  in  full  good 
faith  any  award  that  may  be  rendered.  In  the 
event  of  any  failure  to  carry  out  the  award  the 
Executive  Council  shall  propose  what  steps  can 
best  be  taken  to  give  effect  thereto. 

Article  XIV — The  Executive  Council  shall 
formulate  plans  for  the  establishment  of  a  per- 
manent court  of  international  justice,  and  this 
court  shall,  when  established,  be  competent  to 
hear  and  determine  any  matter  which  the  parties 
recognize  as  suitable  for  submission  to  it  for 
arbitration   under  the  foregoing  article. 

Article  XV — If  there  should  arise  between 
States,  members  of  the  League,  any  dispute  likely 
to  lead  to  rupture,  which  is  not  submitted  to  arbi- 
tration as  above,  the  high  contracting  parties 
agree  that  they  will  refer  the  matter  to  the 
Executive  Council ;  either  party  to  the  dispute 
may  give  notice  of  the  existence  of  the  dispute 
to  the  Secretary  General,  who  will  make  all 
necessary  arrangements  for  a  full  investigation 
and  consideration  thereof.  For  this  purpose  the 
parties  agree  to  communicate  to  the  Secretary 
General  as  promptly  as  possible  statements  of 
their  case,  all  the  relevant  facts  and  papers,  and 
the  Executive  Council  may  forthwith  direct  the 
publication  thereof. 

Where  the  efforts  of  the  council  lead  to  the 
settlement  of  the  dispute,  a  statement  shall  be 
published,  indicating  the  nature  of  the  dispute 
and  the  terms  of  settlement,  together  with  such 
explanations  as  may  be  appropriate.  If  the 
dispute  has  not  been  settled,  a  report  by  the 
council  shall  be  published,  setting  forth  with 
all  necessary  facts  and  explanations  the  recom- 
mendation which  the  council  think  just  and 
proper  for  the  settlement  of  the  dispute.  If  the 
report  is  unanimously  agreed  to  by  the  members 
of  the  council,  other  than  the  parties  to  the  dis- 
pute, the  high  contracting  parties  agree  that  they 
will  not  go  to  war  with  any  party  which  complies 
with  the  recommendations,  and  that  if  any  party 
shall  refuse  so  to  comply  the  council  shall  pro- 
pose measures  necessary  to  give  effect  to  the 
recommendations.  If  no  such  unanimous  report 
can  be  made  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  majority 
and  the  privilege  of  the  minority  to  issue  state- 
ments,   indicating    what    they    believe    to    be    the 


PROPOSED  COVENANT  OF  THE  LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS 


415 


facts,    and    containing    the    reasons    which    they 
consider  to  be  just   and  proper. 

The  Executive  Council  may  in  any  case  under 
this  article  refer  the  dispute  to  the  body  of  dele- 
gates. The  dispute  shall  be  so  referred  at  the 
request  of  either  party  to  the  dispute,  provided 
that  such  request  must  be  made  within  fourteen 
days  after  the  submission  of  the  dispute.  In 
a  case  referred  to  the  body  of  delegates,  all  the 
provisions  of  this  article,  and  of  Article  XII, 
relating  to  the  action  and  powers  of  the  Executive 
Council,  shall  apply  to  the  action  and  powers  of 
the  body  of  delegates. 

Article  XVI — Should  any  of  the  high  contract- 
ing parties  break  or  disregard  its  covenants  un- 
der Article  XII  it  shall  thereby  ipso  facto  be 
deemed  to  have  committed  an  act  of  war  against 
all  the  other  members  of  the  League,  which  hereby 
undertakes  immediately  to  subject  it  to  the  sever- 
ance of  all  trade  or  financial  relations,  the  pro- 
hibition of  all  intercourse  between  their  nationals 
and  the  nationals  of  the  covenant-breaking  State 
and  the  prevention  of  all  financial,  commercial, 
or  personal  intercourse  between  the  nationals  of 
the  covenant-breaking  State  and  the  nationals  of 
any  other  State,  whether  a  member  of  the  League 
or    not. 

It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Executive  Council 
in  such  case  to  recommend  what  effective  military 
or  naval  force  the  members  of  the  League  shall 
severally  contribute  to  the  armed  forces  to  be 
used  to  protect  the  covenants  of  the  League. 

The  high  contracting  parties  agree,  further, 
that  they  will  mutually  support  one  another  in  the 
financial  and  economic  measures  which  may  be 
taken  under  this  article  in  order  to  minimize  the 
loss  and  inconvenience  resulting  from  the  above 
measures,  and  that  they  will  mutually  support 
one  another  in  resisting  any  special  measures 
aimed  at  one  of  their,  number  by  the  covenant- 
breaking  State  and  that  they  will  afford  passage 
through  their  territory  to  the  forces  of  any  of 
the  high  contracting  parties  who  are  cooperating 
to  protect  the  covenants  of  the  League. 

Article  XFII — In  the  event  of  dispute  between 
one  State  member  of  the  League  and  another 
State  which  is  not  a  member  of  the  League,  or 
between  states  not  members  of  the  League,  the 
high  contracting  parties  agree  that  the  State  or 
States,  not  members  of  the  League,  shall  be 
invited  to  accept  the  obligations  of  membership 
in  the  League  for  the  purposes  of  such  dispute, 
upon  such  conditions  as  the  Executive  Council 
may  deem  just,  and  upon  acceptance  of  any  such 
invitation,  the  above  provisions  shall  be  applied 
with  such  modifications  as  may  be  deemed  nec- 
essary by  the  League. 

Upon  such  invitation  being  given  the  Execu- 
tive Council  shall  immediately  institute  an  inquiry 
into  the  circumstances  and  merits  of  the  dispute 
and  recommend  such  action  as  may  seem  best  and 
most  effectual   in  the  circumstances. 

In  the  event  of  a  power  so  invited  refusing 
to  accept  the  obligations  of  membership  in  the 
League  for  the  purposes  of  the  League,  which 
in  the  case  of  a  State  member  of  the  League 
would  constitute  a  breach  of  Article  XII,  the 
provisions  of  Article  XVI  shall  be  applicable  as 
against  the   State  taking  such   action. 

If  both  parties  to  the  dispute,  when  so   invited, 


refuse  to  accept  the  obligations  of  membership 
in  the  League  for  the  purpose  of  such  dispute, 
the  Executive  Council  may  take  such  action  and 
make  such  recommendations  as  will  prevent  hos- 
tilities and  will  result  in  the  settlement  of  the 
dispute. 

Article  XVIII — The  high  contracting  parties 
agree  that  the  League  shall  be  intrusted  with 
general  supervision  of  the  trade  in  arms  and  am- 
munition with  the  countries  in  which  the  control 
of  this  traffic  is  necessary  in  the  common  interest. 

Article  XIX — To  those  colonies  and  territories 
which,  as  a  consequence  of  the  late  war,  have 
ceased  to  be  under  the  sovereignty  of  the  States 
which  formerly  governed  them  and  which  are  in- 
habited by  peoples  not  yet  able  to  stand  by  them- 
selves under  the  strenuous  conditions  of  the 
modern  world,  there  should  be  applied  the  prin- 
ciple that  the  well-being  and  development  of  such 
peoples  form  a  sacred  trust  of  civilization  and 
that  securities  for  the  performance  of  this  trust 
should  be  embodied  in  the  constitution  of  the 
League. 

The  best  method  of  giving  practical  effect  to 
this  principle  is  that  the  tutelage  of  such  peoples 
should  be  intrusted  to  adva^iced  nations,  who  by 
reason  of  their  resources,  their  experience,  or 
their  geographical  position,  can  best  undertake 
this  responsibility,  and  that  this  tutelage  should 
be  exercised  by  them  as  mandatories  on  behalf 
of  the   League. 

The  character  of  the  mandate  must  differ  ac- 
cording to  the  stage  of  the  development  of  the 
people,  the  geographical  situation  of  the  terri- 
tory, its  economic  conditions  and  other  similar 
circumstances. 

Certain  communities,  formerly  belonging  to  the 
Turkish  Empire,'  have  reached  a  stage  of  de- 
velopment where  their  existence  as  independent 
nations  can  be  provisionally  recognized,  subject 
to  the  rendering  of  administrative  advice  and 
assistance  by  a  mandatory  power  until  such  time 
as  they  are  able  to  stand  alone.  The  wishes  of 
these  communities  must  be  a  principal  considera- 
tion in  the  selection  of  the  mandatory  power. 

Other  peoples,  especially  those  of  Central 
Africa,  are  at  such  a  stage  that  the  mandatory 
must  be  responsible  for  the  administration  of  the 
territory,  subject  to  conditions  which  will  guar- 
antee freedom  of  conscience  or  religion,  subject 
only  to  the  maintenance  of  public  order  and 
morals,  the  prohibition  of  abuses  such  as  the 
slave  trade,  the  arms  traffic,  and  the  liquor  traffic, 
and  the  prevention  of  the  establishment  of  forti- 
fications or  military  and  naval  bases  and  of  mili- 
tary training  of  the  natives  for  other  than  police 
purposes  and  the  defense  of  territory,  and  will 
also  secure  equal  opportunities  for  the  trade  and 
commerce  of  other  members  of  the   League. 

There  are  territories,  such  as  Southwest  Africa 
and  certain  of  the  South  Pacific  Isles,'  which, 
owing  to  the  sparseness  of  the  population,  or 
their  small  size,  or  their  remoteness  from  the 
center  of  civilization,  or  their  geographical  con- 
tiguity to  the  mandatory  State  and  other  circum- 
stances, can  be  best  administered  under  the  laws 
of  the  mandatory  States  as  integral  portions 
thereof,  subject  to  the  safeguards  above  men- 
tioned in  the  interests  of  the  indigenous  popula- 
tion. 


416 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


In  every  case  of  mandate,  the  mandatory  State 
shall  render  to  the  League  an  annual  report  in 
reference  to  the  territory  committed  to  its  charge. 

The  degree  of  authority,  control,  or  admin- 
istration, to  be  exercised  by  the  mandatory  State, 
shall,  if  not  previously  agreed  upon  by  the  high 
contracting  parties  in  each  case,  be  explicitly 
defined  by  the  Executive  Council  in  a  special  act 
or   charter. 

The  high  contracting  parties  further  agree  to 
establish  at  the  seat  of  the  League  a  mandatory 
commission  to  receive  and  examine  the  annual 
reports  of  the  mandatory  powers,  and  to  assist 
the  League  in  insuring  the  observance  of  the 
terms  of  all  mandates. 

Article  XX — The  high  contracting  parties  will 
endeavor  to  secure  and  maintain  fair  and  humane 
conditions  of  labor  for  men,  women,  and  chil- 
dren, both  in  their  own  countries  and  in  all  coun- 
tries to  which  their  commercial  and  industrial 
relations  extend;  and  to  that  end  agree  to  estab- 
lish as  part  of  the  organization  of  the  League  a 
permanent   bureau   of    labor. 

Article  XXI — The  high  contracting  parties 
agree  that  provision  shall  be  made  through  the 
instrumentality  of  the  League  to  secure  and 
maintain  freedom  of  transit  and  equitable  treat- 
ment for  the  commerce  of  all  States  members 
of  the  League,  having  in  mind,  among  other 
things,  special  arrangements  with  regard  to  the 
necessities  of  the  regions  devastated  during  the 
war    of    1914-1918. 

Article  XXII — The  high  contracting  parties 
agree  to  place  under  the  control  of  the  League 
all  international  bureaus  already  established  by 
general  treaties,  if  the  parties  to  such  treaties 
consent.      Furthermore,    they   agree    that    all    such 


international   bureaus   to  be  constituted    in   future 
shall   be  placed   under  control  of  the  League. 

Article  XXIII — The  high  contracting  parties 
agree  that  every  treaty  or  international  engage- 
ment entered  into  hereafter  by  any  State  member 
of  the  League  shall  be  forthwith  registered  with 
the  Secretary  General  and  as  soon  as  possible 
published  by  him,  and  that  no  such  treaty  or 
international  engagement  shall  be  binding  until 
so    registered. 

Article  XXIV — It  shall  be  the  right  of  the 
body  of  delegates  from  time  to  time  to  advise 
the  reconsideration  by  States  members  of  the 
League  of  treaties  which  have  become  inapplic- 
able and  of  international  conditions  of  which 
the  continuance  may  endanger  the  peace  of  the 
world. 

Article  XXV — The  high  contracting  parties 
severally  agree  that  the  present  covenant  is  ac- 
cepted as  abrogating  all  obligations  inter  se 
which  are  inconsistent  with  the  terms  thereof, 
and  solemnly  engage  that  they  will  not  here- 
after enter  into  any  engagements  inconsistent 
with  the  terms  thereof.  In  case  any  of  the 
Powers  signatory  hereto  or  subsequently  admitted 
to  the  League  shall,  before  becoming  a  party 
to  this  covenant,  have  undertaken  any  obligations 
which  are  inconsistent  with  the  terms  of  this 
covenant,  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  such  Power  to 
take  immediate  steps  to  procure  its  release  from 
such  obligations. 

Article  XXVI — Amendments  to  this  covenant 
will  take  effect  when  ratified  by  the  States  whose 
representatives  compose  the  Executive  Council 
and  by  three-fourths  of  the  States  whose  repre- 
sentatives compose   the  body  of  delegates. 


PAX  VICTRIX   From   tlie  Bally   Star   (Montreal) 


LEADING  ARTICLES  OF  THE 

MONTH 


THE  LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS  AND  ITS 

CONSTITUTION 


IN  earlier  numbers  of  the  Review  of  Re- 
views (notably  the  issues  for  January, 
February  and  March,  1919)  this  depart- 
ment has  given  much  of  its  space  to  the  re- 
production of  current  opinion,  both  Amer- 
ican and  foreign,  on  the  proposed  League  of 
Nations,  considered  both  as  an  international 
ideal  and  as  a  working  program  of  world 
control  in  the  interest  of  universal  peace. 

On  February  14  last  the  draft  of  the 
League's  Constitution,  or  covenant,  as 
adopted  by  the  committee  of  the  Peace 
Conference  at  Paris,  was  given  to  the  world, 
and  since  that  date  the  discussion  of  the 
League  of  Nations,  on  both  sides  of  the 
Atlantic,  has  naturally  gained  much  in 
definiteness.  Our  resume  this  month  is  con- 
fined to  those  articles  and  utterances  that 
have  been  published  since  the  draft  of  the 
covenant  was  presented  for  discussion.  In 
the  main,  we  shall  omit  reference  to  the 
general  arguments  advanced  to  show  the 
desirability  of  a  League  of  Nations,  con- 
fining our  excerpts  and  abstracts  chiefly  to 
the  points  that  have  been  made  for  and 
against  the  proposed  covenant,  as  a  specific 
proposition.  In  order  that  these  may  be  the 
better  understood,  our  readers  are  referred 
to  the  complete  text  of  the  document  printed 
on  the  four  preceding  pages  (413-16). 

Why  the  Covenant  Is  Approved 

On  March  11,  Mr.  Frederic  R.  Coudert, 
the  New  York  lawyer,  contributed  to  the 
Evening  Post,  of  New  York,  a  statement  of 
his  reasons  for  advocating  the  League,  in 
the  course  of  which  he  said : 

The  draft  just  approved,  by  the  conference  at 
Versailles  for  the  constitution  of  a  League  of  Na- 
tions embodies  the  best  obtainable  in  the  present 
condition  of  opinion. 

(1)  It  provides  for  a  permanent  organization 
always  ready  to  function. 

(2)  It  makes  provision  for  a  taboo  or  "out- 
lawry" of  any  nation  refusing  to  abide  its  decision. 

Apr. — 6 


(3)  It  furnishes  machinery  for  solving  one  of 
the  world's  fundamental  difficulties,  to  wit,  the 
exploitation    of   undeveloped    peoples, 

(4)  Above  all,  it  places  preponderant  power 
in  the  hands  of  the  world's  great  democracies  and 
gives  to  France,  United  States,  Great  Britain,  and 
Italy  an  influence  which  can  always  be  decisive 
against  predatory  power  under  whatever  forms 
disguised.  The  agreed  plan  marks  a  capital  event 
in  history  and  furnishes  a  basis  for  infinite  de- 
velopment toward  international  cooperation  and 
the  marshalling  of  material  and  moral  force  be- 
hind law.  World  opinion  is  at  last  given  an 
organ  of  expression.  The  part  of  America  in 
bringing  about  this  result  is  one  for  just  patriotic 
congratulation. 

(5)  The  Monroe  Doctrine  announced  to  the 
world  that  the  United  States  would  protect  the  in- 
tegrity of  South  American  states  against  foreign 
aggression.  The  league  extends  that  principle  of 
protection  to  all  nations.  The  rights  of  the  United 
States  are  not  impaired;  the  guarantees  of  the 
states  of  South  America  are  strengthened.  It  is 
a  misapprehension  of  the  meaning  of  the  Monroe 
Doctrine  to  believe  it  impaired  by  the  proposed 
plan.  To  avoid  possible  misunderstanding,  a 
clause  should  be  inserted  to  the  effect  that  the  tra- 
ditional policy  of  the  United  States  requires  that 
no  European  Power  obtain  territory  in  the  western 
hemisphere  either  by  purchase  or  conquest.  This 
will  meet  the  only  sound  objection  made  by  the 
opponents  of  the  league  on  the  ground  that  its  ac- 
ceptance would  involve  surrender  of  any  essential 
part  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine. 

(6)  Those  who  oppose  a  league  in  principle 
are,  in  large  part,  the  men  who  obstructed  Amer- 
ica's entrance  into  the  world  war  on  the  theory 
of  "isolation"  or  unconcern  with  the  affairs  of 
other  nations — a  theory  never  true  to  the  facts  and 
absurd  in  this  century  in  which  nothing  is  so  im- 
possible to  conceive  as  a  lotus-eating  America 
"careless  of  mankind."  The  experience  of  the 
great  war  has  killed  the  theory,  save  in  the  most 
parochial-minded.  This  is  no  time  for  "little 
Americans." 

(7)  On  the  other  hand,  there  are  those  in  and 
out  of  the  Senate  who,  while  honestly  favoring  a 
League  of  Nations,  attack  the  proposed  plan  upon 
the  ground  that  it  would  recjuire  the  sending  of 
American  troops  to  take  part  in  Europe's  strug- 
gles. While  this  appears  to  us  a  parochial  view, 
overlooking  changed  world  conditions  which 
necessitates  action  on  the  part  of  America  to  main- 
tain peace  in  a  world  which  modern  methods  of 
transportation    have    made    comparatively    small, 

417 


418 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


BRINGING   HER  HOME  TO   SHOW  THE  FOLKS 
From  the  Nczvs-Tribnne   (Tacoma,  Wash.) 

we  think  that  an  extension  of  the  very  valuable 
plan  of  mandatory  control  would  meet  the  situa- 
tion by  dividing  the  world  into  four  zones,  one 
of  which  would  be  the  Western  Hemisphere,  in 
which  the  United  States,  acting  in  accordance 
with  the  league's  mandate,  could  intervene  when 
anarchic  or  other  conditions  threatened  world 
peace.  The  United  States,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
Philippines,  has  never  hesitated  in  its  willingness 
to  give  an  account  of  its  political  stewardship. 

(8)  Inaction  would  be  fatal.  Some  means  to 
solve  pending  problems  must  be  found.  The  mass 
of  mankind  ardently  desire  something  that  may 
save  civilization  from  war  or  anarchy.  Leaders 
of  opinion  cannot  be  dumb  to  the  clamor  of  world 
anguish.  The  present  proposed  constitution  of  a 
League  of  Nations,  with  slight  modifications  not 
inconsistent  with  its  announced  principles  and  with 
a  revision  clarifying  some  of  its  clauses,  would  be 
the  greatest  advance  yet  made  by  mankind  on  the 
long  cruel  road  from  the  reign  of  force  and  fraud 
toward  that  of  law  and  peace. 

British  Endorsement 

Soon  after  the  promulgation  of  the  cove- 
nant the  London  Spectator,  one  of  the  in- 
fluential organs  of  British  public  opinion, 
had  said : 

This  is  not  the  hour  to  plunge  ourselves  into 
gloomy  meditations  upon  the  past;  it  is  rather  the 
hour  to  secure,  by  all  the  forces  of  sagacity,  hon- 
esty, and  character  which  the  nations  can  amass  in 
a  good  cause,  that  the  future  shall  put  the  past  to 
shame. 

When  the  Constitution  of  the  League  has  been 
ratified,  with  whatever  amendments  may  between 
now  and  then  be  introduced,  it  will  comprise  the 
most  sacred  treaty  in  existence — a  treaty  which 
any  nation  will  break  at  its  peril.  A  large  part  of 
the  scheme  is  obviously  drawn  from  the  recently 
published    proposals    of    General    Smuts.      It   was 


General  Smuts  who  proposed  that  inside  what  he 
called  a  general  conference  there  should  be  an 
Executive  Council.  This  Executive  Council  ac- 
tually appears,  and  will  consist  of  the  five  most 
important  powers,  together  with  four  other  powers 
chosen  by  the  "Delegates."  The  "Delegates"  in 
the  draft  Constitution  do  duty  for  General  Smuts' 
"general  conference,"  but  it  is  to  be  noted  that  the 
"Delegates"  are  a  much  smaller  body  than  Gen- 
eral Smuts  had  proposed.  This  main  body,  in- 
stead of  being  a  large  family  of  nations,  will  con- 
sist of  representatives  of  the  Allied  Powers.  It 
will  be  seen  that  on  the  Executive  Council  the 
great  Allied  Powers  will  have  a  permanent  work- 
ing majority,  as  General  Smuts  suggested. 

Notwithstanding  the  criticisms  that  were 
naturally  and  justly  aroused  by  the  proposed 
covenant,  the  Spectator  w^as  impressed  by 
three  "chief  and  very  important  facts  to  the 
good:" 

The  first  is  that  Great  Britain  and  the  United 
States  are  thrown  together  by  the  necessities  of 
their  policy,  and  it  is  impossible  to  see  how  they 
can  ever  again  be  divided.  In  our  opinion,  this  is 
the  greatest  result  of  the  Peace  Conference.  The 
second  fact  is  an  expansion  of  the  first;  the  mem- 
bers of  the  wliole  Entente  Alliance,  so  far  from 
having  become  alienated  during  the  discussions  of 
the  Conference,  have  drawn  much  closer  together. 
The  third  fact  is  that  the  very  delicate,  and  indeed 
perilous,  question  of  the  Freedom  of  the  Seas  has 
by  force  of  circumstances  disappeared  altogether 
as  an  issue.  As  President  Wilson  has  himself  ex- 
plained, that  doctrine  was  asserted  in  the  interest 
of  neutrals.  In  future  there  will  be  no  neutrals. 
If  war  breaks  out  again,  the  world  will  be  di- 
vided into  those  who  side  with  one  or  other  of  the 
belligerents.  The  last  four  years  of  war  have 
shown  pretty  clearly  that  the  status  of  a  neutral 
during  war  had  become  almost  entirely  fictitious. 
It  is  just  as  well  that  this  fact  should  be  recog- 
nized. We  think  we  are  not  exaggerating  what 
must  happen;  for  the  covenant  expressly  provides 


MUZZLED 

From    Opinion    (London) 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE    MONTH 


419 


for  cutting  off  countries  altogether  by  means  of 
the  boycott,  and  such  a  boycott  can  leave  no  place 
for  neutrality  on  the  part  of  states  which  are 
neighbors  of  the  boycotted  nation. 

This  British  journal  anticipated  the  dis- 
cussion that  has  since  arisen  in  the  United 
States  regarding  the  relation  of  the  covenant 
to  the  Monroe  Doctrine : 

In  the  United  States  there  is  bound  to  be  much 
discussion  about  the  paradoxical  aspect  incident- 
ally placed  upon  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  Suppose 
that  the  American  Senate  demands  that  the  West- 
ern Hemisphere,  in  accordance  with  the  Monroe 
Doctrine,  should  be  excluded  from  the  operations 
of  the  League  and  from  all  its  implications.  Such 
an  amendment  would  have  a  very  logical  appear- 
ance, for  assuredly,  if  the  authority  .of  the  League 
be  accepted  in  the  Western  Hemisphere,  the  Mon- 
roe Doctrine  in  its  literal  sense  will  cease  to 
exist.  We  sincerely  hope,  however,  that  the 
American  people  will  decide  that  there  is  room 
here  for  such  an  accommodation  as  will  save  the 
substance  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  while  admitting 
some  little  weakening  of  its  verbal  stringency. 
The  Monroe  Doctrine  has  worked  admirably,  and 
in  our  opinion  it  would  be  a  disaster  to  jettison 
what  has  proved  an  excellent  instrument  in  ruling 
out  a  large  part  of  the  world  from  disputes,  and 
thus  preserving  the  general  peace.  As  a  treaty 
has  to  be  ratified  by  a  two-thirds  majority  in  the 
American  Senate,  and  as  the  majorities  in  both 
the  new  Houses  of  Congress  will  be  opposed  to 
President  Wilson,  there  is  obviously  room  for  a 
good  deal  of  uncertainty. 

As   a    Practical    Instrument 

The  growing  ''liberal"  American  senti- 
ment, supporting  President  Wilson,  was 
voiced  by  the  New  Republic  (New  York)  in 
editorial  comment  on  what  it  called  ''the 
Constitution  of  1919:" 

As  it  stands,  the  constitution  of  the  League  ap- 
pears adequate  to  the  maintenance  of  the  peace. 
In  effect,  it  perpetuates  the  existing  alliance  among 
Germany's  conquerors,  and  by  its  provision  that 
states  not  party  to  the  act  of  organization  can  be 
admitted  only  by  a  two-thirds  vote  of  the  dele- 
gates, there  is  ample  assurance  that  the  League 
will  not  be  embarrassed  from  the  start  by  hope- 
lessly discordant  elements.  An  attack  upon  any 
member  of  the  League  will  be  an  attack  upon  all 
the  members,  and  in  the  clause  providing  that  the 
Executive  Council,  in  which  the  Allied  Great 
Powers  dominate,  "shall  determine  for  the  con- 
sideration and  action  of  the  several  governments 
what  military  equipment  is  fair  and  reasonable 
in  proportion  to  the  scale  of  forces  laid  down  in 
the  programme  of  disarmament"  there  is  im- 
plied, not  merely  a  check  upon  overgrown  arma- 
ments, but  a  standard  below  which  a  nation 
scrapulous  of  its  obligations  will  not  fall.  The 
League  members,  it  goes  without  saying,  will  at 
all  times  maintain  forces  that  no  non-member 
nation  will  dare  to  challenge.  They  will  dis- 
tribute their  forces  in  such  a  way  that  no  member 
of  the  League  will  dare  to  menace  the  rest.  No 
one  who  will   read  without  bias  the  provisions  of 


MILESTONES 
From    the    Republic    (St.    Louis) 

the  proposed  constitution  can  doubt  for  a  moment 
that  if  such  an  organization  had  been  in  existence 
in  1914  there  would  have  been  no  war.  The 
Germans  almost  despaired  when  they  found  that 
England  was  going  in  against  them.  If  they 
had  known  in  advance  that  not  only  England,  but 
America,  would  fight,  they  would  have  found  the 
dispute  between  Austria  and  Serbia  quite  justici- 
able. 

It  is  true  that  the  constitution  does  not  pledge 
the  member  states  to  make  war  immediately  upon 
a  state  which  chooses  the  way  of  aggression.  But 
it  does  pledge  them  to  non-intercourse  with  the 
offending  state,  and  to  the  succour  of  any  state 
threatened  by  reprisals  on  account  of  the  applica- 
tion of  this  policy.  What  will  come  out  of  such 
a  condition  is  plain  enough.  Any  state  which 
shall  make  war  will  challenge  a  world,  and  a 
world  prepared  much  better  for  war  than  Amer- 
ica, or  even  England  in  1914. 

A    Senator's    Criticisms 

Among  the  deliverances  by  public  men 
"opposing  the  provisions  of  the  covenant  one 
of  the  most  forceful  and  important  was  the 
speech  delivered  in  the  United  States  Senate 
by  Mr.  Knox  of  Pennsylvania,  on  March 
1,  after  the  much-talked-of  White  House 
dinner  at  which  Senator  Knox  had  been  a 
guest,  and  had  had  full  opportunity  to 
familiarize  himself  with  President  AVilson's 
vie^^■s  on  the  Axhole  (]uestion. 

In  the  first  portion  of  his  speech  Senator 
Knox  analyzed  the  provisions  of  the  cove- 
nant, with  reference  to  the  proposed  ma- 
chinery for  the  League.  He  particularly 
criticized  the  omission  from  the  co\enant  of 


420 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


SPIRIT   OF    MONROE:       PLEASE   PERMIT    ME   TO   WRITE 

IN    A    NEEDED   CLAUSE" 

From  the  Herald   (Xew  York) 

principles,  rules  or  regulations  by  which  the 
Executive  Council  of  the  League  of  Nations 
is  to  be  guided.  He  declared  that  the 
Council  is  left  to  make  its  own  principles, 
rules  and  regulations.  If  it  believes  that 
any  power,  whether  a  League  member  or 
not,  has  violated  any  of.  these,  it  may  hale 
such  a  power  into  court,  pass  judgment  upon 
a  violation  when  found,  and  determine  the 
means  which  shall  be  used  to  enforce  its 
judgments  or  recommendations,  the  League 
being  bound  to  furnish  the  means  so  deter- 
mined  upon. 

Passing  from  his  review  of  what  he  regards 
as  the  faulty  machinery  provided  by  the  cove- 
nant. Senator  Knox  proposes  three  general 
tests  of  the  practical  value  of  the  League : 
( 1 )  Do  its  provisions  abolish  war  and  make 
it  hereafter  impossible?  (2)  Do  the  pro- 
visions of  the  proposed  covenant  strike  down 
the  precepts  of  the  American  Constitution? 
(3)  Are  its  provisions  destructive  of  our 
national  sovereignty?  (4)  Will  this  plan, 
if  put  in  operation,  threaten  our  national  in- 
dependence and  life? 

Under  the  first  head.  Senator  Knox  says, 
in  part: 

Now,  it  is  unnecessary  to  labor  an  argument  to 
show  that  the  inevitable  result  of  outlawing  the 
central  states  will  be  to  drive  them  more  closely 
together  for  mutual  self-protection,  and  that  this 
in  turn  will  make  the  formation  of  a  second  league 
of   nations    almost    an    assured    certainty.      It   may 


well  be  that  this  second  league  will  not  at  the  out- 
set be  constituted  with  all  the  formalities  which 
mark  the  one  we  have  under  consideration,  but  in 
all  human  probability  such  a  league  will  be  some- 
how formed,  by  informal  understanding  or  other- 
wise, and  when  so  formed  will  bid  for  the  adher- 
ence to  it  of  neutral  States.  We  would  thus  have 
in  no  distant  future  two  great  leagues  of  nations, 
w^hich  will  become  two  great  camps,  each  prepar- 
ing for  a  new  and  greater  life  and  death  struggle. 
Our  only  escape  from  this  result,  under  this  plan, 
would  be  through  the  exercise  of  such  a  tyrannical 
despotism  over  the  peoples  of  the  central  powers 
as  we,  with  all  our  traditions  and  ideals,  must  not 
become  a  party  to,  for  it  would  be  violative  of  all 
of  those  human  rights  for  which  our  fathers 
fought  and  which  our  own  Constitution  guaran- 
tees. Moreover,  to  keep  peoples  in  such  a  state  of 
subjection  as  would  be  necessary  to  obviate  the 
result  above  pointed  out,  would  require  such  an 
expenditure  of  effort,  treasure,  and  blood  as  never 
would  be  permanently  tolerated  by  our  people. 
Thus  the  plan  proposed,  instead  of  being  a  plan 
by  which  the  permanent  peace  of  the  world  would 
be  assured,  becomes  a  plan  under  which  a  con- 
stant warfare  or  a  potential  great  world-wide 
conflagration  becomes  an  assured  fact. 

,j 
Senator   Knox's   most   serious   and   crucial 
objections  to  the  covenant  are  set  forth  under 
his  second  and  third  heads.     He  says: 

Under  the  Constitution  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States  has  the  exclusive  power  to  declare 
war.  The  proposed  covenant  puts  the  power  of 
declaring  war  in  the  hands  of  the  executive  coun- 
cil, in  which,  it  is  true,  we  have  a  voice  but  not 
the  constitutional  voice.  Thus,  whether  Congress 
wishes  or  not,  whether  the  people  wish  or  not,  we 
may  be  forced  into  war,  with  all  its  sacrifices  of 
life,  in  a  cause  in  which  we  have  no  real  con- 
cern and  with  which  we  may  be  out  of  sympathy, 
under  the  penalty  that  if  we  do  not  go  to  war  we 


Sf  £  THAT  HORRIBLE  VULTURE' \ 
TAKE  IT  my  TAKE  IT  (^WA  V 


SEEIN     THINGS 

From  the  Eagle   (Brooklyn,  N.  Y.) 


LEADING   ARTICLES    OF    THE   MONTH 


All 


CAPITAL  SPORT 

From    the    Daily    News    (Chicago) 


shall,  by  breaking  a  covenant  of  the  league,  bring 
war  upon  ourselves  by  the  balance  of  the  world. 

Under  the  Constitution  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States  has  the  exclusive  power  to  raise  and 
support  armies  and  to  provide  and  maintain  a 
navy.  The  covenant  provides  that  the  executive 
council  shall  formulate  plans  limiting  the  size  of 
our  Army  and  Navy,  that  the  council  shall  then 
"determine  for  the  consideration  and  action  of  the 
several  governments  what  military  equipment  and 
armament  is  fair  and  reasonable  in  proportion  to 
the  scale  of  forces  laid  down  in  the  program  of 
disarmament,  and  these  limits  when  adopted  shall 
not  be  exceeded  without  the  permission  of  the 
executive  council." 

If  we  act  in  good  faith  under  this  agreement 
we  shall,  of  course,  adopt  the  armament  limits, 
which,  as  a  member  of  the  executive  council,  we 
shall  have  assisted  in  formulating.  Thereafter, 
no  matter  what  our  necessity  or  what  its  urgency, 
no  matter  what  Congress  or  the  people  themselves 
may  think  the  situation  requires,  we  can  not  raise 
a  single  man  beyond  our  limit  save  and  except  it 
be  approved  by  the  executive  council  in  which  we 
are  one  of  nine  participating  States.  If  war  were 
abolished  this  might  be  tolerable,  but  with  war 
legalized  even  between  members  of  the  league 
and  actually  commanded  in  certain  contingencies 
this    may    spell    for    us    overwhelming    disaster. 

Under  the  Constitution,  a  treaty  becomes  effec- 
tive upon  its  ratification,  following  the  advice  and 
consent  thereto  of  the  Senate.  Under  the  covenant 
no  treaty  becomes  binding  until  it  has  been  regis- 
tered with  the  secretary-general   of  the   league. 

Cast  up  in  your  mind  the  colossal  powers 
granted  to  the  executive  council,  in  which,  be  it 
always  remembered,  we  are  but  one  of  nine  par- 
ticipating powers;  recall  the  far-reaching  and 
vital  covenants  into  which  we  shall  enter  as  one 
of  the  high  contracting  parties;  and  hold  in  mind 
that  we  are  to  give  up  the  power  to  say  when  we 
shall  have  war,  when  peace,  what  shall  our  Army 


number,  how  many  vessels  of  war  shall  we  have, 
how,  when,  where,  and  under  what  conditions 
shall  our  Army  and  Navy  be  used,  when  shall  our 
treaties  be  binding,  what  shall  our  treatment  of 
commerce  be,  how  great  shall  our  gift  of  funds 
to  other  powers,  and,  therefore,  how  great  the 
tribute  we  shall  pay?  Consider  all  these,  and 
you  can  not  but  say  that  our  sovereignty  has  in 
matters  of  national  life  and  death  been  destroyed. 

Unlike  some  of  his  colleagues  who  bitterly 
attacked  the  covenant,  Senator  Knox  did  not 
rest  with  purely  destructive  criticism,  but 
undertook  to  set  forth  at  least  three  methods 
of  averting  war  without  setting  up  the  ma- 
chinery of  a  League  of  Nations:  (1)  "Com- 
pulsory arbitration  for  all  disputes  under 
some  such  plan  as  that  provided  for  in  the 
International  Prize  Court,  or  the  unratified 
American-British  and  American-French  ar- 
bitration treaties  of  1911,  or  the  Olney- 
Pauncefote  treaty  of  1897,  or  a  union  of  the 
best  in  all  of  them;"  (2)  alliance  with  the 
strongest  power  or  two  powers  of  the  world 
for  mutual  protection ;  or  ( 3 )  an  interna- 
tional league,  formed  among  all  the  nations 
of  the  world  (not  some  of  them)  with  a 
constitution  providing  that  war  is  declared 
to  be  an  international  crime  and  that  any 
nation  engaging  in  war,  except  in  self-defense 
when  actually  attacked,  shall  be  punished  by 
the  world  as  an  international  criminal.  Surh 
a  league,  according  to  Senator  Knox, 

would  carry  with  it  a  miiiitnuin  of  loss  of  our 
sovereignty;   it   would    relieve    us    from   participa- 


422 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


THE    STARS    AND    STRIPES    FIRST 
From  the   World  (New  York) 

tion  in  the  broils  of  Europe;  it  would  preserve  the 
Monroe  Doctrine  and  save  America  from  the  re- 
sults of  European  aggression  and  intrigue;  it 
would  reduce  to  the  minimum  the  causes  of  war; 
and  would  make  the  waging  thereof  otherwise 
than  in  self-defense  when  attacked  a  public 
crime,  punishable  by  the  combined  forces  of  the 
world. 

Mr.   Taft's   Advocacy 

Replying  to  Senator  Knox,  ex-PresIdent 
William  Howard  Taft  said  in  an  address 
at  New  York,  on  March  11 : 

The  President  and  Senate  are  to  ratify  this 
covenant,  if  it  be  ratified,  by  virtue  of  their  con- 
stitutional power  to  make  treaties.  This  power, 
as  the  Supreme  Court  has  held,  enables  them  to 
bind  the  United  States  to  a  contract  with  another 
nation  on  any  subject-matter  usually  the  subject- 
matter  of  treaties  between  nations,  subject  to  the 
limitation  that  the  treaty  may  not  change  the  form 
of  Government  of  the  United  States,  and  may  not 
part  with  territory  belonging  to  a  State  of  the 
United  States,  without  the  consent  of  the  State. 

The  making  of  war,  of  embargoes,  of  armament 
and  of  arbitration  are  frequent  subject-matter  of 
treaties.  The  President  and  Senate  may  not,  how- 
ever, confer  on  any  body  constituted  by  a  League 
of  Nations  the  power  and  function  to  do  anything 
for  the  United  States  which  is  vested  by  the  Fed- 
eral Constitution  in  Congress,  the  treaty-making 
power  or  any  other  branch  of  the  United  States 
Government.  It  therefore  follows  that  when- 
ever the  treaty-making  power  binds  the  United 
States  to  do  anything,  it  must  be  done  by  the 
branch  of  that  Government  vested  by  the  Consti- 
tution with  that  function. 

A  treaty  may  bind  the  United  States  to  make  or 
not  make  war  in  any  specific  contingency;  it  may 
bind  the  United  States  to  levy  a  boycott;  to  limit 


its  armament  to  a  fixed  amount;  it  may  bind  the 
United  States  to  submit  a  difference  or  a  class  of- 
differences  to  arbitration ;  but  the  only  way  in 
which  the  United  States  can  perform  the  agree- 
ment is  for  Congress  to  fulfil  the  promise  to  de- 
clare and  make  war;  for  Congress  to  perform  the 
obligation  to  levy  a  boycott ;  for  Congress  to  fix 
or  reduce  armament  in  accord  with  the  contract, 
and  for  the  President  and  Senate,  as  the  treaty- 
making  power,  to  formulate  the  issues  to  be  arbi- 
trated and  agree  with  the  opposing  nation  on  the 
character  of  the  court. 

When  the  treaty  provides  that  the  obligation 
arises  upon  a  breach  of  covenant  and  does  not 
make  the  question  of  the  breach  conclusively  de- 
terminable by  any  body  or  tribunal,  then  it  is  for 
Congress  itself  to  decide  in  good  faith  whether 
or  not  the  breach  of  the  covenant  upon  which  the 
obligation  arises  has  in  fact  occurred,  and,  finding 
that,  it  has  to  perform  the  obligation. 

These  plain  limitations  upon  the  Federal  treaty- 
making  power  are  known  to  nations  of  this  con- 
ference, and  any  treaty  of  the  United  States  is  to 
be  construed  in  the  light  of  them.  Following 
those  necessary  rules  of  construction,  the  pro- 
visions of  the  covenant  entirely  and  easily  con- 
form to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 
They  lose  altogether  that  threatening  and  danger- 
ous character  and  effect  which  Senator  Knox  and 
other  critics  would   attach  to  them. 

As  was  pointed  out  by  the  New  York 
World  in  comment  on  Mr.  Taft's  address, 
the  constitutional  argument  employed  by 
Senator  Knox  and  other  opponents  of  the 
League  of  Nations  applies  with  equal  force 
to  "every  treaty  which  obligates  the  United 
States  to  do  something  or  refrain  from  doing 
something." 


THE  OLD  GIRL  WHO  WASN't  INVITED  TO  THE  SHOW 

TURNS    UP    HER    NOSE   AT   THE   PROGRAM 

From  the  Post-Dis'patch  (St.  Louis,  Mo.) 


LEADING   ARTICLES    OF    THE   MONTH 


423 


THE    GERMAN   MISTAKE   ABOUT   THE 

UNITED  STATES 


IN  the  first  February  number  of  the  Revue 
des  Deux  Mondes  M.  Jules  Cambon, 
former  French  Ambassador  to  the  United 
States  and  to  Germany,  publishes  a  brief  but 
masterly  study  of  this  subject,  upon  which 
he  is  preeminently  qualified  to  speak. 

The  "short  but  complete"  history  of  the 
United  States  by  Professor  Max  Farrand  of 
Yale  had  just  appeared  in  French  translation, 
and  is  briefly  and  courteously  mentioned  as 
the  occasion  for  the  essay.  The  extreme  diver- 
sity of  institutions  and  manners  between 
France  and  the  "sister  republic"  is  duly  em- 
phasized. One  of  the  happy  results  of  the 
war  just  ending  is  to  be  the  discovery  of 
America's  true  soul  and  spirit.  Concerning 
it  Germany  was  supremely  self-confident  and 
utterly  in  error.  She  supposed  the  people 
of  the  United  States  to  be  incapable  of  un- 
selfish action.  That  accounts  largely  for  the 
German  mistakes  made  through  lack  of 
moral  consciousness. 

Germany  did  not  believe  that  any  true 
feeling  of  nationality  could  exist,  to  unite 
immigrants  from  all  the  races  of  the  earth. 
In  order  to  retain  a  hold  on  those  of  German 
birth,  the  Delbriick  law  was  devised,  per- 
mitting them  to  become  duly  naturalized 
citizens  of  another  country,  without  losing 
their  relation  to  the  Fatherland.  Prince 
Heinrich's  visit,  again,  was  a  sort  of  grand 
review  of  the  countless  Germanic  societies 
that  had  sprung  up  on  American  soil.  Yet 
those  who,  in  America,  remained  Germans 
at  heart,  M.  Cambon  declares  to  have  been 
few  indeed,  and  quite  submerged  in  the  gen- 
eral loyalty  to  the  new  land. 

Unity  of  race,  or  even  of  language,  is  by 
no  means  essential  to  full  national  unity. 
The  population  of  Brandenburg  itself  is 
mainly  of  Slavic,  not  Germanic  stock ;  the 
Swiss  speak  three  languages.  Still,  the 
United  States  is  the  most  novel  and  supreme 
example  of  national  spirit  with  no  historic 
or  racial  tradition  ^t  all. 

At  this  point  Mr.  Roosevelt  is  quoted  as 
asserting  that  the  homogeneous  colonization 
of  Australia,  for  example,  was  a  positive  dis- 
advantage, like  in-breeding  in  animal  life! 
A  thesis  which  M.  Cambon  smilingly  calls 
"not  wholly  paradoxical." 

A  second  cardinal  error  of  Germany  con- 
cerned   our    foreign    policy.        AVashington's 


M.    JULES    GAMBON 

(French    Ambassador    to    the    United    States    in    1897- 
1902,   and  to    Germany   in    1907-13) 

Farewell  Address  did,  indeed,  warn  against 
any  permanent  foreign  alliances.  But  at 
what  juncture  did  he  so  speak?  France  was 
in  the  throes  of  the  Revolution,  and  again 
at  grips  with  England.  For  us,  recuperation, 
growth,  fuller  unification,  were  immediate 
and  imperative  needs. 

But  Washington  wrote  to  Gouverneur 
Morris  in  1792:  "If  our  country  can  have 
twenty  years  of  peace,  it  can  defy,  in  a 
righteous  cause,  any  power  whatsoever." 
Even  the  address  itself  foresees  a  near  future, 
when  we  can  choose  freely  between  peace 
and  war.  The  Monroe  doctrine  is  properly 
a  corollary  to  the  program  of  non-interfer- 
ence with  European  affairs. 

Our  idealism  again,  the  (jcrmans  failed  to 
see  at  all.  Beside  the  Puritan  tradition  of 
New  England  the  essayist,  with  racial 
loyalty,  puts  as  a  second  original  influence 
that  of  the  devoted  French  missionaries  who 
followed  Champlain  and  Cadillac.  He  adds 
that  every  public  ceremony  he  himself  ever 
attended  in  America  was  opened  and  closed 
with  prayer!  He  recalls  Seward's  appeal 
in  the  Senate  in  ISSO,  to  "a  higher  law" 
than  the  Constitution.      riie  murder  of  Miss 


424 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


Cavell,  the  torpedoing  of  the  Lusitania,  vio- 
lated that  law. 

Hon.  Thomas  B.  Reed  is  quoted  as  tracing 
all  our  party  contests  back  to  the  collision 
between  Hamilton's  federalisrri  and  Jeffer- 
son's extreme  democracy.  The  civil  war 
was  primarily  the  victory  of  the  former. 
Even  Emancipation  was  but  a  war  measure, 
taken  to  assure  a  restored  and  strengthened 
Union.  Lincoln  indeed  hesitated  long  over 
so  radical  a  move,  just  as  Washington  had 
hesitated  to  break  finally  with  allegiance  to 
England.  The  Civil  War  left  the  United 
States  that  strong,  unified  nation  which 
Washington  had  foreseen,  fit  to  cope  with 
any. 

Secretary  Sherman,  when  M.  Cambon 
paid  a  personal  call,  once  read  to  the  am- 
bassador the  close  of  his  own  memoirs,  still 
urging  "the  ancient  doctrine,"  of  uniting  all 
our  activities  within  our  own  borders.  But 
that  very  day  the  Senate  received  the  Presi- 
dential message  that  precipitated  the  war  with 
Spain !  That  war,  the  acquisition  of  the 
Philippines,  later  of  Hawaii,  and  the  Panama 
canal,  have  made  an  isolated  America  for- 
ever impossible.  All  this,  again,  was  not 
properly  understood  at  Berlin  in   1916. 

To-day  all  nations  are  drawing  together 
to  assure  lasting  peace,  which  must  finally 
depend  on  a  certain  equilibrium  among  na- 
tions. To  that  rightful  balance  America  is 
indispensable.  (Of  course  the  meaning  is — 
indispensable  to  give  peace-loving  nations  full 
and  easy  control.) 

M.  Cambon  digresses  to  defend  the  motives 
of  the  French  intervention   in  our  first  war 


with  England.  Lafayette  and  his  comrades 
were  already  inspired  by  the  conviction  which 
wrought  later  the  French  Revolution.  De 
Grasse  and  Rochambeau  only  cooperated  with 
Bailli  and  Suffren,  the  victors  in  the  East 
Indian  seas.  To  that  service,  rendered  in  en- 
thusiasm for  Liberty,  the  final  response  came 
when  the  sons  of  America,  disembarking  on 
French  soil,  rushed  to  the  tomb  of  Lafayette, 
and  cried  to  him:  "'Here  we  are!" 

The  whole  article  is  chiefly  a  most  grace- 
ful utterance  of  French  admiration  and  grat- 
itude to  America,  expressed  w^ith  the  dis- 
crimination of  a  refined  cosmopolitan  who 
knows  his  subject  intimately  at  first  hand. 
The  passage  most  easily  detached  is  perhaps 
this: 

A  Washington  could  be  imagined,  even  if  the 
United  States  had  never  been.  He  is  a  "gentle- 
man," a  son  of  Old  England,  whose  acts  illustrate 
perfectly  all  the  freedom  and  conservatism,  the 
steadfastness  and  opportunism  at  once  of  the 
English  character.  Even  the  fashion  in  which  he 
defends  the  rights  of  the  colonies  has  in  it  a  cer- 
tain reminiscence  of  Hampden, 

Lincoln,  on  the  other  hand,  has  in  him  nothing 
of  the  old  world.  He  is  a  woodcutter,  who  has 
developed  himself  by  the  study  of  the  laws.  His 
party  has  made  him  President;  his  election  is  the 
signal  for  a  conflict  which  threatens  the  very  life 
of  his  country.  He  proves  himself  superior  to  all 
difficulties.  His  soul  rises  with  them. 
Lincoln  touches  the  heart  of  all  humanity.  There 
is  in  him  something  of  the  saint.  .  .  .  One  can 
only  approach  the  great  memory  of  this  man,  so 
tender  and  yet  so  strong,  with  a  certain  reverence. 

Perhaps  such  a  portrait,  drawn  by  such  a 
hand,  best  illustrates,  what  it  was  the  Ger- 
mans so  fatally  failed  to  understand. 


WOMEN  LABOR  LEADERS  WHO  SEEK 
TO  HUMANIZE  CIVILIZATION 


SINCE  the  beginning  of  the  war,  prac- 
tically all  women  have  become  w^orking 
women.  Because  of  the  insight  into  labor 
conditions  which  their  war  activities  have  af- 
forded them,  the  more  thoughtful  among 
their  number  have  set  about  with  clear  vision 
to  endeavor  to  improve  the  conditions  that 
surround  women  in  the  world  of  industry. 
Two  representative  American  Labor  Women 
sailed  on  March  10  for  France  as  Presiden- 
tial appointees  to  the  Peace  Conference. 
They  are  to  place  before  that  body  their  sug- 
gestions for  special  legislation  that  will  pro- 
tect the  lives  of  women  and  children  and  pro- 


vide suitable  living  and  working  conditions 
for  working  women.  These  women  are  Rose 
Schneiderman,  President  of  the  Woman's 
Trade  Union  League,  and  Mary  Anderson, 
Assistant  Director  of  the  Woman's  Indus- 
trial Section  of  the  Federal  Department  of 
Labor. 

It  is  evident  to  every  thinking  person  that 
the  position  of  the  woman  wage-earner  must 
be  eased  throughout  the  period  of  reorganiza- 
tion. In  England,  in  France,  and  to  a  cer- 
tain extent  in  the  United  States,  women  have 
to  a  greater  degree  than  men  been  forced  into 
temporary  employment.     Now  that  the  years 


LEADING   ARTICLES    OF    THE   MONTH 


425 


of  reconstruction  are  upon  us,  appropriate 
legislation  must  be  effected  that  will  protect 
their  living  standards,  mitigate  the  evils  of 
unemployment  and  give  them  equality  in  the 
world  of  labor. 

Miss  Schneiderman  said  in  a  recent  inter- 
view: 

Miss   Anderson    and   I   are   going   to   the   Peace 
Conference     as     rep- 
resentatives    of     the 


©  Underwood  &  Underwood 
MISS  ROSE  SCHNEIDERMAN 


American  working 
women.  We  shall 
ask  for  the  full  en- 
franchisement of 
women,  their  indus- 
trial, legal  and  po- 
litical equality,  for 
a  single  standard  of 
morality,  for  the 
protection  of  child- 
hood, and  the  right 
of  every  child  to 
equal  educational 
opportunity. 

A  pocket  vol- 
ume, ''Women  and 
the  Labor  Party," 
edited  by  Marion 
Phillips,  with  a 
foreword  by  the 
Honorable  Arthur 
Henderson,  M.  P., 
contains  a  stirring 
series     of      papers 

on  labor  policy  that  American  women  can 
read  with  profit.  The  different  questions  of 
industrial  policy  as  they  affect  women  are 
discussed  by  English  women  of  international 
reputation,  who  are  prominent  in  the  labor 
movement  in  England.  Their  conclusions 
offer  evidence  that  the  women  of  the  Labor 
Party  are  working  for  a  democratic  order  of 
society  in  which  men  and  women  can  live  to- 
gether and  work  together  on  a  footing  of 
complete  equality  and  co-operate  politically 
for  the  common  end  of  good  government. 
Mr.  Henderson  writes: 

In  the  coming  era  of  social  reconstruction,  the 
organized  working  class  movement  which  in- 
cludes both  men  and  women,  has  evolved  a 
policy  intended  to  promote  the  common  interests 
of  both  s.exes,  and  we  believe  that  when  this 
policy  is  properly  understood  by  the  bulk  of  en- 
franchised women  they  will  recognize  that  sepa- 
rate sex  organizations  are  fundamentally  un- 
democratic   and     reactionary. 

Margaret  G.  Bondfield  presents  the  ques- 
tion  of   domestic   labor   from   two   points  of 

^  Women  and  the  Labour  Party.  Edited  by  Marion 
Phillifis.  Foreword  by  Arthur  Ilenderson.  Huebsch. 
1  10    \:\K     50    cents. 


view,  that  of  the  paid  worker  and  that  of  the 
vast  body  of  unpaid  workers,  the  housewives 
and  home-makers.  She  outlines  a  practical 
scheme  for  the  handling  of  the  problem  of 
domestic  service: 

The  establishment  of  domestic  centers.  Daily 
workers  to  be  supplied  to  households  by  the  hour. 
A  Committee  of  Management  to  be  attached  to 
each  center,  composed  of  representatives  of  em- 
ployers and  workers  who  will  decide  rates  of 
pay,  hours  of  work,  holidays,  etc.  .  .  .  Domestic 
workers  to  be  paid  a  fixed  weekly  wage  by  the 
center,  and  all  fees  to  be  paid  by  the  employer 
to  the  manager.  Complaints  about  the  conduct 
of  workers  of  inefficiency  to  be  made  to  the 
manager.  Domestic  training  courses  to  be  es- 
tablished in  connectiffn  with  the  center;  learners 
to  be  sent  out  in  charge  of  skilled  workers. 

Beatrice  Webb  writes  on  "The  End  of  the 
Poor  Law"  in  Great  Britain ;  A.  D.  Sander- 
son Furness  contributes  a  suggestive  article, 
"The  Working  Woman's  House"  ;  Katherine 
Bruce  Glasier  tells  the  story  of  "Woman's 
Battle  with  Dirt";  "The  Woman  Wage 
Earner"  is  discussed  by  Susan  Lawrence;  and 
in    "Woman    and    Internationalism,"    Mary 

the  Woman's  Labor 
League,  and  of 
woman's  interest  in 
internationalism. 

Other  pregnant 
articles  are:  "The 
W  omen  Trade- 
Unionists'  Point  of 
View,"  by  Mary 
Macarthur;  "The 
Claims  of  Mothers 
and  Children,"  by 
Margaret  Llewelyn 
Davies,  and  "The 
Nursery  of  To-mor- 
row," by  Margaret 
McMillan.  These 
women  ask  respec- 
tively for  the  na- 
tional endowment 
of  mothers  and  chil- 
dren, for  more  ma- 
ternity homes,  and 
and     nurse  rv-schools 


Longman    writes    of 


©  G.  V.  Huck 
MISS    MARY    ANDERSON 

systems     of     nurseries 


(preferably  open-air),  and  for  the  removal 
of  the  stigma  that  now  rests  upon  the  illegiti- 
mate child. 

Rebecca  West,  one  of  the  most  brilliant 
women  writers  in  the  world  to-day,  sets  forth 
the  claims  of  women  as  brainworkers.  She 
thinks  that  the  present  system  of  society  mur- 
ders the  brains  of  married  women  not  of  the 
prosperous  classes. 


426 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


CORONATION  OF  WILLIAM  I.  AS  GERMAN  EMPEROR  AT  VERSAILLES 

(At  the  aged  Emperor's  right  stands  the  Crown  Prince  Frederick  William,   Emperor  for  three  months  in   1888  anA 

father  of  William  II,  and  in  front  of  the  throne  stand  Prince  Bismarck  and  Field  Marshal  von  Moltke) 

PROCLAMATION   OF  THE   GERMAN 
EMPIRE  AT  VERSAILLES  IN  1871 


A  VIVID  account  of  the  momentous 
happenings  at  Versailles  from  the  time 
of  the  entry  of  William,  King  of  Prussia, 
October  5,  1870,  to  the  conclusion  of  the 
armistice,  January  26,  1871,  is  contributed 
to  a  recent  issue  of  the  Revue  de  Paris,  Pass- 
ing over  those  interesting  references  which 
give  one  a  realizing  sense  of  the  spirit  which 
animated  the  King,  Bismarck,  and  the  Ger- 
man war  personnel  in  general,  we  proceed  to 
the  writer's  (M.  Batiffol's)  description  of  the 
the  coronation  of  William  as  German  Em- 
peror. 

The  ceremony  was  set  for  January  18.  Begin- 
ning at  ten  in  the  morning,  the  officers,  in  full- 
dress  uniform,  march  slowly  to  the  palace.  Never 
have  the  inhabitants  beheld  a  staff  so  numerous 
or  one  more  imposing.  They  are  so  rigidly  erect 
that  they  seem — as  someone  remarked — to  have 
swallowed  the  sticks  with  which  they  beat  their 
men.  The  spectacle  is  marred,  however,  by  the 
inclemency  of  the  weather. 

On  the  stroke  of  noon  the  King,  in  a  carriage, 
with  an  escort  of  gendarmes,  proceeds  leisurely 
toward  the  Court  of  Honor.  The  officers  repre- 
senting the  different  army  corps,  etc.,  have  reached 
the  Galerie  des  Glaces — where  the  ceremony  is  to 
take  place — by  another  route.  In  the  center  of 
the  gallery  an  altar  has  been  erected  ;  in  the  rear, 
a  very   simple   dais   encircled    by   sixty   flags   and 


standards  of  the  Crown  Prince's  army  corps.  The 
hall  has  no  other  decorations.  The  ceiling — im- 
pressive contrast — is  adorned  with  Lebrun's  strik- 
ing representation  of  Louis  XIV,  with  his  calm, 
majestic  air. 

Preceded  by  the  grand-marshal  and  followed 
by  the  Hohenzollern  and  other  German  princes, 
William  advances  in  the  midst  of  a  throng  of 
officers,  who  form  the  audience  almost  exclusively. 

The  King  pausing  at  the  altar,  the  preacher, 
Rogge,  proceeds  to  laud  the  great  event,  which  is 
to  assure  Germany's  and  the  world's  lasting  hap- 
piness. Then,  advancing  to  the  dais,  the  Crown 
Prince  on  his  right,  his  brother,  Prince  Charles, 
on  his  left,  Bismarck  at  the  base  of  the  dais,  in 
the  white  uniform  of  a  cuirassier,  he  reads,  in  a 
firm  voice,  his  brief  address  of  acceptance  of  the 
imperial  crown;  stating  that  he  has  apprized  the 
German  people  of  his  resolution  by  means  of  a 
proclamation,  which  his  Chancellor  is  com- 
manded to  read.  Whereupon  Bismarck,  "in  a 
voice  vibrating  and  filled  with  joy,"  says  a  wit- 
ness, proceeds  to  read  it.  Having — it  says — re- 
ceived a  unanimous  appeal  from  the  German 
Princes  and  the  free  cities  to  restore  the  German 
Empire,  the  Imperial  German  dignity,  which  has 
not  been  exercised  for  sixty  years,  he  considers 
it  a  duty  towards  the  country  to  give  his  assent 
to  that  appeal  and  accept  the  imperial  German 
crown    .    .    .    and  so  on. 

The  Grand  Duke  of  Baden  then  came  forward, 
and,  saluting  the  new  Emperor,  acclaimed  him 
with  three  cries  of  hoch,  which  the  assembly  re- 
peated   with    frenzied    fervor,    brandishing    their 


LEADING   ARTICLES    OF    THE   MONTH 


427 


sabres,  tossing  about  their  helmets,  and  uttering 
enthusiastic,  guttural  cries — a  singular  scene, 
which  by  its  crudity  might  well  recall  the  out- 
bursts of  the  ancient  Germans  in  the  depths  of 
the  Hercynian  forests. 

In  the  evening,  as  befitting  the  occasion,  a  gala 
dinner  is  given  by  the  Emperor  to  the  Princes 
and  the  delegates  of  the  Reichstag.    French  wines 


figure  abundantly.  Toasts  are  drunk  to  what  the 
Moniteur,  the  official  paper,  will  call  "the  great- 
est event  of  the  century."  The  inhabitants  of 
Versailles  have  the  feeling  that  a  tombstone  has 
been  solemnly  sealed,  consecrating  the  greatness 
of  Prussia,  master  of  Germany,  and  thus  omni- 
potent in  Europe,  while  vanquished  France  is  re- 
garded as  half  dead! 


THE  STORY  OF  THE  "INQUIRY"  ON  BE- 
HALF OF  THE  PEACE  CONFERENCE 

**TN  September,  1917,"  says  the  Geographi- 


cal Review  (New  York),  "as  a  result 
of  conferences  between  Col.  E.  M.  House 
and  President  Wilson,  Colonel  House  was 
authorized  to  organize  forces  to  gather  and 
prepare  for  use  at  the  peace  conference  the 
most  complete  information  possible,  from  the 
best  and  latest  sources,  for  consideration  by 
the  peace  commissioners."  Such  was  the  be- 
ginning of  a  unique  undertaking  which  be- 
came known  to  the  participators  and  a  few 
outsiders  as  the  Inquiry,  but  of  which  the 
world  at  large  heard  nothing  until  quite  re- 
cently. 

Eventually  the  organization  included  about 
one  hundred  and  fifty  persons,  among  them 
distinguished  historians,  economists,  geog- 
raphers and  men  of  affairs ;  while  various 
scientific  bureaus  and  other  branches  of  the 
Government  rendered  valuable  cooperation. 
"Never  before,"  says  the  article  in  the  Geo- 
^  graphical  Review,  which  presents  the  first  de- 
tailed account  of  this  undertaking,  "had  there 
been  gathered  together  so  large  a  body  of 
men  engaged  in  public  service  of  an  interna- 
tional character." 

It  was  soon  evident  that  the  scope  of  the  In- 
quiry would  demand  not  only  a  personnel  of  size 
and  quality  hitherto  unknown  in  any  such  work, 
but  headquarters  where  safety  of  records  and 
secrecy  of  documents  from  enemy  activity  could 
be  assured.  There  was  also  needed  an  already 
established  organization  for  many  kinds  of  re- 
search, map-making,  etc.,  which  could  be  imme- 
diately utilized.  This  problem  was  finally 
solved  when  the  American  Geographical  Society 
placed  its  building  at  lS6th  Street  and  Broadway 
[New  York  City]  and  a  part  of  its  staff,  includ- 
ing its  Director,  Dr.  Isaiah  Bowman,  at  the  dis- 
posal  of  the   Inquiry,  without  cost. 

The  work  from  that  date,  November  10,  1917, 
proceeded  under  careful  guard  night  and  day. 
Such  measures  were  considered  vital  owing  to 
•experiences  at  other  peace  conferences,  notably 
that  after  the  Franco-Prussian  War.  It  was  con- 
sidered necessary,  also,  to  abstain  from  publica- 
tion of  details  of  the  work  of  the  Inquiry  until 
its    results    were    safely    on    shipboard.     A    large 


part  of  them  left  for  Europe  on  the  George 
\  Washington  on  December  4.  Other  results  of 
the  work  were  already  in  Paris,  where  Colonel 
House  had  been  arranging  the  preliminaries  of 
the  forthcoming  conference. 

Similar  inquiries  had  been  in  progress  abroad, 
especially  in  France  and  England.  There  had 
been  frequent  conferences  for  delivery  of  mate- 
rial and  exchange  of  views,  marked  by  a  spirit 
of  friendly  cooperation  throughout.  Some  of  the 
material  from  Europe,  such,  for  example,  as  the 
complete  texts  of  important  treaties  signed  since 
the  beginning  of  the  war,  has  never  been  made 
public. 

President  S.  E.  Mezes,  of  the  College  of 
the  City  of  New  York,  was  appointed  direc- 
tor of  the  Inquiry,  with  Dr.  Isaiah  Bowman 
as  his  right-hand  man,  or  "chief  territorial 
specialist."  Besides  the  members  appointed 
from  various  universities  there  were  eleven 
assistants  and  four  commissioned  officers  of 
the  Military  Intelligence  Division.  Nearly 
all  the  leading  members  of  the  organization, 
together  with  a  force  of  assistants,  map- 
makers,  and  others,  accompanied  President 
Wilson  and  the  other  peace  commissioners  on 
their  visit  to  Paris. 

Passing  by  the  countless  details,  the  In- 
quiry, broadly,  has  covered  the  following 
fields: 

1.  Political  History. 

(a)  Historic  rights,  including  suffrage   laws. 

(b)  Religious    development    and    customs. 

(c)  Rights  of  minority   peoples   in   composite 

populations;    subordinate    nationalities. 

2.  Diplomatic  History. 

(a)  Recent  political   history   related   to  diplo- 

macy, treaties,  etc. 

(b)  Public    law,   constitutional    reforms. 

3.  International   Laic. 

(a)  Reconciliation     of     present     and     former 

practises    and    determination    of    basic 
principles. 

(b)  Study  of  treaty  texts  since  the  beginning 

of  the   war. 

(c)  Geographical    interpretation   of   problems 

of  territorial   ^vaters,  frontiers,  etc. 

4.  Economics. 

(a)    International-      raw      materials,     c(^a]inc 
stations,     cable     stations,     port     works. 


428 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


tariffs  and  customs  unions,  free  ports, 
open  ports, 
(b)  Regional:  industrial  development,  self- 
sufficiency,  traffic  routes  in  relation  to 
boundaries  and  material  resources,  in- 
cluding food,  minerals,  water  power, 
fuel,    etc. 

5.  Geography. 

(a)  Economic    geography. 

(b)  Political    geography:   strategic   frontiers; 

topographic  barriers. 

(c)  Cartography:    maps    to    illustrate    every 

kind  of  distribution  that  bears  on  peace 
problems,  such  as:  (a)  peoples,  (b) 
minerals,  (c)  historical  limits,  (d) 
railways  and  trade  routes,  (e)  crops 
and  live  stock,  (f)  cities  and  indus- 
trial centers,    (g)    religions. 

(d)  Irrigation:    present    development;    possi- 

bilities  in   general    reconstruction. 

6.  Education. 

('a)    Status  in  colonial  possessions.   , 

(b)  Condition   in    backward   states. 

(c)  Opportunities  of  oppressed  minorities. 
The  cartographic  force  of  the  American  Geo- 
graphical Society,  greatly  augmented  by  Govern- 
ment aid,  began  a  map-making  program  hith- 
erto without  precedent  in  this  country,  all  work 
being  carefully  drawn  from  the  latest  and  best 
sources.  Maps  were  made  to  visualize  not  only 
all  manner  of  territorial  boundaries  but  distribu- 
tion of  peoples,  populations  and  their  local  den- 
sities,   religions,    economic    activities,    distribution 


of  material   resources,   trade   routes,  both  historic 
and  potential  strategic  points,  etc. 

Special  interest  attaches  to  a  series  of  base- 
maps  which  the  Inquiry  has  prepared,  cover- 
ing all  parts  of  Europe,  Asia  and  Africa. 
These  maps,  although  designed  primarily  for 
the  use  of  the  peace  commissioners  in  plotting 
all  kinds  of  statistical  data,  are  admirably 
adapted  for  general  scientific  use,  and  have 
accordingly  been  placed  on  sale  at  moderate 
prices. 

This  unique  series  of  base  maps  is  so  impor- 
tant that  it  was  adopted  by  the  War  Depart- 
ment and  prescribed  by  its  Committee  on  Educa- 
tion and  Special  Training  for  use  in  all  colleges 
and  universities  where  units  of  the  Students 
Army  Training  Corps  are  located.  Every  such 
institution  has  received  a  set  of  maps  for  use 
in  its  so-called  War  Issues  Course,  and  in  other 
courses  in  which  the  geographical  problems  of 
the  war  and  the  coming  peace  are  discussed. 
After  peace  has  been  signed  the  maps  will  con- 
tinue to  be  of  value  as  permanent  aids  in  the/ 
study  of  geography,  history,  and  economics.  A 
small-scale  edition  of  each  of  these  maps  has  also 
been  printed  and  distributed,  so  that  the  samti 
map  is  available  in  wall-map  form  for  demon- 
stration by  the  instructor  and  in  desk-map  form 
for  use  by  the  student. 


CALENDAR  REFORMS  AND  THE  PEACE 

CONFERENCE 


OF  projects  for  reforming  our  illogical 
and  inconvenient  calendar  the  name  is 
legion.  A  bill  to  establish  a  new  calendar 
was  introduced  at  the  last  session  of  Congress 
by  Representative  Smith,  of  Michigan;  but 
if  anything  is  obvious  and  incontrovertible 
in  connection  with  such  a  proposal  it  is  that 
the  calendar  is  an  international  institution 
and  that  it  should  not  be  altered  except  by 
general  agreement  among  the  countries  of 
the  world.  Just  at  present  an  opportunity 
for  concerted  action  in  this  matter  is  pre- 
sented by  the  meeting  of  tlic  Peace  Confer- 
ence in  Paris. 

The  time  seems  to  be  ripe  for  securing  at 
least  a  uniform  calendar  throughout  the 
world  in  place  of  the  several  systems  that 
now  prevail,  and  the  suggestion  has  been  put 
forth  that,  instead  of  adopting  the  Gregorian 
calendar  as  it  now  stands,  an  improved  sys- 
tem, based  upon  the  Gregorian,  might  be 
found  acceptable  for  universal  use.  Two  dis- 
tinguished French  astronomers,  M.  Bigour- 
dan  and  Deslandres,  have  recently  discussed 


this  question  in  the  F>ench  Academy  of 
Sciences,  and  both  have  outlined  plans  for  a 
modified  calendar  with  special  reference  to 
bringing  them  to  the  attention  of  the  peace 
delegates  or  the  prospective  League  of  Na- 
tions. It  has  been  especially  urged  that  the 
Academy  of  Sciences  itself  endeavor  to  recon- 
cile the  conflicting  views  of  the  scientific 
world  on  this  subject,  and  formulate  a  plan 
for  submission  to  the  assembled  representa- 
tives of  the  powers.  Finally,  in  the  Revue 
des  Deux  Mondes  M.  Charles  Nordmann, 
in  support  of  a  similar  proposal,  brings  to- 
gether a  large  amount  of  interesting  informa- 
tion concerning  the  history  of  calendar  re- 
forms and  the  present  state  of  the  question. 

From  M.  Nordmann's  article  we  learn, 
among  other  things,  that  gratifying  progress 
has  lately  been  made  toward  the  general  ac- 
ceptance of  the  Gregorian  calendar.  Both 
China  and  Japan  have  adopted  it.  Jugo- 
slavia is  reported  to  have  adopted  it  on  Janu- 
ary 28  of  this  year.  A  bill  providing  for  its- 
adoption    has    been    introduced    in    the    Ru- 


LEADING   ARTICLES    OF    THE    MONTH 


429 


manian  legislature.  The  Bolshevik  govern- 
ment of  Russia  (lately  the  chief  stronghold  of 
the  Julian  calendar)  adopted  the  Gregorian 
system  more  than  a  year  ago.  M.  Nordmann 
speaks  of  the  Turks  as  still  outside  the  Gre- 
gorian fold,  but,  according  to  press  reports, 
the  Turkish  Government  adopted  the  Gre- 
gorian calendar  as  long  ago  as  January,  1917. 
The  Bulgarians  abandoned  the  Julian  calen- 
dar in  favor  of  the  Gregorian  in  1915,  espe- 
cially, says  M.  Nordmann,  to  emphasize  their 
rupture  with  Russia  and  their  affiliation  with 
Germany.  This  was  just  after  a  ceremonious 
visit  from  the  Kaiser. 

Plans  for  improving  the  Gregorian  calen- 
dar had  aroused  serious  attention  on  all  hands 
shortly  before  the  war.  A  committee  to  con- 
sider this  subject  was  appointed  at  the  St. 
Petersburg  meeting  of  the  International  As- 
sociation of  Academies  in  1913.  The  matter 
was  also  discussed  at  the  International  Geog- 
graphical  Congress  which  met  in  Rome  the 
same  year.  The  Congress  of  International 
Associations,  meeting  at  Brussels  in  1913,  and 
the  last  three  International  Congresses  of 
Chambers  of  Commerce  (1910,  1912  and 
1914),  all  passed  resolutions  in  behalf  of 
calendar  reforms.  Lastly,  an  International 
Congress  on  the  Reform  of  the  Calendar  met 
at  Liege,  May  27-29,  1914.  Its  member- 
ship included  eminent  astronomers  and  other 
specialists,  as  well  as  representatives  of  the 
commercial  world  and  of  the  Protestant  and 
Catholic  churches. 


This  notable  assemblage,  the  proceedings 
of  which  have  not  hitherto  been  published, 
studied  the  whole  question  of  calendar  reform 
in  great  detail,  and  its  deliberations,  as  M. 
Nordmann  points  out,  place  the  matter  in 
convenient  shape  for  further  consideration  by 
the  diplomatic  representatives  now  gathered 
in  Paris.  The  resolutions  adopted  by  this 
congress  urge  that  a  new  and  universal  calen- 
dar be  adopted  by  civil  and  ecclesiastical  au- 
thorities throughout  the  world ;  that  the  new 
calendar  be  "perpetual"  (/.  e.,  that  a  given 
date  of  the  year  always  fall  on  the  same  day 
of  the  week)  ;  that  one  day  in  common  years 
and  two  days  in  leap-years  be  dateless;  that 
the  year  consist  of  364  dated  days  (52 
weeks)  ;  that  the  division  of  the  year  into 
twelve  months  be  retained ;  and,  finally,  that 
a  Sunday  in  April  be  adopted  as  a  fixed  date 
for  Easter.  It  was  expected  that  the  govern- 
ment of  Switzerland  would  follow  up  this 
unofficial  movement  by  inviting  the  countries 
of  the  world  to  send  delegates  to  an  official 
conference,  in  which  some  definite  action 
might  be  taken  on  the  subject;  but  the  war 
made  this  impossible. 

M.  Nordmann's  article  reflects  the  trend 
of  recent  opinion  in  behalf  of  avoiding  drastic 
changes  in  the  calendar.  Reforms  should  be 
based  on  practical  rather  than  scientific  con- 
siderations, and  the  new  calendar  should  pre- 
serve such  features  of  the  present  one  as  are 
not  inconsistent  with  convenience  and  sim- 
plicity— the  two  main  objects  to  be  attained. 


AIRPLANES  FOR  PATROLLING  THE 

FORESTS 


THERE  is  no  reason  to  be  pessimistic 
over  the  problem  of  finding  peace-time 
uses  for  the  world's  large  stock  of  airplanes. 
Of  the  many  suggestions  offered  toward  the 
solution  of  this  problem,  one  of  the  most  in- 
teresting is  made  by  Mr.  Henry  S.  Graves, 
Chief  of  the  U.  S.  Forest  Service,  who  writes 
in  Aviation  (New  York)  and  in  Aeronautics 
(London)  on  the  "Use  of  Airplanes  in  Forest 
Patrol  Work." 

The  need  of  maintaining  a  vigilant  patrol 
over  forests,  chiefly  for  the  sake  of  obtaining 
timely  notice  of  fires  and  guiding  the  work 
of  the  firefighters,  is  understood  in  a  general 
way  by  the  public,  but  the  magnitude  of  the 
interests  involved  is  perhaps  not  so  generally 
realized.     In  the  United  States  we  have  550,- 


000,000  acres  of  forested  land,  the  timber 
resources  of  which  are  worth  some  $6,000,- 
000,000.  It  appears  that  during  the  three 
years  1915-17  the  average  annual  damage 
caused  by  forest  fires  amounted  to  about 
$10,000,000.  There  are  about  28.000  forest 
fires  every  year,  and  the  average  area  burned 
over  is  more  than  8,000,000  acres  per  annum. 
The  great  fires  in  Minnesota  last  October  are 
estimated  to  have  damaged  towns,  timber, 
farms  and  livestock  to  a  total  value  of  $100,- 
000,000,  besides  costing  from  500  to  1000 
lives. 

The  present  system  of  forest  patrol  involves 
the  maintenance  of  a  permanent  force  in  each 
National  Forest,  while  additional  men  are 
employed   during  the  season   of   fire   danger. 


430 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW  OF   REVIEWS 


which  is,  roughly,  from  June  to  September, 
inclusive.  The  total  force  amounts  to  about 
2000  men,  and  its  employment  entails  an  an- 
nual expenditure  of  $500,000.  Lookout 
points  are  located  on  mountain  peaks  and 
lookout  'towers.  As  to  the  use  of  aircraft 
the  wTiter  says: 

Our  present  detection  system,  while  not  per- 
fect, is  the  best  system  possible  under  our  finan- 
cial limitations.  This  is  why  the  Forest  Service 
has  not  been  prepared  to  experiment  with  air- 
craft in  fire  protection.  However,  no  doubt  exists 
in  my  mind  that  there  is  a  distinct  place  for 
them  in  our  work  of  protecting  the  forests,  and 
eventually  they  will  be  used  to  advantage.  Yet, 
in  view  of  the  great  initial  cost  of  aircraft,  their 
relatively  short  period  of  usefulness  or  rapid  de- 
preciation, the  comparatively  excessive  cost  of- 
maintenance  and  operation,  as  well  as  the  fact 
that  they  would  be  needed  only  for  not  to  exceed 
four  or  five  months  in  any  one  year,  the  Forest 
Service  as  a  Government  agency  would  be  han- 
dicapped in  developing  the  necessary  establish- 
ment. But  the  Government  now  has  rnany  air- 
craft and  experienced  fliers,  observers,  mecha- 
nicians, radio  operators — in  short,  an  efficient, 
seasoned  aerial  service  which  will,  it  is  assumed, 
be  maintained  as  distinctive  divisions  of  the 
Army  and  Navy.  In  this  event  constant  train- 
ing must  be  had  to  maintain  the  desired  efficiency. 

Besides  purely  military  maneuvers,  what  better 
training  would  be  available  than  the  daily  patrol 
of  our  forested  areas?  What  a  fine  opportunity 
to  prepare  accurate  photographic  maps,  as  is 
done  in  actual  warfare,  to  determine  the  accu- 
rate location  of  fires  by  coordinates  in  the  same 
way  that  artillery  fire  is  directed  to  a  particular 
spot  or  object,  to  use  the  wireless  in  reporting 
the  fires,  as  has  been  done  in  communicating 
with  the  artillery. 

As  compared  with  the  existing  system  of 
fixed  lookout  stations,  Mr.  Graves  points  out 
that  the  aerial  observer  would  be  able  to  de- 
tect fires  in  places,  such  as  deep  canyons, 
where  they  are,  in  many  cases,  hidden  from 
the  view  of  a  lookout  on  a  peak  or  tower. 
Apart  from  difficulties  due  to  topography,  the 
observer  on  a  tower  enjoys  but  a  limited 
range  of  vision,  as  compared  with  that  ob- 
tained from  an  airplane;  hence  the  special 
advantage  of  aircraft  in  regions  where  no 
mountains  are  available.  Another  advantage 
of  aerial  patrol  would  be  that  a  smaller  num- 
ber of  observers  would  be  needed. 

From  the  experience  already  gained  in  the  use 
of  aircraft,  it  would  probably  not  be  at  all  difficult 
to  determine  for  a  given  region  comprising  a 
specified  acreage  the  number  of  bases  or  aero- 
dromes, the  number  of  machines,  and  the  number 
of  men  that  would  be  required,  as  well  as  the 
regular  aerial  routes  of  patrol.  The  liability  of 
value,  location  and  areas  of  different  timber  types 
and  the  risk  involved,  as  well  as  the  availability 
of  suitable  landing  places,  would  be  factors  in- 
fluencing the  determination  of  such   patrol   routes. 


The  foresters  and  aviators  would,-  of  course,  co- 
operate fully  in  every  phase  of  the  work. 

Aircraft  would  be  useful  not  only  in  the 
discovery  of  fires  at  their  origin,  but  also  in 
scouting  large  fires  while  in  progress,  as  in 
the  case  of  the  great  Minnesota  disaster,  thus 
minimizing  the  material  destruction  and  the 
loss  of  life.     Mr.  Graves  adds: 

The  experience  of  forest  officers  in  fighting 
fires  in  the  National  Forests  of  the  Western  States 
has  emphasized  the  importance  of  having  an  ef- 
ficient scouting  service  on  every  large  fire.  Where 
a  fire  is  confined  to  one  watershed  its  progress 
can  usually  be  determined  from  some  high  point. 
But  often  a  fire  may  be  burning  in  several 
canyons  at  the  same  time.  The  general  topog- 
raphy of  the  country,  but  more  specifically  the 
depth  and  width  of  the  canyons,  may  influence 
wind  conditions  to  such  an  extent  that  a  fire  in 
one  canyon  may  be  headed  in  one  direction,  while 
in  the  next  canyon  the  fire  will  be  burning  in  the 
opposite   direction. 

If  the  fire  covers  a  fairly  large  area — for  in- 
stance, ten  or  more  square  miles  of  a  rough 
mountainous  country  containing  no  inhabitants 
and  practically  no  transportation  system,  and 
where  timber  and  underbrush  are  so  thick  that 
trails  must  be  cut  before  a  pack  outfit  can  reach 
a  suitable  site  with  a  camp  outfit  for  the  fire 
fighters — the  difficulties  encountered  by  a  fire 
scout  are  readily  realized.  In  much  of  the 
western  country  it  is  difficult  to  travel  on  foot 
more  than  a  mile  an  hour,  owing  to  steep  slopes 
and  thick  underbrush.  The  use  of  aircraft^ for 
scouting  purposes  under  such  conditions  should 
prove  most  efficacious. 

The  idea  of  utilizing  airplanes  in  this 
kind  of  work  is  not,  of  course,  altogether 
new.  A  meeting  of  forest  supervisors  held 
at  El  Paso  in  1909  passed  a  resolution  to  the 
effect  that  the  use  of  aircraft  in  fire-patrol 
work  was  something  that  should  be  looked 
forward  to.  In  the  summer  of  1915  a  flying 
boat  was  actually  used  for  detecting  fires  in 
the  Wisconsin  State  Forests.  Mr.  Graves 
also  recalls  the  fact  that  aircraft  were  success- 
fully used  in  directing  the  forces  engaged  in 
fighting  the  big  fire  in  munition  warehouses 
in  New  Jersey  some  months  ago.  He  says,  in 
conclusion : 

It  is  probably  premature  to  discuss  the  value  of 
aircraft  in  actual  forest  fire  suppression  work. 
Some  types  of  aircraft  would  lend  themselves  to 
the  transportation  of  fire  fighters.  The  sugges- 
tion has  also  been  made  that  bombing  planes 
could  be  used  to  advantage  in  that  fireproof 
bombs,  consisting  of  certain  chemicals,  could  be 
hurled  on  fires  in  sufficient  quantities  to  extin- 
guish them.  How  practicable  a  scheme  of  this 
kind  might  be  remains  to  be  seen.  It  goes  with- 
out saying,  however,  that  the  adoption  of  air- 
craft for  patrolling  the  forested  areas  of  the 
country  will  create  a  large  field  for  experiments 
of  many  kinds. 


LEADING   ARTICLES    OF    THE   MONTH 


431 


A  PROPOSED  "UNIVERSITY  OF  THE 

SEA"  AT  TRIESTE 


THE  persistent  pre-war  agitation  in  favor 
of  the  establishment  of  an  Italian  uni- 
versity in  Trieste  might  now  result  in  suc- 
cess, but  it  is  the  opinion  of  Signor  Guido 
Manacorda,  as  expressed  in  an  article  in 
Rivista  d'ltalia,  that  the  plan  formerly  advo- 
cated should  be  considerably  modified,  in 
view  of  the  changed  conditions. 

Before  the  war  the  chief  aims  of  the  friends 
of  the  proposed  foundation  were  political. 
They  sought  to  place  the  Austro-Hungarian 
government  in  more  and  more  open  opposi- 
tion to  Italian  nationality,  and  thus  to  demon- 
strate the  irreconcilability  of  any  true  literary 
or  scientific  progress  for  the  Italian-speaking 
part  of  the  population  with  the  domination 
of  the  Hapsburgs. 

Now,  however,  that  Trieste  has  been  re- 
united with  Italy,  these  considerations  have 
lost  their  importance,  and  an  opportunity  is 
offered  to  strengthen  the  ties  between  that 
city  and  the  rest  of  Italy  by  sending  the  3^outh 
of  the  new  province  to  Italian  universities. 

A  simple  ''University  of  Trieste"  organ- 
ized on  the  old  lines  would  either  lead  a 
struggling  existence  or  would  be  obliged  to 
throw  open  its  doors  to  an  invasion  of  Slavic 
students,  who  would  be  certain  to  demand 
lectures  in  their  own  tongue  in  addition  to 
those  in  Italian,  and  mighteventually  agitate 
to  make  the  university  entirely  Slavic,  the 
inevitable  result  being  quarrels  and  tumults 
hurtful  to  the  institution,  to  the  city,  and  to 
the  whole  nation. 

Under  these  circumstances  Trieste  strongly 
favors  the  founding  of  two  great  institutes 
for  the  furtherance  of  higher  education,  insti- 
tutes not  restricted  within  the  bounds  of  the 
old  conception  of  an  Italian  university,  but 
giving  to  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  city  and 
the  neighboring  regions  an  opportunity  to 
participate  in  the  intellectual  movement  of 
the  present  time.  These  institutes  would  be 
named,  respectively,  the  "University  of  the 
Sea,"  designed  to  satisfy  the  requirements  of 
active  life  in  a  maritime  community,  and  the 
AthenjEum,  for  the  furtherance  of  literary, 
moral  and  scientific  culture  in  the  redeemed 
territory. 

The  writer  then  proceeds  to  sketch  out  a 
plan  for  the  marine  university.  It  should 
bring  together  the  technical,  nautical  and 
commercial  schools  already  existing  in 
Trieste,  expanding  and  perfecting  them  in  a 


way  only  possible  for  a  city  that  draws  its 
life  from  the  sea.  The  new  institution  would 
constitute  for  the  world  a  victorious  affirma- 
tion of  the  rebirth  of  Italy's  merchant  marine. 

Assuming  that  no  similar  university  yet 
exists  elsewhere,  Signor  Manacorda  believes 
that  it  would  attract  many  students  from 
other  lands.  He  considers  that  it  should 
comprise  three  main  branches,  one  devoted  to 
nautics,  another  to  naval  engineering,  and 
the  third  to  commerce. 

That  covering  nautics  should  have  for  its 
principal  task  the  training  of  great  captains 
for  the  merchant  marine.  Besides  the  study 
of  the  technical  disciplines,  instruction  should 
also  be  imparted  in  international  law,  com- 
mercial law,  political  economy,  etc.,  and  at 
least  two  of  the  principal  European  languages 
should  be  taught.  A  special  section  should 
be  devoted  to  the  training  of  great  explorers, 
a  field  so  richly  cultivated  in  Italy's  past,  but 
now  so  sadly  neglected.  Here,  in  addition 
to  purely  technical  instruction,  ample  scope 
would  be  given  to  the  study  of  ethnography, 
as  well  as  courses  in  the  botany  and  zoology 
of  islands  and  seas  in  different  zones,  on  dis- 
eases peculiar  to  tropical  or  arctic  regions, 
etc.  The  branch  of  nautics  would  be  pro- 
vided with  a  well-furnished  aquarium  and 
libraries. 

The  Faculty  of  Naval  Engineering  would 
be  a  necessary  complement  of  that  of  Nautics, 
its  mission  being  to  train  the  great  naval  con- 
structors who  are  to  provide  ships  to  bear 
the  merchandise  of  Italy  to  foreign  lands. 
As  it  seems  likely  that  under  the  new  condi- 
tions Trieste  will  lose  its  character  as  a  port 
of  transit,  the  branch  of  naval  engineering 
should  include  a  section  of  industrial  engi- 
neering, whose  graduates  would  stimulate  the 
manufacture  of  products  to  feed  the  traffic 
of  the  port.  Here  a  school  of  chemistry 
would  be  a  necessary  adjunct. 

The  Faculty  of  Commerce,  finally,  would 
have  for  its  task  the  training  of  those  destined 
for  the  management  of  traffic  on  a  grand 
scale.  It  should  be  organized  in  accord  with 
the  geographical  situation  of  Trieste,  with  the 
special  needs  of  its  commerce.  As  an  active 
development  of  trade  with  the  Orient  wouUl 
be  the  chief  aim,  there  should  be,  besides  the 
strictly  technical  and  economic  course,  in- 
struction covering  the  juridical  and  social 
conditions  of  the  East. 


132 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


CHILE,  PERU,  AND    BOLIVIA    IN 
TERRITORIAL  DISPUTES 


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THE  world-wide 
movement  t  o  - 
ward  a  settlement  of 
all  pending  questions 
as  to  territorial  boun- 
daries finds  an  echo 
in  the  revival  of  the 
long-standing  dispute 
between  Peru  and 
Chile  regarding  the 
permanent  status  of 
the  provinces  Tacna 

iind  Arica,  which  came  under  the  control  of 
Chile  after  Peru's  defeat  in  the  war  of 
1879-1883. 

As  Bolivia  at  this  time  made  common 
cause  with  Peru,  she  also  was  a  sufferer,  be- 
ing deprived  of  her  entire  coast  territory  to 
Chile's  profit.  The  whole  question  is  some- 
what complicated,  and  even  should  Chile  at 
last  permit  a  decision  by  means  of  a  plebis- 
cite, in  accord  with  the  terms  of  the  treaty 
signed  at  Ancon  in  1883,  she  has  so  far  been 
quite  disinclined  to  allow  the  votes  of  all 
resident  Peruvians  to  be  cast,  thus  making 
the  result,  after  so  many  years  of  adverse 
possession,  practically  a  foregone  conclusion. 
Of  the  actual  situation  as  influenced  by  for- 
mer negotiations  and  schemes,  an  article  in 
the  Peruvian  weekly  paper  Variedades  gives 
some  interesting  details  and  opinions. 

As  to  Bolivia's  attitude  in  the  present 
crisis,  the  writer  finds  it  not  in  accord  with 
the  logical  course  that  country  should  pur- 
sue, given  the  situation  created  on  the  South 
American  continent  by  the  war  with  Chile ; 
for  Bolivia,  despoiled  of  her  entire  coast, 
was  reduced  to  the  condition  of  an  inland 
nation,  and  was  placed  at  the  mercy  of  the 
neighboring  countries  should  they  wish  to 
absorb  her. 

Thus  he  considers  that  Chile's  object  in 
depriving  Bolivia  of  a  vital  connection  with 
the  outside  world  was  not  merely  to  estab- 
lish territorial  continuity  between  her  own 
original  domain  and  the  nitrate  region  con- 
quered from  Peru,  but  also  to  leave  open  a 
promising  field  of  expansion  and  conquest 
for  the  future.  He  seeks  to  support  this  by 
the  foHowing  recitals: 

It  has  been  reported  that  as  early  as  1897, 
during  the  conference  held  at  Magellan  be- 
tween    President    Roca    of    Argentina    and 


President  Errazuris  of  Chile,  the  latter  sug- 
gested to  the  former  the  idea  of  a  partition 
of  Bolivia,  at  that  time  in  the  throes  of  a 
revolution,  and  it  also  appeared  that  this 
idea  was  not  distasteful  to  Roca.  If  he 
failed  to  give  it  a  warm  welcome,  this  is 
said  to  have  been  because  he  could  not  clearly 
see  a  way  to  accomplish  this  international 
offense. 

It  is  well  known  that  the  failure  of  the 
Billinghurst-Latorre  treaty,  which  provided 
for  the  decision  of  the  question  of  sovereignty 
over  Tacna  and  Arica,  in  accord  with  the 
treaty  of  Ancon,  was  due  to  the  averting 
at  this  Magellan  conference  of  an  imminent 
danger  of  w^ar  between  Chile  and  the  Ar- 
gentine  Republic. 

In  1900,  Sefior  Angel  Custodio  Vicufia, 
plenipotentiary  of  Chile  at  Lima,  Peru,  did 
not  hesitate  to  propose  to  President  Romana 
and  Chancellor  Osma  the  partition  of  Bo- 
livia, whose  rich  territory  offered,  as  he  said, 
ample  compensations  for  the  expenses  and 
efforts  entailed  by  the  enterprise.  The 
Chilean  cabinet  doubtless  judged  that  Peru, 
having  lost  all  hope  of  securing  the  plebiscite 


THE  CONDOR    (cHILe)    AND  THE  LLAMA    (PERU) 

Condor;  "'Don't  pretend  to  mount  so  high,  wretched 
quadruped!  To  do  so  one  must  have  the  wings  of  the 
condor." 

From  Succsos  (Chile) 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE    MONTH 


433 


stipulated  for  in  the  treaty  of  Ancon,  would 
show  the  same  lack  of  scruple  as  did  Chile, 
and  that  consequently,  after  weighing  the 
advantages  resulting  from  the  conquest  of  a 
vast  territory,  fertile  agriculturally  and  rich 
in  minerals,  against  her  role  of  an  idealistic 
claimant  of  a  tract  relatively  poor,  like  the 
provinces  of  Tacna  and  Arica,  she  would 
perhaps  vacillate  for  a  moment,  but  would 
finally  yield  to  the  ignoble  temptation  to 
enrich  herself  by  the  destruction  of  a  friend- 
ly nation. 

The  infamous  proposition  aroused  such 
indignation  in  the  minds  of  President 
Romana  and  Osma,  that  they  did  not  stop 
an  instant  to  consider  the  propriety  of  com- 
pletely unveiling  Chile's  design,  but  replied 
by  a  categorical  rejection.  Naturally  Chile 
denied  that  such  a  proposal  had  been  made, 
at  most  admitting  that  it  might  have  been 
humorously  put  forth  by  Seiior  Vicuna,  for- 
merly the  author  of  dramas  and  comedies. 


The  writer  considers  that  Bolivia  ought 
to  regard  the  cause  of  Peru  as  her  own,  and 
that  the  Bolivian  Government  ought  to  write 
its  claims  of  territorial  restitution  with 
those  of  Peru  before  the  tribunal  of  the 
world's  conscience,  of  that  international 
morality  that  has  emerged  triumphant  from 
the  long  years  of  war.  Unfortunately,  how- 
ever, it  seems  that  Bolivia  cannot  see  her 
way  clear  to  take  this  course.  She  seems  to 
be  only  able  to  bewail  her  misfortune,  her 
need  of  a  seaport,  wherever  it  may  be  and 
from  whomsoever  it  may  be  secured. 

In  conclusion,  the  writer  expresses  the  hope 
that  the  Peruvian  cabinet  will  come  to  a 
frank  understanding  with  that  of  Bolivia  to 
the  effect  that  no  account  be  taken  of  Chile's 
scheme  for  the  acquisition  by  Bolivia  of  a 
port  on  Peruvian  soil,  so  that  the  termina- 
tion of  the  discord  may  not  contain  the 
germs  of  new  conflicts,  generated  by  such  a 
territorial  encroachment. 


PREVENTIVE  POLICING  IN  THE  BIG 

CITIES 


EX-POLICE  COMMISSIONER  AR- 
THUR WOODS,  recently  head  of 
"The  Finest,"  as  the  New  York  Police  are 
often  called,  in  a  series  of  articles  in  the  New 
York  Tribune,  copyrighted  by  the  Princeton 
University  Press,  discusses 
some  new  theories  put  in 
practice  under  his  adminis- 
tration for  reducing  crime 
b  y  preventive  measures 
aimed  at  throttling  crime  at 
its  source. 

He  says  that  the  essential 
basis  of  all  good  police  work 
is  the  men  themselves,  who 
"must  be  strong  of  body, 
stout  of  soul — sturdy,  two- 
fisted  specimens,  knowing 
how  to  hold  themselves  in 
restraint  even  under  severe 
provocation,  yet  prompt  and 
powerful  to  act  with  force 
and  uncompromising  vigor 
when  only  that  will  main- 
tain order  and  protect  the  law-abiding." 

PRESENT    METHODS  THE    BASIS 

In  discussing  present  police  methods,  as  a 
groundwork  for  his  more  advanced  ideas,  he 
has  this  to  say: 

Apr.— 7 


ARTHUR   H.   WOODS 


A  person  with  crime  in  his  mind  will  hardly 
try  to  commit  it  in  sight  of  the  policeman,  and, 
other  things  being  equal,  he  will  get  just  as  far 
from  the  policeman  as  he  can  before  doing  any- 
thing wrong.  »  .  .  But  however  short  a  distance 
the  influence  goes,  and  however  weakly  it  oper- 
ates, it  is  restraining  and  pre- 
ventive. Conceivably,  if  there 
were  an  alert,  capable  patrol- 
man on  each  city  block,  no 
crime  would  be  committed  in 
our  streets.  Such  police  per- 
vasiveness would  be  a  fairly 
sure  preventive  of  street  hold- 
ups, of  pocket  picking,  unless 
the  crowd  should  be  large 
enough  to  give  friendly  shel- 
ter ;  of  highway  robbery, 
stealing  from  trucks  and  de- 
livery or  express  wagons,  and 
other  forms  of  crime  that  are 
done  in  the  open. 

Adequate  policing  of  the 
streets  cannot,  however,  be  ex- 
pected to  prevent  all  sorts  of 
crime. 

The  regular  uniformed  pa- 
trol is  always  supplemented 
hy  a  detective  force,  which 
also  exerts  a  preventive  influence,  although  de- 
tective work  is  primarily  for  the  purpose  of  de- 
tecting the  criminal  who  has  already  committed 
a  crime.  This  detective  preventive  work  adds 
strength  to  the  preventive  efl^orts  of  the  uniformed 
force. 

Good  detective  work  always  keeps  the  criminal 


434 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


from  taking  chances  that  he  would  take  without 
an  uneasy  thought  in  cities  where  the  men  in 
plain  clothes  were  lazy  or  incompetent  or  were 
willing  to  come  to  a  gentleman's  agreement  with 
him.  If  a  pickpocket  feels  that  there  are  a  lot 
of  innocent-looking  detectives  prowling  around 
who  know  the  ways  of  the  trade  and  are  ac- 
quainted with  the  faces  and  the  figures  of  the 
principal  operatives,  he  will  be  apt  to  forego  the 
temptation  even  of  large  and  careless  crowds  in 
that  city  and  will  cleave  to  other  towns  where 
the  police  are  not  as  fussy  about  protecting 
property. 

And  if  a  criminal  of  any  kind  feels  that  the 
detectives  of  any  city  are  a  relentless  lot  of  spoil- 
sports, who  won't  be  good  fellows,  who  will  keep 
everlastingly  on  the  trail  of  the  lawbreaker,  not 
just  while  the  newspapers  are  featuring  the 
crime,  but  after  it  has  been  forgotten  by  all  ex- 
cept the  poor  family  whose  savings  of  years  are 
stolen,  or  by  the  stricken  widow  and  children  of 
the  murdered  man,  months  and  years  after — the 
criminal  will  be  apt  to  shun  that  city. 

There  are  crimes  that  were  done  in  New  York 
}'ears  ago  which,  though  dead  as  far  as  the  public 
memory  of  them  goes,  are  just  as  living  in  the 
files  of  the  Detective  Bureau  and  in  the  minds 
of  the  detectives  working  on  them  as  they  were 
twenty-four  hours   after  they  were  committed. 

These  are  the  conventional  police  methods  of 
preventing  crime,  and  they  are  good  methods. 
To  give  them  a  reasonable  chance  of  success, 
in  the  first  place  a  sufficient  number  of  police- 
men  is    required. 

And  there  are  several  factors,  as  the  ordi- 
nary citizen  will  be  interested  to  know, 
which  enter  into  the  determination  of  the 
size  of  any  police  force — such  aS  the  ratio  of 
police  to  population ;  street  mileage ;  streams 
of  traffic;  chaTacter  of  population,  and  dif- 
ference between  that  of  the  day  and  of  night 
in  certain  sections.  Scientific  policing  is  a 
new  problem,  but  when  sounder  methods  are 
evolved  we  should  be  able  to  get  along  with 
smaller  numbers  of  more  efficient  policemen 
with  much  better  results  than  at  present. 

The  policeman  has  a  deal  of  responsibility, 
with  nobody  of  superior  authority  at  hand 
to  look  to  for  orders. 

He  should  not  be  tied  up  with  minute  instruc- 
tions, or  confined  to  narrowly  prescribed  methods, 
but  should  be  given  latitude  for  action  com- 
mensurate with  his  responsibility,  and  then  be 
held  to  results.  The  old  methods  not  merely  gave 
him  less  discretion,  but  enforced  the  same  scheme 
of  patrol  throughout  all  parts  of  the  city,  irre- 
spective of  the  peculiar  characteristics  of  dif- 
ferent neighborhoods — and  neighborhoods  of  big 
modern  cities  vary  radically  in  character  and 
need    different    police    treatment. 

BETTER    METHODS 

Foot  patrol  Is  recommended  for  thickly 
populated  sections;  and  bicycle  or  automo- 
bile patrol,   with   frequent  sub-stations   con- 


nected by  telephone,  for  outlying  residential 
districts;  so  that  the  police  are  within  five 
minutes'  call  always,  everywhere — and  both 
the  public  and  the  criminals  know  it.  De- 
tective w^ork  should  be  improved  by  keeping 
a  record  of  assignment  of  cases  to  detectives, 
and  the  results  achieved  ;  Instead  of  handing 
a  memorandum  of  the  case  on  a  piece  of 
paper  to  the  first  man  in  line,  and  letting  the 
case  drop  when  the  paper  wears  out.  Mr. 
Woods  goes  on  to  say,  in  discussing  uncon- 
ventional methods: 

Educating  the  citizen  in  self-protection  is  one 
of  the  principal  efforts  we  have  been  making 
along  these  lines.  We  have  published  circulars: 
"How  to  Protect  Yourself" ;  w^e  have  had  moving 
picture  films  made  and  shown  all  over  the  city, 
illustrating  the  fatal  results  of  carelessness  in 
leaving  doors  unlocked,  handbags  easy  to  open, 
notices  on  the  bell  that  nobody  was  at  home, 
which  constituted,  in  effect,  an  invitation  to  the 
burglar    to    make    himself    at    home. 

We  have  advised  with  business  houses  as  to 
the  best  methods  of  protecting  them,  and  have 
sent  experts  to  inspect  and  suggest;  we  have  con- 
sulted with  various  insurance  people  as  to  better 
methods  of  preventing  the  very  things  they  were 
insuring  against.  We  have  sent  policemen  to 
talk  to  children  in  the  schools  and  to  various 
groups  of  employees.  And  we  have  tried  to  make 
each  policemen  a  little  educating  center  in  him- 
self. 

A  very  large  percentage  of  crimes  committed 
in  large  cities  nowadays  is  the  handiwork  of  dis- 
honest employees.  The  situation  has  been  ag- 
gravated  by   the   recent   war   conditions. 

The  only  thing  that  can  prevent  this  or  tend 
toward  preventing  it,  is  your  own  scrupulousness 
in  examining  references. 

These  methods  of  Crime  prevention  are  good, 
and  are  effective,  carried  out  by  an  ambitious, 
self-respecting  force  of  men  intelligently  directed. 
The  patrol  force  developed  to  its  maximum  effi- 
ciency, a  detective  force  of  keen  men  helped  by 
everything  that  modern  research  can  do  for  it, 
and  both  these  methods  supplemented  by  the 
exercise  of  ordinary  precautions  on  the  part  of 
the  people  of  the  cit\' — all  this  cannot  help  mak- 
ing the  work  of  the  thief  and  the  burglar  much 
harder.  But  even  this  does  not  get  to  the  root 
of  the  evil,  for  it  fails  to  diminish  the  supply 
of  criminals.  These  methods  make  it  hard  for 
the  criminal  to  do  his  job;  they  worry  him,  make 
him  wary  and  nervous  and  often  cause  him  to  ply 
his  trade  in  some  other  city,  but  that  does  not 
prevent  people  from  becoming  criminals.    .    .    . 

We  shall  never  go  far  toward  ridding  the  com- 
munity of  criminals  until  we  get  at  the  breeding 
places.  We  must  drain  the  swamps  of  crime  as 
they  drained  the  swamps  in  Cuba  to  get  rid  of  the 
yellow  fever  mosquitoes. 

Crime  prevention,  interesting  as  it  is  in 
these  days  of  marked  social  progress,  is 
rivalled  by  the  Interest  in  how  to  prevent  the 
criminal.  One  has  to  do  with  methods;  the 
other  with  men. 


i 


LEADING   ARTICLES    OF    THE   MONTH 


43'5. 


JOHN  McCRAE.  AUTHOR  OF 
"IN  FLANDERS  FIELDS" 


THE  war  poem,  "In  Flan- 
ders Fields,"  the  most  beau- 
tiful lyric  that  has  been  written 
by  any  poet  of  the  War,  ap- 
peared anon5^mously  in  the  issue 
of  Punch,  December  8,  1915.  It 
was  immediately  recognized  by 
everyone  who  read  it  as  a  lyric 
that  combined  inspiration  with 
high  thought,  perfect  images, 
and  complete  expression.  This 
simple,  haunting  song  of  tragedy 
has  been  the  "Marseillaise"  of 
this  war;  it  leaped  from  the 
clamor  of  the  guns,  from  the 
fluting  of  the  larks  and  the  scar- 
let poppies  abloom  on  Flanders 
fields,  to  breathe  forth  to  the 
living  the  unshaken  purpose  of 
the  dead,  and  with  one  sentence 
— "If  ye  break  faith" — ascends 
to   the   plateaus   of   immortality 


LIEUTENANT-COLONEL 
JOHN      MCCRAE 


were  shot  actually  rolled  down  the 
bank  into  his  dressing  station. 
Along  from  us  a  few  hundred 
yards  was  the  headquarters  of  a 
regiment,  and  many  times  during 
the  sixteen  days  of  battle,  he  and 
I  watched  them  burying  their  dead 
whenever  there  was  a  lull.  Thus 
the  crosses,  row  on  row,  grew  into 
a  good-sized  cemetery.  Just  as  he 
describes,  we  often  heard  in  the 
mornings  the  larks  singing  high  in 
the  air  between  the  crash  of  the 
shell  and  the  reports  of  the  guns 
in  the  battery  just  beside  us." 

John  McCrae  studied  and 
practised  medicine  for  twenty 
years.  He  gradu'ated  from  the 
University  of  Toronto  with 
honors  and  later  graduated  again 
with  a  scholarship  in  physiology 
and  pathology  and  a  gold  medal. 
He  occupied  the  post  of  resident 
house  physician  at  the  Toronto 
General  Hospital  and  Johns 
Later   he   became   pathologist   to 


attained    only    by    those    who, 

oblivious  of  past  and  future,  gave  their  all  Hopkins 

to  the  cj?use  of  mankind.  the    Montreal    General    Hospital    and    was 

Until  the  recent  publication  of  John  Mc-  appointed  to  the  Alexandra  Hospital  for  in- 

Crae's    poems     (Putnam's),    together    with  fectious    diseases.       He    was    also    assistant 

many  of  his  personal  letters  from  the  front  physician    at    the    Royal    Victoria    Hospital 

and    a   memoir   by   his   friend.    Sir  Andrew  and  lecturer  in  medicine  at  the  University. 

IVIacphail,    very    little    has    been    generally  By  examination,  he  became  a  member  of  the 

known  of  the  personality  of  this  gallant  sol-  Roval   College   of    Physicians,    London,    and 


dier,  physician,  and  poet  who  fought  and 
served  in  two  wars  and  died  of  double  pneu- 
monia in  France  January  28,  1918,  a  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel   with    the    Canadian    forces. 

Sir  Andrew  quotes  in  the  memoir  from  a  for  his  campaign  there 
letter  written  by  Gen- 
eral Morrison,  the  ac- 
count of  the  circum- 
stances that  preceded 
the  w^riting  of  "In 
Flanders  Fields" : 


was  elected  a  member  of  the  Association  of 
American  Physicians.  He  earned  his  rank 
in  South  Africa  in  the  Boer  War,  and  re- 
ceived the  Queen's  Medal  with  three  clasps 


'This  poem,"  General 
Morrison  writes,  "was 
literally  born  of  the 
fire  and  blood  of  the 
second  battle  of  Ypres. 
My  headquarters  were 
in  a  trench  at  the  bot- 
tom of  the  bank  of  the 
Ypres  Canal  and  John 
had  his  dressing  sta- 
tion in  a  hole  dug  in 
the  foot  of  the  bank. 
During  the  periods  in 
the      battle,      men      who 


In  Flanders  fields  the  poppies  blow 
Between  the  crosses,  row  on  row, 
That  mark  our  place ;  and  in  the  sky 
The  larks,  still  bravely  singing,  fly 
Scarce  heard  amid  the  guns  below. 

We  are  the  Dead,  Short  days  ago 
We  lived,  felt  dawn,  saw  sunset  glow, 
Loved  and  were  loved,  and  now  zve  lie 
In  Flanders  fields. 

Take  up  our  quarrel  ivith  the  foe; 
To  you  from  failing  hands  we  throw 

The  torch;  be  yours  to  hold  it  high. 

If  ye  break  faith  with  us  who  die 
We  shall  not  sleep,  though  poppies  grow 
In  Flanders  fields. 


John  McCrae  wit- 
nessed only  once  the 
raw  earth  of  Flanders 
hide  its  shame  in  the 
warm  scarlet  glory  of 
the  poppy.  Others  have 
watched  this  resurrec- 
tion of  the  flowers  in 
four  successive  seasons, 
a  fresh  miracle  every 
time  it  occurs.  Also 
they  have  observed  the 
rows  of  crosses  length- 
en, the  torch  thrown, 
caught,  and  carried  to 
victory.  The  dead  may 
sleep.  We  have  not 
broken   faith  with  them. 

It  is  little  wonder 
then  that  "In  Flanders 
Fields"    has   become    the 


436 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


poem  of  the  arm}*.  The  soldiers  have  learned 
it  with  their  hearts,  which  is  quite  a  different 
thing  from  committing  it  to  memory.  It  circu- 
lates, as  a  song  should  circulate,  by  the  living 
word  of  mouth,  not  by  printed  characters.  That 
is  the  true  test  of  poetry — its  insistence  on  making 


itself  learnt  by  heart.  The  army  has  varied  the 
text;  but  each  variation  only  serves  to  reveal 
more  clearly  the  mind  of  the  maker.  The  army 
says,  "Among  the  crosses";  "felt  dawn  and  sun- 
set glow'' ;  'Lived  and  were  loved."  The  army 
may  be   right;    it  usually   is. 


CARL  LARSSON,  SWEDISH  PAINTER 


ONE  of  the  triad  of  representative  Swed- 
ish artists,  Anders  Zorn,  Carl  Larsson, 
and  Bruno  Liljefors,  died  in  February. 

Carl  Larsson  of  Sundborn,  Sweden's  fore- 
most aquarellist  and  mural  decorator,  was 
born  in  Stockholm,  ]\Lay  28,  1853,  of  peasant 
parents  just  moved  jnto  the  city.  At  the 
age  of  thirteen  he  became  a  photographer's 
assistant  and  studied  art  at  the  Academy 
school.  While  yet  nineteen  he  was  em- 
ployed on  a  humorous  publication  and  also 
made  illustrations  for  several  works  of  fic- 
tion. A  few  years  afterwards  he  won  a  royal 
medal  for  a  series  of  historical  paintings.  In 
the  years  1876-1878  he  studied  at  Paris,  re- 
turning to  Sweden  as  a  full-fledged  illus- 
trator. His  fame  growing,  he  made  more 
ambitious  attempts  in  oil  and  water-color 
and  returned  to  France,  there  winning  prizes 
for  his  aquarelles  and  a  bride  of  his  own 
nationality,  also  an  artist. 

In  Sweden  again,  he  was  for  several  years 
at  the  head  of  the  art  school  attached  to  the 
Gothenburg  museum  and  executed  monu- 
mental wall-paintings  in  public  and  private 
buildings,  some  of  them  in  fresco.  In  addi- 
tion he  was  highly  successful  as  a  portrait 
painter  in  various  media.  His  greatest  repu- 
tation, however,  grew  out  of  his  water-colors 


representing  his  family  and  Dalecarlian 
home.  These  pictures — possessing  a  unique, 
airy,  colorful  realism  combined  with  master- 
ly line-work,  published  from  time  to  time 
in  book  form  and  accompanied  by  humorous 
commentaries  of  his  own  writing — are  In 
many  ways  the  Idealization  of  Swedish  home- 
life.  He  Is  In  fact  recognized  throughout 
Europe  as  the  greatest  water-colorist  in  the 
world.  However,  he  is  also  justly  celebrated 
for  his  numerous  etchings,  drawings,  and 
lithographs. 

The  many-tinted  optimism  of  his  work 
was  matched  only  by  the  frank  cheerfulness 
of  his  versatile  personality.  The  following 
injunction  of  the  artist  to  his  countrymen  Is 
typical  of  his  artistic  creed : 

O  Swede,  save  yourself  in  time !  Become 
simple  again  and  full  of  true  worth;  be  clumsy 
rather  than  pedantically  elegant;  dress  in  skins, 
furs,  leather,  and  wool;  make  yourself  furniture 
to  accommodate  your  heavy  body,  and  lay  on 
everything  those  strong  colors,  yes,  even  those 
of  rustic  gaudiness,  which  are  so  necessary  for 
contrast  with  the  deep-green  forests  of  fir  and  the 
cold  white  snow;  and  let  your  hand  unconstrained 
carve  or  paint  the  flourishes  it  will  and  can. 
Then  you  will  grow  happy  in  the  consciousness 
of  being  yourself,  things  shall  go  well  with  you, 
and  your  days  shall  be  long  upon  the  verdant 
earth. 


PAINTING  BY  CARL  LARSSON.  REPRESENTING  THE  ENTRY  OF  CUSTAVUS  VASA  INTO  STOCKHOLM  in  1523 


THE  NEW  BOOKS 

WAR  AND  ITS  AFTERMATH 


Clemenceau:  The  Man  and  His  Time.  By 
H.  M.  Hyndman.  Frederick  A.  Stokes  Company. 
338   pp.     111.     $2. 

The  "Grand  Young  Man"  of  France,  having 
cheated  the  assassin's  bullet,  is  more  than  ever 
the  heroic  figure  among  the  statesmen  gathered 
at  Paris.  In  him  is  incarnated  the  dauntless 
spirit  of  his  nation  to  which  the  whole  world 
does  homage.  Clemenceau  at  seventy-eight  stood 
for  months  the  resolute  leader  of  his  people  in  its 
brave  resistance  to  the  common  foe  of  all  that  the 
Allies  held  priceless.  It  is  too  early  to  measure 
the  value  of  his  service,  but  this  sympathetic  and 
yet  frank  and  unreserved  biography  by  a  leading 
British  Socialist  goes  far  in  supplying  the  basis 
of  judgment  which  in  the  long  run  must  deter- 
mine the  War  Premier's  place  in  history.  Clem- 
enceau had  lived  a  long  and  turbulent  life  be- 
fore the  war.  Since  the  autumn  of  1917,  when 
he  was  called  to  the  premiership  because  he  alone 
among  living  Frenchmen  was  trusted  as  the  savior 
of  his  country,  he  has  been  the  foremost  states- 
man  of   Europe. 

France  Facing  Germany.  Speeches  and  Ar- 
ticles by  Georges  Clemenceau.  Translated  by 
Ernest  Hunter  Wright.  E.  P.  Dutton  &  Com- 
pany.    396   pp.     $2. 

An  English  translation  of  speeches  and  ar- 
ticles by  the  French  Premier  on  the  origin  and 
progress  of  the  war.  The  reader  may  gain  from 
this  book  a  clear  insight  into  the  uncompromising 
patriotism  of  this  devoted   son  of  France. 

How  France  Is  Governed.  By  Raymond 
Poincare.    Robert  M.  .McBride  &  Co.    336  pp.    $2. 

A  serviceable  English  translation  of  President 
Poincare's  careful  analysis  of  French  govern- 
ment— a  work  not  unlike,  in  method  of  treatment, 
President  Wilson's  more  comprehensive  treatise 
on  "The  State." 

The    New    America.    By  Frank  Dilnot.   Mac- 

millan.     145  pp.     $1.25. 

An  Englishman's  impressions  of  life  in  Amer- 
ica during  1917  and  1918.  Mr.  Dilnot's  sketches 
are  unaffected,  appreciative  and  good-humored. 
Mr.  Dilnot  is  a  prominent  English  journalist  who 
for  two  years  has  represented  the  London 
Chronicle  in  the  United  States,  rendering  valua- 
ble service  to  both  countries. 

America's  Day.  By  Ignatius  Phayre.  Dodd, 
Mead  &  Co.     425  pp.     $2. 

Another  Englishman  who,  like  Mr.  Dilnot,  is 
generous  and  well-disposed  towards  Americans 
and  American  institutions,  and  has  thought  it 
worth  while  to  write  a  somewhat  elaborate  com- 
ment on  the  course  of  the   United   States   during 


the  three  years  preceding  our  entrance  into  the 
war.  His  statement  of  the  reasons  which  for  a 
time  kept  the  United  States  out  of  the  war  is 
both  fair  and  intelligent,  and  fully  answers  many 
of  the  questions  that  have  been  raised  by  the 
author's  countrymen. 

America  and  Britain.  By  Andrew  C.  Mc- 
Laughlin.    E.  P.  Dutton  &  Co.     221  pp.     $2. 

Professor  McLaughlin,  who  is  head  of  the  De- 
partment of  Biistory  at  Chicago  University,  de- 
livered a  series  of  addresses  before  representa- 
tive British  audiences  during  the  war,  with  the 
intention  of  promoting  a  more  thorough  under- 
standing between  the  British  and  American  peo- 
ples. As  a  historical  student,  Professor  Mc- 
Laughlin treated  in  these  addresses  of  the  his- 
torical connection  and  the  causes  of  dissension 
between  the  two  kindred  nations.  Although  the 
substance  of  these  addresses  was  prepared  for 
British  consumption,  Americans  will  find  the  dis- 
cussion profitable,  especially  in  view  of  the  League 
of  Nations  proposal. 

Shaking  Hands  With  England.     By  Charles 

Hanson  Towne.     G.  H.  Doran  Co.     119  pp.     $1. 

Mr.  Towne,  who  is  editor  of  McCliire's  Maga- 
zine, was  one  of  a  group  of  editors  of  periodicals 
and  newspapers  who  visited  Great  Britain  and 
the  war  fronts  in  France  during  the  months  of 
September  and  October.  His  book  is  the  more 
charming  because  it  is  not  formal  or  statistical, 
but  frankly  sentimental.  Mr.  Towne's  intense 
interest  in  people,  and  his  sympathetic  perception 
give  him  a  power  of  true  insight  that  lends  es- 
sential value  to  what  seems  a  very  dashing  and 
unpretentious  little  volume.  There  is  a  quality 
of  fine  appreciation  in  all  that  Mr.  Towne  writes, 
concerning  the  spirit  he  found  animating  the  ef- 
forts of  the  British  people  in  the  final  weeks  of 
the  great  struggle.  His  cordial  goodwill  toward 
England  is  like  that  of  Philip  Gibbs  toward 
America. 

Ten  Years  Near  the  German  Frontier.  By 
Maurice  Francis  Egan.  George  H.  Doran  Co. 
364  pp.     111.  $3. 

Our  former  Minister  to  Denmark  had  unusual 
opportunities  for  studying  the  ramifications  of 
Prussian  politics  in  a  country  that  would  un- 
doubtedly have  been  absorbed  by  the  German 
Empire,  sooner  or  later,  if  the  Central  Powers 
had  not  gone  down  to  defeat  in  1918.  Mr.  Egan 
used  his  eyes  and  ears  to  good  purpose  m  the  dec- 
ades of  his  diplomatic  experience  in  Denmark, 
and  the  present  volume  sums  up  vividly  riOt  only 
what  he  learned  about  (jerman  policies  and  ac- 
tivities during  that  period,  but  also  important 
diplomatic  developments,  including  the  purchase 
by  the  United  States  of  the  Danish  West  Indies. 

437 


438 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


A  Bulwark  Against  Germany.      By   Bogumil 
Vosnjak.       Fleming  H.  Revell  Co.     283  pp.  $1.50. 

This  volume  describes  the  fight  made  by  the 
Slovenes,  the  western  branch  of  the  Jugo-Slavs^ 
for  national  existence.  There  are  about  a  million 
and  a  half  of  these  people,  and  they  live  in  the 
region  extending  from  the  Adriatic  coast,  about 
Trieste  and  Istria.  eastward.  In  the  differences 
that  have  arisen  between  this  branch  of  the  Jugo- 
slavs and  the  Italians,  the  author  of  this  book 
maintains  that  a  solution  should  be  reached 
through  the  holding  of  a  plebiscite,  under  the 
authority  of  the  United  States  Army.  His  book 
gives  much  useful  information  relating  to  the 
historical,  political,  social,  and  economic  evolu- 
tion   of   the    Slovenes. 

The    Vision    for    Which    We    Fought.    By 

A.  M.  Simons.  The  Macmillan  Co.  J97  pp.  $1.50. 
One  of  the  first  books  to  be  published  in  Amer- 
ica on  the  subject  of  reconstruction.  The  author 
is  not  so  much  interested  in  advocating  a  par- 
ticular program  as  in  setting  forth  certain  of 
the  problems  that  war  has  created,  and  indicat- 
ing the  means  elvolved  during  the  war  for  their 
solution.  He  suggests  only  those  changes  that, 
in  his  opinion,  have  grown  naturally  out  of  the 
methods  of  fighting  the  war.  These  are  some  of 
the  topics  with  which  he  deals:  'Growing  Power 
of  Labor,"  "Women  and  the  War,"  "The  Farm 
in  War,"  "What  War  Taught  the  Schools,"  and 
"A  Positive  League  of  Nations." 

"Dear  Folks  at  Home."  By  Corporal  Kem- 
per F.  Cowing.  Edited  by  Lieutenant  Courtney 
Ryley  Cooper.     288  pp.     111.     $2. 

This   record   of  the  work   of  the   United'  States 

Marines  in  France  is  made  up  of  letters  written 

from  the  battlefield   by  members  of  the  corps  to 

i.s  their    relatives     at 

^  "►-,  home.    Many  months 

ago     Marine     Head- 
^-Vy     quarters     began     the 
^ip    collection     of     such 
letters   ,and   the   best 
of     them      are      in- 
cluded   in    the    pres- 
ent volume.  All 
the   activities  of 
the    Marines, 
from      their 
training  and 
voyage    o  v  e  r  - 
seas  to  the  glo- 
.rious  fighting  at 


U   S   V7.C 


ONE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  MARINES  WRITING  HOME 

(As   pictured   by   Morgan    Dennis,   himself  a  member  of 

the  Corps) 


Belleau  Wood  and  Chateau-Thierry,  are  fully 
related  in  these  letters.  Their  very  simplicity 
and  directness  of  narration  make  them  far  more 
readable  than  a  more  formal  and  detached  ac- 
count might  be. 

Living  Bayonets.  By  Coningsby  Dawson. 
John  Lane  Co.     221   pp.     $1.25. 

Lieutenant  Dawson,  author  of  "Carry  On," 
"The  Glory  of  the  Trenches"  and  other  volumes 
of  war  experience  tells  in  this  little  book  the 
story  of  the  last  year  and  half  of  fighting.  This 
is  in  the  form  of  selections  from  letters  written 
by  Lieutenant  Dawson  to  members  of  his  family. 
These  letters  take  up  the  narrative  at  the  point 
where  the  correspondence  printed  in  "Carry  On" 
laid  it  down,  that  is,  immediately  after  America's 
entry  into  the  war.  The  readers  of  "Carry  On" 
have  expressed  a  desire  that  further  installments 
of  this  correspondence  be  given  to  the  public. 

Pushing  Water.  By  Eric  Dawson.  John 
Lane  Co.     123  pp.     111.     $1. 

The  author  of  this  modest  narrative  was  con- 
nected with  that  branch  of  the  British  naval 
service  which  is  sometimes  referred  to  as  the 
mosquito  fleet,  sometimes  as  the  Auxiliary  Patrol. 
He  is  himself  a  Canadian,  and  the  boats  on 
which  he  lived  for  many  months  were  auxiliary 
motor  boats,  otherwise  "known  as  "movies,"  which 
were  built  in  New  Jersey.  Many  Americans 
knew  about  the  building  of  these  motor  boats, 
but  few  have  eyer  read  anything  of  their  ad- 
venturous history  in  the  patrol  service  under  the 
British  Admiralty.  Lieutenant  Dawson  communi- 
cates many  facts  regarding  this  phase  of  warfare 
which,  prior  to  November  11,  last,  were  under 
the  seal  of  secrecy. 

Submarine  and  Anti-Submarine.  By  Sir 
Henry  Newbolt.  Longmans,  Green  &  Co.  312 
pp.     111.     $2.25. 

From  the  British  standpoint,  what  now  remains 
to  be  told  of  the  submarine  campaign,  is  natural- 
ly concerned  mainly  with  the  efforts,  more  or 
less  successful,  to  put  the  submarine  out  of  busi- 
ness. Sir  Henry  Newbolt  describes  these  efforts 
in  detail,  and  in  addition  shows  how  the  sub- 
marine itself  was  employed  by  the  British  Navy 
in  the  Baltic  and  in  the  Dardanelles.  He  also 
traces  the  evolution  of  the  undersea  boat  from 
its  beginnings,  showing  that  among  all  modern 
peoples  the  Germans  have  had  least  to  do  with 
its    invention    and    development. 

The  Naval  Reserve.  By  Frank  Hunter  Pot- 
ter.    Henry  Holt  &  Co.     167  pp.     111.     $1.35. 

The  Naval  Reserve,  as  one  of  the  volunteer 
organizations  for  preparedness  and  war  efficiency, 
was  early  in  the  field.  This  book  tells  the  story 
of  the  organization — its  origin,  personnel,  camps, 
training,  welfare  work,  and  achievements.  The 
fact  that  the  book  is  very  largely  anecdotal  arises 
from  the  author's  extensive  contact  with  Naval 
Reserve    officers    and    men. 

The  Vanguard  of  American  Volunteers.  By 
Edwin  W.  Morse.  Charles  Scribner's  Sons.  281 
pp.      $1.50. 

Some  of  the  pioneer  Americans  whose  doings 
are  recorded  in  this  volume  were  fighters  in  the 
air  or  members  of  the  Foreign  Legion,  while  oth- 


THE    NEW   BOOKS 


439 


ers  were  in  humanitarian  service.  All  of  them 
were  active  in  the  period  between  August,  1914, 
and  April,  1917,  and  of  those  who  were  not  killed, 
all  continued  to  serve  under  the  Stars  and  Stripes 
after  the  United  States  had  definitely  entered  the 


war.  There  are  chapters  on  Alan  Seeger,  Will- 
iam Thaw,  Victor  Chapman,  Edmond  Genet  and 
Major  Lufbery,  but  the  service  of  less  conspicu- 
ous Americans  who  volunteered  in  the  Ambu- 
lance Corps  and  in  other  activities  is  not  ignored. 


AVIATION  IN  WAR  AND  PEACE 


Georges  Guynemer,  Knight  of  the  Air.  By 
Henry  Bordeaux.  Yale  University  Press.  247 
pp.      111.     $1.60. 

This  volume  unites  the  thrilling  narrative  of 
Guynemer's  wonderful  work  in  the  air  to  a 
clever  and  illuminating  character  sketch  of  the 
man,  with  a  description  of  those  endearing  quali- 
ties that  have  made  their  possessor  a  hero  to  men 
of  other  nations  than  his  own.  The  translation 
from  the  French  has  been  made  by  Louise  Morgan 
Sill,  and  an  introduction,  dated  June  27,  1918, 
was  written  by  Theodore  Roosevelt  in  the  form 
of  a  letter  to  the  author. 

Official    Aero    Blue    Book    and    Directory. 

1919.     202    pp.     111.     $5. 

Quite  apart  from  the  brilliant  services  of  avia- 
tion in  the  Great  War,  aerial  transportation  is 
beginning  to  play  a  significant  part  in  the  arts 
of  peace.  The  United  States  now  has  at  least 
one  aerial  mail  route  that  has  been  operated  for 
months  on  schedule  time  without  regard  to  the 
weather.  An  airplane  has  carried  as  many  as 
fifty  passengers,  and  a  British  general  has  flown 
from  Africa  to  India.  Nobody  doubts  that  with- 
in a  very  short  time  a  transatlantic  flight  will  be 
an  accomplished  fact.  These  and  other  signs  of 
the  new  day  in  aeronautics  have  stimulated  the 
compilation  and  publication  of  the  first  "Aero 
Blue  Book,"  which  is  really  a  textbook  of  aerial 
transportation,  as  thus  far  developed,  'together 
with  a  directory  of  aeronautic  organizations.  The 
illustrations    are    remarkably    good,    notably    the 


reproductions  of  photographs  taken  from  air- 
planes. The  mapping  of  the  various  airways 
thus  far  projected  in  this  country  is  one  of  the 
striking  features  of  the  book. 

The  A.  B.  C.  of  Aviation.  By  Captain  Victor 

W.   Page.     The    Norman   W.   Henley   Publishing 

Company.     33    pp.     111.     $2.50. 

This  is  a  non-technical  illustrated  manual  of 
aeronautical  engineering,  prepared  by  a  well- 
known  authority  who  has  had  much  practical  ex- 
perience as  an  instructor  at  United  States  flying 
schools.  It  answers  questions  about  modern  air- 
craft and  their  operation  which  are  most  likely 
to  be  asked  by  the  student  and  mechanic. 

Aeroplanes  and  Aero  Engines.  By  "Avion." 
Philadelphia:  J.  B.  Lippincott  Company.  158  pp. 
$1. 

A  briefer  handbook,  to  serve  as  an  introduc- 
tion to  the  study  of  flight,  and  written  from  the 
standpoint   of   the    British    aviator. 

Airplane  Characteristics.  By  Frederick 
Bedell.  Ithaca:  Taylor  and  Company.  123  pp. 
111.     $1.60. 

The  author  of  this  brief  manual  of  the  air- 
plane is  Professor  of  Physics  in  Cornell  Univer- 
sity, and  is  a  member  of  the  Aeronautical  So- 
ciety of  America.  A  supplementary  section  of  the 
work  is  now  in  preparation,  and  is  expected  to 
be  issued  during  the  current  year. 


THE  TUMULT  IN  RUSSIA 


Yashka.  By  Maria  Botchkareva.  Frederick 
A.  Stokes  Co.     340  pp.     111.     $2. 

In  this  book  the  commander  of  the  famous 
Russian  Women's  Battalion  of  Death  gives  an  ac- 
count of  her  life  as  peasant,  army  officer  and 
exile.  The  story  was  written  out  by  Mr.  Isaac 
Don  Levine,  who  had  it  in  Russian  from  Botchka- 
reva herself.  As  now  completed  and  published,  it 
differs  in  material  points  from  the  numerous  pub- 
lished tales  and  interviews  that  have  appeared 
from  time  to  time  in  newspapers.  Mr.  Levine 
attributes  this  fact  in  part  to  the  ignorance  of 
the  Russian  language  among  the  English  and 
American  correspondents  in  Russia  and  partly 
to  Botchkareva's  own  reluctance  to  take  strangers 
into  her  confidence.  Apart  from  the  narrative 
of  her  personal  adventures,  her  book  is  important 
as  perhaps  the  first  to  disclose  to  American  read- 
ers the  real  attitude  of  the  Russian  Army  towards 
the  Revolution  in   1917. 


From  Czar  to  Bolshevik.  By  E.  P.  Stebbing. 
The  John  Lane  Co.     313  pp.     111.     $3.50. 

The  author  of  this  work  gives  an  account  of  a 
visit  to  Russia  made  in  1917,  immediately  after 
the  Revolution.  He  summarizes  the  events  that 
led  up  to  the  fall  of  the  provisional  government 
in  November  of  that  year,  and  gives  a  somewhat 
detailed  account  of  the  social  and  economic 
changes  that  took  place,  especially  in  Petrograd. 
One  of  his  chief  reasons,  however,  for  going  to 
Russia  was  to  study  the  great  forest  tract  on 
the  Vichegda — a  region  almost  unknown  in  Amer- 
ica, but  having  tremendous  possibilities  as  a 
source   of   timber. 

War  and  Revolution  in   Russia,   1914-1917. 

By  General  Basil  Gourko.     Macmillan.     420  pp. 

Ill      $4. 

In  this  volume  we  have  a  war  narrative  writ- 
ten by  one  of  the  actual  commanders.    The  author 


440 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


was  chief  of  the  Russian  General  Staff  from  No- 
vember, 1916,  to  March,  1917,  and  Commander- 
in-Chief  of  the  Western  Armies  from  March  to 
June,  1917.  The  first  half  of  the  book  describes 
the  fighting  in  East  Prussia,  Poland,  and  Galicia. 
The  second  half  gives  a  Russian  General's  im- 
pression of  the  kaleidoscopic  changes  that  took 
place  in  Petrograd  after  the  March  revolution. 
The  author  relates  his  own  conflict  with  his  gov- 
ernment, his  subsequent  arrest  and  imprisonment, 
and,   finally,   his   departure   to   England. 

Russia's  Agony.  By  Robert  Wilton.  E,  P. 
Dutton  &  Co.     357  pp.    111.     $5. 

Mr.  Robert  Wilton,  the  correspondent  of  the 
London  Times  at  Petrograd  during  the  eventful 
year  1917,  attempts  to  give  in  this  volume  a  com- 
prehensive account  of  modern  Russian  history 
from  the  inside.  Having  lived  from  boyhood 
amongst  the  Russian  people,  he  is  perhaps  as 
well  qualified  to  describe  the  developments  of  the 
past    two    years    as    any    non-Russian    observer 


would  be.  That  part  of  his  book  which  will  be 
scanned  with  the  greatest  interest,  we  imagine,  is 
the. section  dealing  with  Bolshevism,  a  system  that 
he  describes  as  essentially  undemocratic,  involving 
the  forcible  subversion  of  the  laws  and  covenants 
upon  which  human  society  has  been  established. 
Believing  that  Bolshevism  is  neither  Russian  nor 
national,  Mr.  Wilton  looks  for  its  overthrow  and 
the  restoration  of  a  united  Russia. 

Russian  Revolution  Aspects.  By  Robert 
Crozier  Long.    E.  P.  Dutton  &  Co.    294  pp.    $2.50. 

Mr.  Long  served  during  1917  as  Russian  cor- 
respondent of  the  American  Associated  Press.  In 
the  present  volume  he  gives  a  narrative  of  the 
principal  events  connected  with  the  Revolution. 
Like  Mr.  Wilton,  he  refuses  to  despair  of  Rus- 
sia's ultimate  fate,  although  he  makes  no  effort 
to  minimize  the  seriousness  of  her  present  sit- 
uation. His  book  is  chiefly  interesting  for  its  pen 
pictures  of  Kerensky,  Korniloff,  Lvoff,  and  other 
commanding  figures  of  the  revolutionary  era. 


BIOGRAPHY,  MEMOIRS.  AND  HISTORY 


The  Book  of  Lincoln.  Compiled  by  Mary 
Wright-Davis.  George  H.  Doran  Company. 
399   pp.     111.     $2.50. 

In  the  ever-expanding  Lincoln  literature  of 
our  time  we  have  ceased  to  look  for  original 
contributions.  From  now  on  the  printed  books 
about  Lincoln  that  are  likely  to  meet  with  the 
readiest  acceptance  are  those  that  bring  together 
between  two  covers  the  best  that  has  been  writ- 
ten and  spoken  concerning  the  martyr  President 
in  the  years  that  have  passed.  One  of  the  chief 
merits  of  "The  Book  of  Lincoln"  is  the  fact  that 
it  is  just  what  it  purports  to  be — a  compilation. 
Mrs.  Davis  has  drawn  on  practically  all  the 
poetic  tributes  to  Lincoln  that  the  English-speak- 
ing world  has  ever  read,  and  upon  many  that 
have  never  been  before  been  dignified  by  general 
circulation.  These  are  now  brought  together  for 
the  first  time  in  a  single  volume.  In  addition,  a 
few  of  Lincoln's  own  utterances  are  included,  to- 
gether with  an  extremely  interesting  chapter  on 
the  Lincoln  genealogy  and  family  tree  and  a 
chronolog>'  of  the  President's  life. 

Colonel  John  Scott,  of  Long  Island.  By 
Wilbur  C.  Abbott.  New  Haven:  Yale  University 
Press.     93  pp.     $1.25. 

The  American  boy  with  a  keen  appetite  for 
"pirate"  literature  need  not  be  limited  to  the  tales 
of  Captain  Kidd.  In  our  colonial  records  are 
related  the  misdeeds  of  more  than  one  adventurer 
whose  wickedness  is  enough  to  satisfy  the  most 
exacting  demands  of  the  juvenile  reader.  The 
true  stories  of  these  gentry,  as  they  have  been 
developed  by  historical  scholars,  are  found  to  be 
quite  as  wonderful  as  any  of  the  tales  that  De- 
foe invented.  Colonel  John  Scott,  of  Long  Island, 
who  is  described  by  Professor  Abbott,  of  Yale, 
as  'a  very  real  man  and  one  of  the  most  pic- 
turesque and  far-wandering  scoundrels  of  his 
kind,"    figured    in   the    New   York   records   of   the 


latter  half  of  the  seventeenth  centu'-y.  Professor 
Abbott  gives  us  the  verified  account  of  this 
marauder's  various  transgressions,  and  we  are 
assured  that  his  narrative  is  historically  accurate, 
since  it  has  the  endorsement  of  Professor  J. 
Franklin  Jameson  and  the  Society  of  Colonial 
Wars  of  the  State  of  New  York. 

Memoirs  of  Sir  Andrew  MelvilL  Translated 
from  the  French,  and  the  Wars  of  the  Seven- 
teenth Century  by  Torick  Ameer-Ali.  The  John 
Lane  Company.     297  pp.     $3. 

This  is  the  story  of  a  Scotch  soldier  who  fought 
in  the  seventeenth  century  on  the  fields  of  Ypres, 
Arras,  Lens,  Armentieres,  and  Dixmude.  Oddly 
enough,  these  memoirs  were  written  in  French, 
and  for  more  than  two  aundred  years  have  re- 
mained virtually  buried,  so  far  as  the  British 
public  was  concerned.  They  are  now,  for  the 
first  time,  translated  into  English.  Their  pages 
are  crowded  with  thrilling  adventure  and  mili- 
tary detail. 

Fighting  the  Spoilsmen.  By  William  Dud- 
ley Foulke.     G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons.     348  pp.     $2. 

No  living  Americar  is  in  better  position  than 
Mr.  Foulke  to  write  ^he  history  of  the  Civil 
Service  Reform  movement  in  the  United  States, 
from  the  standpoint  of  a  participant  in  the  re- 
form campaign.  This  volume,  however,  is  not 
a  formal  history,  but  a  record  of  personal  remi- 
niscence by  a  life-long  champion  of  the  reform. 
Mr.  Foulke  has  known  personally  every  promi- 
nent advocate  of  Civil  Service  Reform  from  the 
Grant  Administration  to  that  of  Woodrow  Wil- 
son Moreover,  he  has  had  a  hand  in  trans- 
lating into  practise  and  custom  the  ideals  of  the 
reformers.  He  served  as  Civil  Service  Commis- 
sioner under  Roosevelt  and  is  familiar  bath  with 
the  obstacles  to  the  enforcement  of  the  law  and 
with  the  actual  progress  that  has  been  made. 


THE    NEW   BOOKS 


441 


BOOKS  ABOUT  HOME-MAKING 


"Love  makes  home  a  gracious  court. 
There  let  the  world's  rude  hasty  ways 
Be  fashioned  to  a  loftier  port." 

IT  is  the  desire  of  every  womanly  woman  to 
have  a  beautiful  and  comfortable  home. 
How  to  have  one  with  the  least  wear  and  tear 
of  physical  and  mental  energy,  Mrs.  Mary  Pat- 
tison  tells  in  her  volume  of  300  pages,  "The  Busi- 
ness of  Home  Management."^  No  woman  who 
has  absorbed  the  advice  given  in  this  book  could 
possibly  make  a  failure  of  her  home.  Mrs.  Pat- 
tison  does  her  own  housework  and  writes  from 
actual  experience  with  domestic  machinery.  The 
progressive  theories  of  her  book  are  the  result 
largely  of  the  work  done  in  a  household  experi- 
ment station  at  Colonia,  New  Jersey,  conducted 
by  a  group  of  American  women  who  were  anxi- 
ous to  improve  the  standard  of  the  American 
home.  The  book  considers  successively,  'The 
Practical  Home,"  "The  Personal  Home,"  "The 
Progressive  Home."  A  list  is  given  of  specially 
approved  and  tested  household  apparatus.  Mrs. 
Pattison  was  formerly  president  of  the  New  Jer- 
sey State  Federation  of  Women's  Clubs. 

Thrift  is  the  ground-soil  of  the  home.  "The 
Art  of  Saving,"^  a  little  book  of  maxims  and 
rules  to  inculcate  the  habit  and  make  saving 
easy,  has  been  prepared  by  Harvey  A.  Blodgett. 
It  is  an  especially  good  book  for  the  home-makers' 
library,  as  it  explains  so  many  puzzling  questions 
in  regard  to  banking  and  investments  that  often 
trouble  women  who  manage  their  own  affairs. 

Latterly  large  numbers  of  women  have  been 
taking  up  home  dressmaking.  Those  who  wish 
a  handy,  condensed  guide  to  the  different  proc- 
esses will  find  it  in  an  illustrated  book,  "The 
Dress  You  Wear,"'  by  Mary  Jane  Rhoe.  The 
chapters  are  arranged  for  use  in  advanced  classes 
in  dressmaking  as  well  as  privately  in  the  home. 
The  cuts  show  ail  the  different  stitches,  pockets, 
cord-covering,  flat  shirring,  smocking,  eyelets, 
buttonholes,  etc.,  and  clear  directions  are  given 
as  to  choice  of  materials  and  alteration  of  pat- 
terns. 

Martha  Van  Rensselaer,  Flora  Rose,  and 
Helen  Canon,  of  the  Department  of  Home  Eco- 
nomics, New  York  College  of  Agriculture,  have 
prepared  a  most  comprehensive  book  for  house- 
keepers who  live  in  the  country — "The  Manual 
of  Home-Making."*  It  tells  practically  every- 
thing the  rural  home-maker  wants  to  know. 
There  are  plans  for  building  and  remodeling 
houses  and  outbuildings,  the  newest  and  most 
tasteful  designs  for  furniture  and  house  furnish- 
ings, directions  for  heating  and  lighting,  plans 
for  labor-saving  kitchens  and  laundries,  chapters 
on  dressmaking  and  millinery,  cookery  and  food 
preservation,  etc.  All  the  chapters  are  profusely 
illustrated  with  drawings  and  photographs.  The 
country  housewife  is  well  equipped  for  her  tasks 
if  she  possesses  this  volume. 

'The  Business  of  Home  ^ranagement.  By  Mary  Pat- 
tison.     McBride.      210    pp.      $2. 

^The  Art  of  Saving.  By  Harvey  A.  Blodgett.  St. 
Paul:  Blodgett  Co.     80  pp. 

'The  Dress  You  Wear.  By  Mary  Jane  Rhoe.  Put- 
man.      173    pp.      III.      $1.50. 

*A  Manual  of  Home-Making.  By  M.  Van  Renssclear, 
F.  Rose  and  H.  Canon.   Macmillan.     661   pp.     $2.50. 


Home  Nursing 

To-day  women  cannot  afford  to  be  helpless 
when  they  are  facing  sickness  in  the  home.  Effi- 
ciency is  the  keynote  of  the  modern  world  and  the 
wife  and  mother  must  understand  the  care  of 
the  sick.  A  "Text-Book  of  Home  Nursing,"'  by 
Eveleen  Harrison  (second  edition),  gives  all  the 
latest  knowledge  on  the  science  of  nursing  as  it 
can  be  undertaken   in  the  home. 

Another  excellent  manual  on  this  subject  is  a 
condensed  text-book  for  trained  attendants, 
"Practical  Home  Nursing,"'  by  Louise  Henderson, 
R.  N.  The  author  is  Director  of  Trained  At- 
tendant Classes  at  the  Ballard  School,  Central 
Branch  Y.  W.  C.  A.,  of  New  York.  Students  of 
practical  nursing  will  find  this  volume  contains 
practically  everything  necessary  for  their  course 
of  study. 

An  eighth  edition  of  "Accidents  and  Emergen- 
cies,"'' by  Charles  W.  Dulles,  M.  D.;  shows  the 
great  demand  for  this  useful  "work.  Every  per- 
son, young  and  old,  should  be  familiar  with  the 
suggestions  of  this  volume.  Many  lives  might 
be  saved  if  the  manual  were  used  as  a  text- 
book  in   the   public   schools. 

How  to  Keep  Children  Happy  in  the  Home 

A  most  useful  book  for  young  mothers,  "Games 
for  Children's  Development,"*  has  been  prepared 
by  Hilda  Wrightson,  a  teacher  who  has  had 
long  experience  in  training  both  normal  and  sub- 
normal children.  Teachers  of  classes  of  defec- 
tives will  find  this  volume  very  helpful,  also  those 
who  have  the  care  of  fretful,  nervous  children. 
Some  of  the  games  are  very  simple  and  adapted 
to  the  sub-normal  mind;  others  are  for  the  aver- 
age bright  child.  All  are  planned  to  develop 
coordination  and  attention,  manners,  morals,  self- 
control,  altruism  and  patience.  The  introduction 
is  by  Henry  H.  Goddard,  Ph.  D. 

Mrs.  Alice  Herts  Heniger  says  in  her  book, 
"The  Kingdom  of  the  Child,"®  that  whenever  she 
watches  a  group  of  children  at  play  and  sees  how 
"universally  they  pretend  to  be  someone  else," 
she  marvels  that  the  life  of  "make  believe"  has 
been  so  little  studied  and  so  meagerly  applied  to 
the  education  and  development  of  children.  Sev- 
eral years  ago  Mrs.  Heniger  originated  "The 
Children's  Educational  Theater."  In  this  book 
she  tells  of  her  dramatic  work  with  children  and 
how  teachers  and  parents  can  utilize  their 
dramatic  instincts  to  bring  out  self-expression 
and  promote  the  creative  faculty.  In  the  intro- 
duction, Dr.  G.  Stanley  Hall  asks  for  the  installa- 
tion of  the  Children's  Theater  in  a  building  fully 
equipped  for  the  purpose  of  developing  the  unique 
and  neglected  type  of  culture,  which  the  "dra- 
matic instinct,  one  of  the  most  deep  and  funda- 
mental in  all  human  nature,  needs." 

''Text-Book  of  Home  Nursing-  By  Everett  Harrison. 
Macmillan.      193    pp.      $1.10. 

"Practical  Home  Nursing.  Bv  Louise  Hcmlerson,  R. 
N.    Macmillan.      224    pp.    $1.50. 

^Accidents  and  Kmcrgencics.  By  Charles  W.  Dulles. 
M.   D.     Philadelphia:    Blakiston.      153   pp.      111.      $1. 

"Games  for  C!iildrcn's  Development.  By  Hilda  Wright- 
son.       Prospect    Press.      2J9    pp.       111.       $1.50. 

"The  Kingdom  of  the  Child.  By  Alice  Herts  Heniger. 
Dutton.      173    pp.      111.      $1.50. 


442 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


RECENT  VERSE 


Angela   Morgan,   Poet   and    Humanist 

IN  practically  al!  the  poetry  that  has  been 
written  by  Angela  Morgan,  there  is  clear 
vision  of  a  new  social  order.  Throughout  her 
published  works  there  is  voiced  continually  the 
prophec}"  of  the  triumph  of  new  moral  values  in 
the  century  now  begun.  While  the  public  is  fa- 
miliar with   Miss  Morgan's  poetry,  very  little  is 

generally  known  of 
the  richness  of  her 
life  and  the  conditions 
that  have  fostered  her 
particular  type  of  hu- 
manistic writing.  She 
combines  in  one  per- 
sonality the  qualities 
of  poet,  prophet,  mys- 
tic, and  reformer. 
Born  of  New  Eng- 
land parents  who  re- 
moved to  the  Middle 
West  when  she  was  a 
child,  she  had  oppor- 
tunities for  wide  ob- 
servation. Early  in 
her  youth  she  entered 
upon  a  career  of  jour- 
nalism and  sought  the 
fundamental  facts  of 
human  experience, 
visited  police  courts 
and  jails,  the  slums 
of  large  cities,  saw 
the  unending  stream 
of  the  miserable,  came 
into  actual  contact 
with  the  so-called   loAver  strata   of  society. 

Her  father  and  mother  were  students  of  poets, 
seers  and  philosophers.  The  fruits  of  her  eager 
listening  in  childhood  to  discussions  of  Shakes- 
peare, Browning,  Emerson  and  Swedenborg  are 
found  in  the  poems  of  philosophical  breadth  and 
profound  thought  and  aspiration  that  character- 
ize her  work.  She  has  produced  four  volumes 
of  verse  and  a  quantity  of  fiction  and  other  writ- 
ing. The  books  are:  "The  Hour  Has  Struck," 
"Utterance  and  Other  Poems,"  "The  Imprisoned 
Splendor"  and  "Forward,  March  !"^  Her  poems 
most  widely  quoted  and  copied  include  "Hail 
Man" — perhaps  her  finest  work — published  in  the 
New  York  Times  on  New  Year's  Day;  "Work, 
A  Song  of  Triumph,"  originally  published  in  the 
Outlook;  "The  Battle  Cry  of  The  Mothers,"  wide- 
ly circulated  by  Mrs.  Andrew  Carnegie,  and 
"God  Prays,"  which  won  a  prize  offered  by  the 
Poetry  Society   of   America. 

Because  of  the  rapid  movement  of  life  at  the 
present  time,  the  social  ferment  and  the  problems 
of  reconstruction  to  be  solved,  Angela  Morgan, 
with  her  bold,  dynamic  appeal  for  social  reform, 
deserves  more  than  any  other  woman  poet  the 
title  of  the  "poet  of  the  times."  At  present  Miss 
Morgan  lives  in  New  York.  She  has  traveled 
extensively  and  given  readings  from  her  own 
poems  and  lectures  on  the  poets  of  the  day  and 
has  been   extremely  successful    at   Chautauqua   as 

^Forward,  March!  By  Angela  Morgan.  Lane.  102 
pp.     $1.25. 


MISS  ANGELA   MORGAN 


a  reader  and  interpreter  of  poetry.  As  one  of  the 
delegates  to  the  First  International  Congress  of 
Women  at  The  Hague,  she  read  for  the  first 
time  her  stirring  "Battle  Cry  of  the  Mothers." 
Unfortunately  Miss  Morgan's  photographs  do  not 
fairly  represent  her  personal  appearance.  She 
is  of  the  Greek  type,  and  of  commanding  height, 
dark,  with  glowing  eyes  and  finely  modeled  fea- 
tures. 

A  Semitic  Undercurrent 

The  reactions  of  Russian  Jews  who  grew  up 
under  the  old  Russian  regime  hedged  about  by 
Jewish  orthodoxy,  suddenly  liberated  to  the  free- 
dom of  America,  are  expressed  in  an  increasing 
number  of  books  of  verse.  The  most  impressive 
and  virile  among  those  of  recent  publication  is 
"The  Family  Album,"^  by  Alter  Brody,  a  young 
Russian-Jewish  poet,  who  came  here  when  he 
was  a  half-grown  boy  and  grew  up  in  New 
York.  His  poems  have  brilliant  promise,  orig- 
inality and  sincerity;  they  are  vital,  pungent  im- 
pressions of  his  new  country  together  with  memo- 
ries of  Russia,  in  particular  of  his  native  vil- 
lage, Kartushkiya-Beroza — 

.     .     .     a   Lithuanian    village    on    a   twig   of   the 

Vistula. 
Kartushkiya-Beroza    (what   a    sweet   name — 
Beroza  is  the  Russian  for  birch  trees). 

He  writes  free  verse  that  has  the  sensitivity  of 
the  most  delicate  rhymed  lyricism;  also  it  has 
detachment,  a  curious  cold  passion,  a  realism  that 
probes  beyond  facts  into  the  ultimate.  Mr.  Louis 
Untermeyer  says  in  the  preface — an  admira- 
ble piece  of  criticism — that  the  unifying  note 
of  the  book  is  its  "definitely  Semitic  undertone," 
and  comments  that  Mr.  Brody's  poem,  "Neuro- 
logical Institute,"  is  a  "Spoon  River  Anthology  of 
the  East  Side." 

"The  Ghetto,"^  by  Lola  Ridge,  another  product 
of  Semitic  genius,  astonishes  on  first  reading 
with  poems  that  explode  like  sky  rockets  and 
dazzle  the  comprehension  with  fiery  word-show- 
ers. The  very  redundancy  of  these  pictures  of  the 
East  Side  helps  their  art.  Villon  poured  no  more 
acrid  draught  into  the  cup  of  poesy  than  "Bow- 
ery Afternoon."  Certain  other  poems — "Manhat- 
tan," "Broadway,"  "Promenade" — leave  magical 
pictures  in  the  mind  ;  they  are  torrential  impres- 
sions fusing  at  white  heat  with  language.  Most 
of  the  poems  are  in  free  verse. 

"First  Offering,'"  by  Samuel  Roth,  is  of  differ- 
ent movement  and  content.  The  volume  con- 
tains lyrics  and  sonnets,  the  latter  having  in  the 
main  that  primal  requisite  of  a  work  of  art — 
magnitude.  They  are  not  intimate  in  tone.  Some 
arc  like  marble  urns  shaped  to  enshrine  divine 
austerities.  Love  is — in  them — the  incarnation 
of  the  "majestic  calm  of  the  earth.  The  other 
poems  are  not  as  successful  as  the  sonnets  with 
the  exception  of  "A  Song  of  Earth,"  which  is 
written    in    free    verse. 

2The  Family  Album.  By  Alter  Brody.  Huebsch. 
132  pp.      $1.25. 

3The  Ghetto.  By  Lola  Ridge.  Huebsch.  101  pp- 
$1.25. 

*First  Offering.  By  Samuel  Roth.  The  Lyric  Pub- 
lishing Co.     48  pp.     $1.25. 


THE    NEW   BOOKS 


443 


Jean  Starr  Untermeyer,  the  talented  wife  of 
Louis  Untermeyer,  writes  of  her  own  personal  ex- 
periences with  life  in  "Growing  Pains."^  This 
slender  volume  contains  both  satisfactory  achieve- 
ment and  brilliant  promise.  Several  of  the 
poems  are  introspective;  others  are  filled  with 
maternal  tenderness  and  longing.  "Clay  Hills" 
and  "Deliverance"  are  exceptional  in  their  knowl- 
edge and  truth.  The  greater  part  of  Mrs.  Unter- 
meyer's  work  is  in  free  verse. 

Echoes  of  the   Cavalier  Poets 

In  "Airs  and  Ballads,"'  by  a  young  man  from 
Oklahoma,  John  McClure,  there  are  many  ca- 
dences that  bring  to  mind  the  mellifluous  music 
of  Herrick,  Suckling  and  Lovelace.  Some  of  the 
best  lyrics  of  modern  verse  are  in  this  volume. 

"Songs  of  a  Miner,"^  by  James  Welsh,  have 
the  bird-like  quality  of  the  Elizabethan  songs. 
The  author  was  born  in  1880,  in  the  mining  vil- 
lage of  Haywood  in  the  Upper  Ward  of  Lanark- 
shire, and  grew  up  a  miner's  child.  In  his 
twelfth  year  he  left  school  and  went  to  work  in 
the  coal  mine,  where  he  has  worked  all  his  life 
until  two  years  ago.  Yet  but  seldom  does  he 
write  of  the  mine;  he  sings  of  fields  and  black- 
birds, of  summer  and  fey  youth.  His  verse  came, 
he  says,  as  the  throstle's  songs,  or  as  roses  come, 
because  he  was  a  natural  born  singer. 

Robert  Graves,  of  the  Royal  Welch  Fusiliers, 
has  written  a  volume  of  gay  little  poems,  "Fairies 
and  Fusiliers."*  In  it  are  many  charming,  buoy- 
ant bits  of  verse  that  will  cling  in  memory. 
John  Masefield  tells  the  story  that  Graves  was 
picked  up  for  dead  on  the  battlefield.  He  heard 
the   stretcher   bearers    say   he   was    dead,    and    he 

called  out:     "I'm  not  dead,  I'm  d d  if  I'll  die." 

And  he   didn't.     He   wrote   a   poem   about   it. 

"Chamber  Music,""  by  James  Joyce,  author  of 
"Dubliners"  and  the  remarkable  play  "Exiles," 
offers  a  lyric  sequence  of  exceeding  melodic 
beauty.  In  "Before  Dawn,"^  a  third  volume  of 
poems  by  Irene  Rutherford  McLeod,  there  are 
many  beautiful  lyrics  and  a  remarkable  sonnet 
sequence.  Stella  Benson,  author  of  charming 
stories,  has  in  "Twenty"'  very  good  verse  with  a 
certain  spaciousness  of  thought  that  is  satisfying. 
Cale  Young  Rice  lifts  the  mind  to  high  levels  of 
beauty  and  faith  in  "Songs  to  A.  H.  R."*  There 
is  much  music  in  these  poems — a  continual  mur- 
mur of  the  sea  heard  afar  off  droning  on  shingly 
bars. 

For  the  most  part  in  traditional  measured  form 
the  youthful  poets  of  ninety-six  colleges  have 
contributed  their  poesy  to  "Poets  of  the  Future,"** 
a  college  anthology.  Through  the  poems  one 
feels  the  intense  reaction  of  the  undergraduates 
to  the  war  and  the  downfall  of  autocracy.     Cor- 

^Growing  Pains.  By  Jean  Starr  Untermeyer.  Huebsch. 
64   pp.      $1. 

^Airs  and  Ballads.  By  John  McClure.  Knopf.  84 
pp.     $1. 

'Songs  of  a  Miner.  By  James  C.  Welsh.  Putnams. 
106  pp.      $1.25. 

*Fairies  and  Fusiliers.  By  Robert  Graves.  Knopf. 
94  pp.     $1. 

'Chamber  Music.     By  James  Joyce.      Huebsch.     $1. 

"Before  Dawn.  By  Irene  Rutherford  McLeod.  Huebsch. 
125  pp.    $1.25. 

^Twenty.  By  Stella  Benson.  Macmillan.  60  pp. 
80  cents. 

"Songs  to  A.  H.  R.  By  Cale  Young  Rice.  Century 
Co.      50   pp. 

"The  Poets  of  the  Future.  Edited  by  Henry  T. 
Schnittkind.      Stratford  Co.      214  pp.     $1.50. 


poral  Francis  F.  Hogan,  whose  poem  "Fulfilled," 
is  included  in  this  anthology,  was  killed  in  the 
Battle  of  the   Meuse. 

Edward  F.  Garesche,  author  of  "War  Moth- 
ers,"" is  editor  of  the  Queen's  Work.  He  has 
published  two  collections  of  verse  previously.  Of 
late  he  has  been  much  interested  in  war  service 
throughout  the  country.  In  his  last  book  there 
are  nine  poems,  memorials  to  Joyce  Kilmer, 
tributes  of  Our  Lady,  Jeanne  d'Arc,  and  to  the 
many  mothers  who  have  lost  their  sons  on  the 
battlefield. 

No  memorial  to  the  British  war  poets  would 
be  complete  without  high  tribute  to  Lieutenant 
E.  A.  Mackintosh,  late  of  the  Seaforth  High- 
landers. His  Last  volume,  "War  the  Liberator  and 
Other  Poems,""  is  a  worthy  successor  to  the  earlier 
one,  "A  Highland  Regiment."  Coningsby  Daw- 
son wrote  of  him:  "In  his  death  we  have  lost 
a  poet — how  fine  we  shall  never  know,  for  he 
died  like  a  thrush  in  his  first  April."  And  he 
adds  the  following  bit  of  description  of  the 
poet's  personal  appearance:  "Alan  Mackintosh 
looked  the  Gael  he  was,  loose-limbed,  muscu- 
lar, tall,  and  dark.  He  carried  a  fine  head  well. 
His  roving  eye,  merry,  tender,  cautious,  penetrat- 
ing, bold  by  rapid  turns,  epitomized  the  richness 
of  his  nature  and  his  still  rarer  force  of  self-ex- 
pression."    He  was  killed  in  action  on  November 

21,  1917,  on  the  Western  Front. 

Oswald  Hardy,  an  Englishman  in  official  life, 
has  written  a  tuneful  book  of  verse,  "In  Greek 
Seas,""  which  celebrates  the  beauty  of  nature  and 
memories  of  inspiring  travel.  In  "The  Lyric 
Songs  of  the  Greeks,""  Walter  Peterson  gives 
pleasing  versions  of  the  fragments  of  Sappho, 
Anacreon,  Alcaeus  and  the  minor  Greek  melod- 
ists, together  with  translations  of  recent  finds 
from  the  papyrus  heaps  of  Egypt.  A  short 
biographical  and  critical  account  of  the  poet 
precedes   each   group   of  poems. 

Magazine  Verse 

The  preface  of  William  Stanley  Braithwaite's 
"Anthology  of  Magazine  Verse  for  1918,""  con- 
tains a  spirited  comparison  of  the  comments  of 
three  poet-critics  on  the  making  of  poetry.  Con- 
rad Aiken  is  revealed  as  a  follower  of  Foe,  so 
far  as  his  theories  of  the  art  of  poesy  are  con- 
cerned. In  an  article  in  the  North  American  Re- 
vieiv  (December,  1917),  "The  Mechanism  of 
Poetic  Inspiration,"  Mr.  Aiken  praised  the  scien- 
tific analysis  of  poetry,  but  offered  the  contra- 
dictory suggestion  of  a  Freudian  clue  to  poetic 
expression.  Mr.  Maxwell  Bodenheim — always 
a  rebel — writing  in  the  New  Republic  (December, 

22,  1917)  adhered  to  the  opinion  that  neither  poets 
nor  laymen  were  able  to  grasp  what  poetry  real- 
ly is,  and  later  offered  this  definition:  "Pure 
poetry  is  the  vibrant  expression  of  anything  clear- 
ly delicate  and  unattached  with  surface  senti- 
ment in  the  emotions  of  men  toward  themselves 
and     nature."       Brian     Hooker,     the     third     poct- 

'"War  Afothers.  By  Edward  F.  Garesche,  S.  J.  Benri- 
ger   Bro.      58   pp.      60  cents. 

"War  The  Liberator.  By  Lieirt.  E.  A.  Mackintosh, 
M.C.      Lane.      156  pp.     $1.25. 

i-In  Greek  Seas.  By  Oswald  Hardy.  Lane.  96  pp. 
$1.20. 

'■'The  Lyric  Songs  of  the  Greeks.  By  Walter  Peter- 
sen.     Badger.      192   pp.      $1.50. 

'♦Anthology  of  Magazine  Verse  For  1918.  Edited  by 
William    .Stanley    Braithwaite.      285    pp.      $2. 


444 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


critic,  defined  poetry  in  the  Century  (December, 
1917),  in  an  article,  "The  Practical  Use  of 
Poetry,"  as  an  art  that  deals  with  the  "feel  of 
actual  life  and  so  employs  language  not  so  much 
to  make  us  understand  or  even  imagine  as  to  make 
us  realize."  Mr.  Hooker  thinks  that  we  are  all 
of  us  living  poetry  so  long  as  we  are  "vividly 
alive." 

The    content   of    the    anthology   has    been    con- 


fined to  short  poems  of  a  distinctly  singing 
quality.  "Sea  Dreams,"  by  Ridgely  Torrence, 
the  first  poem  of  the  collection,  is  a  very 
beautiful  lyric,  mystical  and  prophetic.  Other 
poems  that  are  especially  notable  include  "I 
Have  Had  Great  Pity,"  by  Willard  Wattles; 
"Hymn  To  Light,"  by  Edward  J.  O'Brien,  and 
"The  Eyes  of  Queen  Esther  and  How  They  Con- 
quered King  Ahasuerus,"  by  Vachel  Lindsay. 


FOREIGN  AND  AMERICAN  NOVELS 
AND  SHORT  STORIES 


A  SERIES  of  volumes  called  the  "Library  of 
French  Fiction"  have  been  translated  in 
order  to  put  into  circulation  in  this  country  the 
best  French  novels  that  treat  of  the  life  of  Paris 
and  of  the  different  provinces — books  in  which 
all  the  types  of  men  and  women  peculiar  to 
France  and  her  manifold  social  life  and  manners 
are  depicted  in  masterly  fashion.  Now  that  we 
are  appreciative  of  the  spirit  of  France  because 
of  the  events  of  the  war,  it  is  most  desirable  that 
the  American  people  should  know  the  best  of  the 
contemporary  French  novels  that  delineate  the 
character  and  history  of  the  French  people. 

"Jacquou  The  Rebel, "^  the  most  important  and 
typical  of  Eugene  Le  Roy's  five  novels,  pictures 
rural  life  in  Perigord  between  1810  and  1830.  It 
is  a  study  of  the  oppressed,  underfed  peasants 
who  resisted  the  tyranny  of  their  overlords.  In 
the  vast  forests  of  the  nobility,  the  miserable, 
starving  peasant  farmers  might  not  snare  a  rabbit 
for  food  lawfully.  For  the  aftermath  of  such 
an  offense,  Jacquou's  father  was  sent  to  prison 
and  his  mother  perished  soon  afterwards  from 
the  hardships  of  her  bitter  life.  Jacquou  became 
a  rebel  and  finally  obtained  relief  and  better 
conditions  for  his  community.  Le  Roy  was  born 
in  Perigord,  at  Hautefort,  in  1830.  He  spent  the 
early  part  of  his  life  in  the  army,  fighting  against 
Austria  with  the  Italians  in  1859.  In  the  Franco- 
Prussian  war  he  learned  to  know  the  Germans  at 
first  hand.  Later  he  retired  to  a  governmental 
position  at  Bordeaux,  where  he  died  in  1907.  The 
translation    is   by   Eleanor    Stimson    Brooks. 

"Nono,"^  a  peasant  love  story,  by  Gaston  Roup- 
nel,  gives  a  realistic,  vivid  account  of  the  life 
of  the  winegrowers  in  the  district  of  Burgundy. 
Its  realism  is  that  of  the  spirit  of  the  earth  and 
of  the  imperishable  faith  and  loyalty  of  simple 
souls.  In  the  overshadowing  of  the  individual 
by  the  soil  upon  which  he  dwells  and  from  which 
he  draws  sustenance,  there  is  much  likeness  to 
Hardy's  Wessex  novels.  "Nono"  is  a  simple  man 
of  the  people  and  his  story  is  that  of  a  man  with 
a  single  love  attachment  which  survives  toil 
and  poverty,  disloyalty,  and  the  attrition  of  time. 
The  novel  is  translated  and  edited  by  Barnet  J. 
Beyer. 

English  Novels  and  Short  Stories 
In   beautiful    descriptive   passages    and    in    pro- 
found   knowledge    of    the    conflicting    passions    of 

ijacquou  the  Rebel.  By  Eugfene  Le  Roy.  Translated 
by  Eleanor  Stimson  Brooks.  E.  P.  Button  &  Company. 
415   pp.     $1.90. 

'Nono.  By  Gaston  Roupnel.  E.  P.  Button  &  Com- 
pany.   272  pp.    $1.90. 


the  human  heart  few  novels  equal  "The  Chal- 
lenge to  Sirius,"^  by  Sheila  Kaye-Smith.  The  set- 
ting of  the  story  is  a  little  pip  of  land,  the  Isle 
of  Oxney,  wedged  between  Sussex  and  Kent, 
a  separate  land  rising  out  of  the  marsh  with 
ground  that  becomes  good  marl,  and  many  farms 
caught  in  a  "web  of  little  twisting  lanes,"  The 
novelist  has  made  a  careful  study  of  the  per- 
manent values  gathered  from  life-experience 
that  offer  an  eternal  challenge  to  "Sirius,  symbol 
of  divine  indifference."  The  "gatherer,"  Frank 
Rainger,  goes  far  in  search  of  the  deeper  satis- 
factions of  life,  to  London — Thackeray's  London 
— to  the  battlefields  of  the  Civil  War,  to  a  pueblo 
in  a  remote  forest  of  Yucatan,  and  back — at  the 
end — to  Maggie,  his  first  sweetheart,  and  the 
Isle  of  Oxney  in  the  Kent  Marshes.  The  episodes 
of  the  war  are  narrated  entirely  from  the  South- 
ern point  of  view   at  the  time  of  the  conflict. 

Cynthia  Stockley's  thrilling  stories  of  South 
Africa  are  published  under  the  title  of  one  of  her 
most  successful  tales,  "Blue  Aloes."^  The  narra- 
tive of  the  secrets  of  this  Karoo  farm  with  its 
hedge  of  blue  aloes,  cactus,  tarantulas,  and 
strange  voices  that  whisper  warnings  at  mid- 
night will  satisfy  any  mystery  lover.  "The  Leo- 
pard" is  a  study  of  a  woman  who  possessed  a 
strange  likeness,  spiritually  and  physically,  to  the 
spotted  treacherous  jungle  beast.  "Rozanne 
Ozanne"  is  a  weird  tale  of  Malay  voodoo  magic, 
the  facts  of  which  are  at  least  partially  supported 
by  scientific  research.  "April  Folly,"  while  no 
less  mysterious,  is  in  lighter  vein  and  relieves 
the  tense  atmosphere  of  the  other  tales.  Mrs. 
Stockley  is  of  Irish  descent  but  South  African 
by  birth.  She  has  lived  nearly  all  her  life  in 
the  Free  State  and  speaks  the  Boer  Taal  and 
several    native    languages. 

In  "Wild  Youth  and  Another,'"  Gilbert  Parker 
has  written  two  heart-gripping  glamorous  stories 
of  youth,  love  and  adventure  in  the  Canadian 
West.  The  locality  is  but  slightly  disguised  un- 
der the  name  "Askatoon."  The  first  is  a  version 
of  Beauty  and  the  Beast.  Mazarine,  an  aged  un- 
couth farmer,  brings  home  to  his  ranch  a  beautiful 
young  girl  of  nineteen  whom  he  has  practically 
bought  by  paying  off  the  mortgage  on  her  father's 
home.  A  drama  of  love  and  jealousy  and  the 
blossoming  of  romance  follow.     The  second  story 

3The  Challenge  to  Sirius.  By  .Sheila  Kaye-Smith.  By 
E.    P.   Button   &   Company.     442   pp.     $1.90. 

*Blue  Aloes.  By  Cynthia  Stockley.  G.  P.  Putnam's 
Sons.     358  pp.    $1.50. 

"Wild  Youth  and  Another.  By  Sir  Gilbert  Parker. 
Lippincott.     790  pp.    $1.50. 


THE    NEW   BOOKS 


445 


is  more  convincing.  A  notorious  train  robber 
reforms  and  becomes  the  mayor  of  a  western 
town.  He  steps  down  from  his  high  place  to 
do  one  more  robbery — why,  Sir  Gilbert  tells  us 
in  his  inimitable  style.  A  chivalrous  young 
doctor  figures  as  a  leading  character  in  both 
tales. 

A  Story  of  the  Argentine 

"Amalia,"^  by  Jose  Marmol,  is  a  romance  of 
the  Argentine  in  the  time  of  the  reign  of  terror 
instituted  by  Rosas,  the  Dictator.  Among  the 
political  chiefs  of  the  Argentine  was  Manuel 
Rosas,  who  succeeded  General  Lavalle  as  Gov- 
ernor of  Buenos  Airesi  in  1835,  His  rule  was  as 
blood-red  as  the  color  he  chose  for  his  emblem 
and  his  sanguinary  policy  was  directed  against 
everyone  who  opposed  either  his  political  power 
or  his  personal  caprices.  He  was  defeated  by  the 
allied  forces  of  his  opponents  in  1852  and  took 
refuge  on  a  British  man-of-war.  He  was  car- 
ried to  England  and  lived  in  retirement  on  an 
estate  he  had  purchased  near  Southampton  until 
his  death,  March  14,  1877.  Marmol's  great  South 
American  story  has  for  many  years  been  access- 
ible in  German,  Russian  and  Polish,  but  until 
this  edition  had  never  before  appeared  in 
English.  It  is  a  fine,  thrilling  tale,  full  of  love, 
fighting  and  adventure.  Amalia  is  one  of  the 
most  fascinating  heroines  in  all  fiction.  The 
translation  is  by  Mary  J.  Serrano,  the  translator 
of  "The  Journal   of   Marie  Bashkirtseff." 

American   Fiction 

Gertrude  Atherton's  splendid  story  of  Cali- 
fornia, "The  Avalanche,"^  is  a  galloping  tale  of 
a  beautiful  young  woman  whose  life  is  involved 
in  inexplicable  mystery.  She  refuses  to  confide 
in  her  husband  and  he  employs  detectives  to  un- 
ravel the  sinister  skein  that  threatens  to  wreck 
his  marriage.  A  great  glowing  ruby  worth  a 
princely  ransom  figures  in  the  romance.  The 
solution  of  the  mystery  drags  to  light  the  under- 
world of  San  Francisco  as  it  existed  several  dec- 
ades ago.  One  regrets  that  Mrs.  Atherton  did 
not  use  a  wider  canvas  and  elaborate  her  theme. 
The  dramatic  power  of  the  narrative  and  her 
sure  craftsmanship  carries  the  story  to  success, 
but  it  is  as  a  short  story  one  must  consider  it, 
not  as  a  novel. 

Mr.  Edward  J,  O'Brien  writes  in  the  preface 
of  his  yearbook,  "The  Best  Short  Stories  of  1918,"^ 
that  there  has  been  a  marked  ebb  in  the  quality 
of  the  short  story  owing  to  the  probable  pre- 
occupation of  writers  with  the  recent  world 
events.      He    offers    his   selections    not   as   master- 

^Amalia.  By  Mary  J.  Serrano.  Translated  from  the 
Spanish  of  Jose  Marmol.  E.  P.  Dutton  &  Company. 
419  pp.    $2. 

^The  Avalanche.  By  Gertrude  Atherton,  Frederick  A. 
Stoke3  Company.     225   pp.     $1,35, 

='The  Best  Short  Stories  of  1918.  And  the  Yearbook 
of  the  American  Short  Story.  Edited  by  Edward  J. 
O'Brien.  Boston:  Small,  Maynard  &  Company.  441 
pp,     ^1,60. 


pieces,  but  as  the  best  he  has  been  able  to  find. 
There  are  twenty  stories  in  the  collection.  Their 
authors  include  Achmed  Abdullah,  Arthur  John- 
son, Sinclair  Lewis,  Julian  Street,  Mary  Heaton 
Vorse  and  Edward  Venable.  The  greater  num- 
ber of  them  may  be  characterized  as  "jolting 
stories."  The  reader  is  bounced  from  one  hum- 
mock of  emotion  to  another  until  the  writer  with 
a  final  upheaval  lifts  him  breathless  to  a  dizzy 
climax.  A  pleasant  exception  to  this  type  is  "The 
Visit  of  the  Master,"  by  Arthur  Johnson. 

Three  new  features  render  the  "Yearbook"  for 
1918  very  useful  for  reference  purposes.  There 
is  an  index  of  all  short  stories  published  in  a 
selected  list  of  volumes  issued  during  the  year, 
another  index  of  critical  articles  on  the  short 
story,  and  exact  volume  and  page  references  to 
the  index  of  short  stories  published  in  American 
magazines. 

A  collection  of  the  twenty-two  best  stories 
written  by  college  students,  "The  Best  College 
Short  Stories,"*  is  the  beginning  of  a  projected  an- 
nual series  of  volumes  which  the  editor,  Henry  T. 
Schnittkind,  trusts  will  prove  not  alone  a  reflec- 
tion of  what  college  students  are  thinking  and 
dreaming  but  a  valuable  spread  of  background 
upon  which  to  venture  prophecies  of  future  liter- 
ary art.  "The  Tomte  Gubbe,"  by  Alma  Abra- 
hamson  (University  of  Minnesota),  and  "Angele," 
by  John  Sharon  (Washington  University)  are  the 
best  of  the  collection.  Miiss  Abrahamson  has 
given  a  new  legend  to  American  literature,  while 
the  delicate,  sure  handling  of  his  material  by  Mr. 
Sharon  shows  an  unusual  grasp  upon  literary  art 
and  the  development  of  the  power  of  romantic 
characterization.  The  book  contains  a  supple- 
mentary list  of  sixty-four  other  stories  of  distinc- 
tion, a  symposium  of  fifty-nine  editors  of  leading 
magazines  and  newspapers  telling  young  authors 
how  to  succeed ;  and  an  autobiographic  sym- 
posium by  twenty-eight  famous  authors  of  short 
stories,  giving  an  account  of  their  struggle  for 
literary  fame  and  the  means  by  which  they  at- 
tained  it. 

In  the  "Penguin  Series,"  there  is  the  first  issue 
in  book  form  of  one  of  the  finest  novels  of  Henry 
James's  earlier  period,  "Gabrielle  de  Bergerac.'" 
Also  two  books  by  Lafcadio  Hearn,  "Karma,"*  an 
unusual  collection  of  beautiful  stories,  sketches 
and  essays  which  have  never  been  collected  in 
book  form,  and  Japanese  Fairy  Tales, "^  A  fourth 
addition  to  the  series  is  "loanthe's  Wedding,"*  a 
translation  of  a  love  story  by  Hermann  Suder- 
man,  author  of  "The  Song  of  Songs," 

*The  Best  College  Short  Stories.  Edited  by  Henry  T. 
Schnittkind.  Introduction  by  Edward  J.  O'Brien.  Bos- 
ton:  The   Stratford   Company.     458   pp.     $1.50. 

"Gabrielle  de  Bergerac,  Boni  and  Liveright.  144 
pp.      $1.25. 

"Karma,  By  Lafcadio  Hearn.  Boni  and  Liveright. 
163  pp.    $1.25. 

'Japanese  Fairy  Tales.  By  Lafcadio  Hearn.  Boni 
and    Liveright.      16Q   pp.      $1.25. 

^loanthe's  Wedding.  By  Herman  Suderman.  Boni 
and   Liveright.      159   pp.     $1.25. 


FINANCIAL  NEWS 

I.— THE  HERITAGE  OF  WAR 


LONG  before  there  was  even  the  slightest 
thought  of  an  armistice  and,  in  fact, 
while  the  fortunes  of  war  were  still  against 
the  Entente,  the  story  told  by  the  stock  ticker 
(as  proved  by  subsequent  events)  was  one  of 
complete  military  victory  over  the  Central 
Empires.  In  the  light  of  the  market's  accu- 
rate forecast  of  last  fall,  what  importance  is 
to  be  attached  to  the  great  speculation  for 
the  rise  that  developed  during  the  latter  part 
of  February,  after  a  long  period  of  inertia 
that  prompted  the  financial  community  to 
drift  into  a  frame  of  mind  bordering  on  de- 
spondency? 

It  is  true  that  an  advance  probably  would 
have  been  justified  on  "technical"  grounds, 
but  there  may  be  a  deeper  significance.  In  all 
likelihood,  the  advance  in  security  values  rep- 
resents the  familiar  discounting  of  the  future 
— in  this  instance  the  prosperity  that  is  ex- 
pected to  follow  the  solving  of  the  most  com- 
plicated political,  financial  and  economic 
problems  that  have  ever  confronted  the  great 
minds  of  the  world. 

Prices  of  Materials 

Fundamentally  there  has  been  a  little  im- 
provement, still  the  substructure  of  business 
and  finance  can  hardly  yet  be  described  as 
solid.  The  situation  remains  replete  with 
anomalies.  Wages  remain  high  and  so  also 
do  living  costs  and  many  of  the  commodities. 
The  price  of  copper  has  been  cut  in  half,  yet 
this  decline  has  failed  to  stimulate  buying  of 
any  consequence.  On  the  other  hand,  while 
steel  and  iron  prices  have  been  reduced  the 
average  is  still  far  above  pre-war  levels. 

There  is  very  respectable  support  for  the 
opinion  that  the  major  steel  reductions  will 
occur  early  in  the  summer.  The  best  judg- 
ment of  the  trade  is  that  heavy  price-cutting 
now  w^ould  not  be  compensated  for  in  an 
adequate  volume  of  business.  And,  at  the 
same  time,  it  w^ould  involve  concessions  on 
the  15,000,000  tons  of  business  now  on  the 
books  of  the  mills,  which  will  be  worked  off 
by  midsummer.  The  conviction  is  growing 
that  within  three  or  four  months  materials 
entering  into  building,  etc.,  together  with 
labor,  will  have  reacted  sufficiently  to  make 

446 


important  cuts  in  steel  prices  productive  of  a 
fairly  large  volume  of  business. 

The  New  Prosperity 

What  the  markets,  therefore,  appear  to  be 
discounting  is  a  general  revival  of  trade  and 
industry  by  fall.  In  many  lines  shelves  are 
bare.  In  others,  there  is  a  plethora  of  ma- 
terials and  supplies.  The  next  few  months 
should  provide  the  opportunity  for  clearing 
the  decks  for  the  next  forward  movement. 

The  new  prosperity  is  being  pioneered  by 
the  rubber  and  motor  industries.  In  the 
South  and  the  Western  agricultural  districts 
there  has  never  been  so  lavish  a  display  of 
wealth.  There  are  excellent  roads  to-day 
where  only  a  few  years  ago  none  but  the 
lightest  of  power-driven  vehicles  would  have 
dared  venture.  And  it  is  not  stretching  the 
imagination  to  say  that  in  this  respect  the 
ground  has  only  been  scratched.  Although 
the  wheat-price  guarantee  may  be  economic- 
ally unsound,  it  will  nevertheless  provide  a 
great  stimulus  to  the  automobile  industry; 
and  furthermore  it  will  bring  into  more  gen- 
eral use  the  very  efficient  farm  tractor,  the 
product  of  a  comparatively  new  industry  that 
is  closely  related  to  the  motor-car  business. 

In  its  broader  application,  this  will  tend 
to  restore  the  confidence  that  has  been  so 
sorely  lacking  in  recent  months  and  which 
is  so  vitally  necessary  to  put  the  nation  again 
on  its  feet,  commercially.  Less  will  be  heard 
in  the  next  few  months  of  the  somewhat  fan- 
tastic foreign  trade  and  more  of  the  deferred 
home  requirements,  which  should  fill  the  gap 
until  Europe  has  weathered  the  storm  of 
Bolshevism  and  has  had  time  to  nurse  its 
sickly  finances  back  to  health. 

The  Railroad  Situation 

To  follow  the  Wall  Street  theory  of 
reasoning,  one  must  avoid  the  obvious. 
Which  explains  why  the  Republican  fili- 
buster, leaving  the  Railroad  Administration 
without  funds  with  which  to  meet  its  obli- 
gations to  the  carriers,  did  not  result  in 
panic.  The  shock  lasted  about  fifteen  min- 
utes, and  "the  Street"  immediately  began  to 
reason  that  perhaps  it  was  after  all  a  blessing 


FINANCIAL    NEWS 


447 


in  disguise.  To  the  opponents  of  government 
control,  with  its  attendant  inefficiency  (which 
has  been  demonstrated  since  the  Government 
took  over  the  roads),  it  represented  a  great 
opportunity. 

This  snap  judgment  has  subsequently  been 
partially  justified.  It  has  given  the  nation's 
large  bankers  an  opportunty  to  play  a  big, 
unselfish  hand,  that  should  be  of  tremendous 
value  in  forming  public  opinion  when  the 
next  Congress  undertakes  the  task  of  finding 
an  equitable  solution  of  the  railroad  problem. 
The  bankers,  it  was  understood  at  the  time 
of  this  writing,  were  prepared  to  assist  the 
roads  financially — and  at  t!he  absolute  mini- 
mum cost.  The  assistance  of  the  bankers  can 
be  no  more  than  a  temporary  expedient,  as 
the  amount  owing  the  railroads  on  rent  com- 
pensation amounts  now  roughly  to  about 
$450,000,000. 

The  railroad  predicament  will,  in  the 
judgment  of  banking  interests,  be  productive 
of  much  good.  Their  conviction  that  there 
would  be  an  active  application  of  facts,  rather 
than  theory,  at  the  Peace  Conference,  is  al- 
ready partially  borne  out.  What  the  finan- 
cial community  wants  first  is  peace,  after 
that  it  is  willing  to  listen  to  the  League  of 
Nations  theory.  With  peace  once  definitely 
established  it  will  be  possible  for  the  bankers 
of  the  nations  concerning  to  evolve  plans  for 
the  correction  of  the  existing  weaknesses  of 
the  foreign  exchange  structure,  which  must 
be  eliminated  before  Europe  can  again  become 
a  large  customer  of  the  United  States.  Busi- 
ness interests  just  returned  from  France,  for 
instance,  report  a  most  deplorable  condition, 
both  financially  and  industrially.  England, 
through     necessity,     is     carefully     guarding 


against  an  excessive  importation  of  materials 
and  manufactures. 

The  Victory  Loan 

The  next  event  of  commanding  importance 
on  the  financial  calendar  will  be  the  Vic- 
tory, and  final.  War  Loan.  Treasury  notes 
will  be  issued  with  a  five-year  maturity  and 
attractive  tax-exemption  clauses. 

Obviously,  the  loan  is  planned  to  be  at- 
tractive for  institutional  investment  in  the 
event  the  public  should  fail  to  respond  as 
heroically  as  it  has  done  on  former  occasions. 
Since  the  last  loan  the  war  has  come  to  an 
end  and  the  patriotic  fervor  of  the  masses 
has  subsided  appreciably. 

There  is  excellent  authority,  however,  for 
the  assertion  that  one  of  the  strongest  points 
in  the  campaign  of  publicity  will  be  the  argu- 
ment to  the  wage-earner  and  man  of  small 
affairs  that  the  necessity  for  support  on  his 
part  is  imperative  if  the  banks  are  to  be  left 
in  a  position  where  they  can  adequately  pro- 
vide the  finances  for  an  expanding  industrial 
and  trade  movement,  which  in  turn  means 
full  employment  for  the  masses.  The  appeal 
undoubtedly  will  have  its  effect,  but  some 
capable  students  of  finance  are  beginning  to 
wonder  whether,  with  no  curtailment  in  war- 
time extravagance  in  living  and  the  redis- 
count privilege  of  the  Federal  banks  opera- 
tive, not  to  overlook  the  extensive  foreign 
financing  that  must  be  done  here,  instead  of 
post-bellum  deflation  we  are  not  likely  to 
enter  an  era  of  intensive  inflation  such  as  was 
avoided  during  the  war.  It  is  too  early  yet 
to  entertain  definite  convictions  on  this  score. 
Yet  the  subject  provides  most  interesting  food 
for  thought. 


II.— INVESTORS'  QUERIES  AND  ANSWERS 


SUPPLEMENTING  A  LIBERTY  BOND 
INVESTMENT 

Having  bought  my  quota  of  Liberty  Bonds,  I  have  at 
present  $1200  in  cash  which  I  would  like  to  put  out  at 
higher  interest  than  the  4  per  cent  I  receive  at  the  bank. 
Can  you  recommend  anything? 

If  the  purchase  of  Liberty  Bonds  marks  the 
beginning  of  your  investment  experience,  we 
hardly  think  it  would  be  advisable  for  you  to 
withdraw  all  of  the  money  on  deposit  in  the 
bank  (presumably  a  savings  bank,  or  a  bank 
conducting  a  savings  department)  for  investment 
in  securities  of  any  kind.  It  is  always  a  good 
thing  to  have  a  little  surplus  put  away  for  safe- 
keeping in  such  a  place,  where  it  is  usually  avail- 
able immediately  to  meet  emergencies  requiring 
ready  cash.      A    part   of  your    surplus,    however, 


might  be  used  to  purchase  a  sound  bond  of  some 
kind  to  yield  better  than  4  per  cent.  The  logical 
step  from  United  States  Government  bonds  seems 
to  us  to  be  into  municipal  bonds,  which  as  far  as 
fundamental  characteristics  go  are  very  similar 
to  Government  issues,  since  they  are  supported 
by  the  taxing  power  of  the  communities  which 
issue  them.  Possibly  you  might  find  a  good  bond 
of  this  class  in  $500  denomination  that  would 
yield  around  5  per  cent.  V^hy  not  take  the  matter 
up  with  some  reliable  investment  banking  house 
specializing  in  municipal  bonds? 

MORTGAGES  AND  MUNICIPAL  BONDS 

I  expect  very  soon  to  have  a  few  thousand  dollars  to 
invest,  and  am  desirous  of  putting  it  in  securities  that 
are  safe  and  yield  a  good  rate  of  income.  I  am  thinking 
of   dividing  the   money   between    a    mortgage   and    muni- 


448 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


cipal  or  public -utility  bonds.     What  would  you  think  of 
such  a  plan  ? 

We  think  your  plan  may  very  properly  be 
approved. 

In  saying  this,  we  assume,  first  of  all;  either 
that  you  would  make  your  mortgage  investment 
through  an  experienced  and  unquestionably  re- 
liable banker,  or  that  5'ou  are  in  position  to  satisfy 
yourself  personally  about  the  security  underlying 
the  investment;  and  that  you  would  employ  well 
recognized  principles  of  discrimination  in  the  se- 
lection of  the   bond  investments. 

As  between  municipal  and  public-utility  bonds, 
our  preference  at  this  time  would  be  the  former, 
even  if  at  some  sacrifice  of  net  income.  With  a 
good  mortgage  investment,  however,  yielding  per- 
haps as  much  as  6  per  cent,  you  would  be  able  to 
make  the  average  of  your  net  income  very  satis- 
factory with  municipal  bonds  of  essentially  con- 
servative character,  and  it  is  our  opinion  that, 
especially  if  your  circumstances  do  not  require 
a  very  high  degree  of  convertibility,  such  a  com- 
bination would   be  the   best   for  you  to  make. 

A  COMBINATION  FOR  GOOD  YIELD 

I  have  had  no  experience  in  investing  in  securities.  I 
need  your  advice,  therefore,  in  the  matter  of  an  invest- 
ment of  $5000.     What  do  you  think  I  should  buy? 

Here  is  one  combination  that  might  be  sug- 
gested in  such  circumstances: 

United  States  Government  Third  Liberty  Loan 
4^4  per  cent,  bonds,  due  in  1928. 

United  Kingdom  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland 
5J/2  per  cent,  bonds,  due  in   1937. 

Chicago  &  Northwestern  general  mortgage  5 
per  cent,  bonds,  due   in   1987. 

American  Telephone  &  Telegraph  6.  per  cent, 
notes,    due    in    1924. 

Swift  &  Company  6  per  cent,  notes,  due  in 
1926. 

We  suggest  the  splitting  up  of  your  fund  into 
five  parts  in  order  to  get  that  degree  of  safety 
which  is  always  afforded  by  minute  diversifica- 
tion. 

Such  a  combination  as  this  one  would  give  you 
an  average  yield  of  net  income  of  about  5^  per 
cent.,  which  is  perhaps  the  maximum  yield  you 
ought  to  undertake  to  obtain  until  you  have  added 
considerably  to  your  general  investment  experi- 
ence. 

MISSOURI  PACIFIC  GENERAL  MORTGAGE  BONDS 

I  noticed  in  the  Review  of  Reviews  some  time  ago 
that  you  recommend  Missouri  Pacific  general  mortgage 
4  per  cent  bonds  as  a  safe  investment.  Do  you  still  re-* 
gard  them  so,  and  do  you  consider  the  present  a  good 
time  to  buy  them?  Will  you  explain  about  how  they 
are  secured?  Is  there  anything  else  in  this  class  of 
securities  that  you   would   recommend? 

As  you  suggest,  we  have  on  a  number  o£.differ- 
ent  occasions  referred  to  the  general  mortgage  4 
per  cent,  bonds  of  the  Missouri  Pacific  as  being 
in  our  opinion  a  good  investment  of  their  type 
and  class.  However,  we  would  not  be  under- 
stood as  giving  these  bonds  the  rating  of  an  al- 
together high-grade,  conservative  investment. 
They  are  relatively  new  and  unseasoned  and, 
while  appearing  to  possess  some  pretty  strong 
equities,    are    not    without    certain    essential    ele- 


ments of  risk.  On  *he  reorganized  Missouri 
Pacific  property,  these  bonds  are  a  lien  junior  to 
128,000,000  of  underlying  bonds  which  were  un- 
disturbed in  the  reorganization,  and  also  junior 
to  about  $47,000,000  new  first  refunding  5  per 
cents. 

A  bond  which  occupies  very  much  the  same 
kind  of  market  position  as  the  Missouri  Pacific 
general  mortgage  4  per  cent,  bonds,  but  which 
seems  to  us  to  possess  in  some  respects  stronger 
security,  is  the  issue  of  St.  Louis  &  San  Francisco 
prior  lien  4  per  cents.  These  are  also  the  obli- 
gations of  a  reorganized  company  which  have 
not  yet  become  seasoned.  They  are  selling  in  the 
open  market  almost  on  a  par  with  the  Missouri 
Pacific   general    mortgage   4   per   cents. 

SAFE  KEEPING  OF  LIBERTY  BONDS 

I  have,  or  should  have,  several  hundred  dollars'  worth 
of  Liberty  Bonds  at  the  bank  I  patronize  for  safe-keep- 
ing. I  have  never  seen  the  bonds,  haven't  their  num- 
bers, and  do  not  possess  anything  to  show  that  I  am 
the  owner  of  them.  Can  you  recommend  a  better  way 
of  keeping  bonds? 

Your  bank  is  the  best  place  to  keep  the  bonds, 
but  if  you  have  paid  for  them  outright,  it  would 
be  a  matter  of  simple  business  prudence  for  you 
to  obtain  a  receipt  for  them,  showing  their  de- 
nomination and  indicating  which  of  the  various 
issues  they  represent.  It  would  also  be  advisable 
for  you  to  inform  yourself  about  the  arrangements 
at  the  bank  for  collecting  the  coupons  as  they 
become  due  and  either  sending  you  the  proceeds 
or  crediting  the  same  to  your  account. 

RUSSIAN  5K  PER  CENTS 

I  have  two  Russian  Government  5^  per  cent  bonds, 
due  in  1926.  What  would  you  advise  me  to  do  with 
them? 

In  your  place  we  do  not  think  we  should  under- 
take to  do  anything  with  them  at  the  present 
time.  Their  status  is,  of  course,  an  extremely 
uncertain  one,  but  it  is  by  no  means  a  foregone 
conclusion  as  yet  that  they  will  not  ultimately 
come  through  all  right.  The  next  few  months 
may  bring  forth  some  interesting  developments 
in  this  situation. 

DENVER  St  BIO  GRANDE  BONDS 

Please  tell  me  what  yovi  think  of  Denver  &  Rio  Grande 
Refunding  5  per  cent  bonds  as  an  investment  and  explain 
what  position  they  occupy  in  the  finances  of  the  road. 

These  bonds  are  in  our  opinion  extremely  low 
grade  speculative  securities  entirely  unsuited  to 
the  needs  of  a  conservative  investor.  They  are 
secured  by  blanket  mortgage  on  the  Denver  & 
Rio  Grande  properties,  and  have  ahead  of  them 
prior  liens  represented  by  closed  mortgages 
amounting  to  approximately  $82,000,000.  They 
are  senior  only  to  an  issue  of  10,000,000  Adjust- 
ment Income   7  per  cent,   bonds   due   ia.  1932. 

As  you  may  probably  be  aware  the  Denver  & 
Rio  Grande  has  been  in  the  hands  of  receivers 
since  January,  1918,  and  there  are  no  immediate 
prospects  for  working  out  a  satisfactory  reorgani- 
zation plan.  It  seems  improbable  in  other  words 
that  any  of  the  road's  securities,  aside  from  the 
underlying  bonds,  can  be  established  in  anything 
like  a  satisfactory  position  for  a  long  time  to 
come. 


The  American  Review  of  Reviews 


EDITED    BY    ALBERT    SHAW 


CONTENTS  F 

Geneva,  Seat  of  the  Future  League  of  Nations 

Frontispiece 

The  Progress  of  the  World- 
Europe  Only  a  Year  Ago 451 

The    Dramatic    Reversal 451 

Victory  the  Outstanding  Fact 451 

"Liquidating"   a   Tedious   Process 452 

Outlines   of    Peace 452 

Acceptance  of  American  Principles 452 

Considerate   Conquerors    453 

German   Liberty    Conceded 453 

France  Entitled  to  Security 453 

The  New  Europe  Emerging 454 

Armistice   Basis   Confirmed 454 

Poland   on  the   Map 454 

Importance   of    Details 454 

Settling  Up  the  South  Slavs 455 

Adriatic    Outlets     455 

Compromises  Necessary   456 

Business   Problems    Delayed 456 

Economic   Conference    Needed 456 

Belgium  in  Suspense 457 

Where  Paris  Has  Failed 457 

Nations  and  the  Peace  League 458 

American   and   European   Freedom 458 

Bohemia    Claims    Our   Friendship 458 

Four   Considerable    Countries 458 

Ample    Sovereignty    Remains 458 

The  League  a  Practical  Affair  for  Europe  459 

Ending  Wars  Is  the  S.upreme  Object....  459 

Nations  Will   Grow   and   Change 460 

The  League  Approved 460 

Monroe   Doctrine    Stands 461 

American    and   British   Spheres 461 

Two  Stable  Groupings 462 

Politics  versus  Economics 462 

Business  the  Needed  Remedy 462 

Shifting  Moods   at  Paris 463 

Pouncing  on  the   Umpire 463 

Bolshevism    Following   Autocracy 463 

Labor's    Salutary    Methods 464 

Labor   Questions   at  Paris 464 

Dealing  with  Human  Assets 465 

National    Economy    Required 465 

Army    Bills    in    Future 465 

The  War  Veterans  and  "T.  R.,  Jr." 466 

Our  Defense  Problems 466 

The  "Victory"  Loan   Under  Way 468 

Our  Debt  Compared  to  Europe's 468 

The  Plight  of  the  Railroads 469 

England's  Similar  Experience 470 

Our  Stupendous  Crop  of  Wheat 470 

With  portraits,  cartoons,  and  other  illustrations 

Record  of  Current  Events 471 

With  illustrations 

The  Peace  Conference  in  Cartoons 475 


O  R    MAY,    1919 

A  Teacher  and  Leader 480 

With  portrait   of  Samuel  T.  Button 

Europe's  Convulsions  and  the  Paris 

Conference 483 

By   Frank  H.   Simonds 

Three  Essentials  of  Aeronautics 489 

By  Rear-Admiral  Robert  E.  Peary 

With  illustration 

Travel  by  Air  Routes  over  Land  and  Sea  ...     491 

By   Francis    Arnold   Collins 

With   illustrations 

Wireless  Telephoning 500 

By  Frank  B.  Jewett 

With  illustration 

Mental  Engineering  During  the  War 504 

By  Raymond  Dodge 

The  Case  of  The  Brown  Pelican 509 

By  T.  Gilbert  Pearson 

With   illustrations 

Americanization  and  Immigration 512 

By  Robert  De  C.  Ward 

Americanizing  New  York 517 

By  Edward  A.  Steiner 

Solving  the  Problem  of  the  Unemployed  ....      521 
By   George   W.   Kirchwey 

With  illustration 

The    ''Social  Unit"    in  Cincinnati 523 

By  Charles  A.  L.  Reed 

Leading  Articles  of   the  Month — 

Apprentice  "Executives"  for  the  League..  525 

International  Associations  in  the  New  Era  526 

Rational  Desires  of  Workingmen 527 

The  Eastern  Barrier 528 

Price-Fixing  as  Seen  by  a  Price-Fixer.  .  .  .  530 

The  Future  of  Trieste  as  a  Port 531 

The   Problem  of   Danzig 532 

The  Reforesting  of  France 533 

The    Alsatian    Protestants 534 

Part  Played  by  Railroads  in  the  War.  .  .  .  535 

A  Mine  Barrier  from  Norway  to  Scotland  537 

Flying  Over  Mountain  Tops 539 

The   Field  for  Aerial   Photography 541 

A  Machine-Gun  Camera 542 

An     Italian     Diplomat's    Recollections     of 

President  Roosevelt   543 

The   International    Labor   Movement 544 

Government    Statistics    in    War-time    and 

After    545 

The   Music  of  the   Czechoslovaks 547 

Mrs.  Amelia  Barr,  the  Novelist 54S 

With    illustrations 

The  New  Books 550 

Financial   News 55S 


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THE   REVIEW  OF  REVIEWS  CO.,  30  Irving   Place,  New  York 

Albert  Siiavv,  Pros.     Ciias.  D.  Lanier,  Sec.  and  Trcas. 


May— 1 


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THE    AMERICAN 

Review  of  Reviews 


Vol.  LIX 


NEW    YORK,    MAY,    1919 


No.  5 


THE  PROGRESS  OF  THE  WORLD 


Europe 


A  year  ago  the  arrogance  of 
Onil'^a  Germany,  feeding  upon  military 
Year  Ago  guccess,  was  at  a  high  point,  and 
there  was  little  further  attempt  to  disguise 
Teutonic  war  aims.  The  program  had  de- 
veloped rapidly,  and  was  supported  almost 
unanimously.  There  will,  perhaps,  be  a 
difference  of  opinion  among  conscientious 
historians  regarding  the  motives  that  had 
prevailed  in  Germany  when  the  war  was 
launched  in  1914.  Obviously  it  was  ex- 
pected that  England  would  keep  out;  that 
France  would  be  overcome  within  a  few 
weeks ;  that  Russia's  collapse  would  ensure 
the  success  of  the  Pan-German  program  as 
regards  the  Balkans  and  Turkey,  and  that 
indemnities  would  be  exacted.  But  what- 
ever the  conscious  and  definite  aims  of  the 
German  people  were  in  1914,  there  is  no 
doubt  at  all  as  to  what  those  aims  had  be- 
come in  the  spring  and  early  summer  of  last 
year.  The  German  Empire  was  regarded  as 
permanently  extended,  to  include  great  por- 
tions of  what  had  been  Russian  territory. 
Finland  had  been  made  a  German  vassal ; 
there  was  no  intention  of  giving  up  Ant- 
werp ;  parts  of  France  were  to  have  been 
annexed ;  an  immense  colonial  empire  was  to 
have  been  acquired  in  Asia  and  Africa;  the 
British  navy  was  to  have  been  surrendered ; 
and  the  United  States  was  to  have  been  com- 
pelled to  pay  an  indemnity  to  Germany  that 
would  have  made  the  war  financially  profit- 
able for  the  nation  that  had  ventured  to  force 
its  leadership  upon  the  world. 

The  turn  in  military  fortunes, 
Dramatic  following  Allied  Unity  of  com- 
Reveraai  m^nd  and  the  arrival  of  two  mil- 
lion American  troops,  will  through  centuries 
to  come  be  regarded  as  among  the  most  dra- 
matic happenings  of  all  recorded  history. 
Early  in  October,  if  not  sooner,  the  German 

Copyright,    1919,   by  The  R 


military  leaders  knew  that  the  structure  they 
had  been  building  was  about  to  collapse. 
There  followed  Germany's  appeal  to  Presi- 
dent Wilson  for  armistice  terms;  and  what 
ensued  is  known  to  everybody.  Although 
the  course  of  events  is  so  familiar,  however, 
it  is  necessary  to  consider  it  all  with  one's 
reasoning  faculties,  in  order  that  the  daily 
news  from  Europe  may  not  be  too  bewilder- 
ing. The  chief  landmark  to  keep  in  view  is 
the  military  victory — a  supreme  benefit  the 
value  of  which  will  not  be  sacrificed.  Ger- 
many came  very  near  winning  the  war  a 
year  ago ;  and  that  would  have  been  an  ap- 
palling thing  for  Europe  and  also  for  Amer- 
ica. The  defeat  of  Germany  filled  us  with 
joy  and  gratitude  six  months  ago,  and  those 
sentiments  were  justified.  We  should  not  be 
so  short-sighted  as  to  permit  minor  difficul- 
ties and  disturbances  to  darken  the  skies  that 
were  made  clear  by  Germany's  defeat, 
and  by  the  end  of  the  war,  last  November. 

Victor  the  ^^^hough  after  the  tides  of  battle 
Outstanding  began  to  tum,  with  General 
Foch's  successes  in  France,  we 
were  confident  that  Germany  had  lost  the 
war,  it  was  the  general  opinion  that  the 
fighting  would  go  on  until  the  summer  of 
the  present  year.  Our  participation  had 
been  serious,  and,  relatively  to  the  num- 
bers of  our  men  engaged  and  the  length  of 
the  period  of  actual  fighting,  our  losses  were 
heavy.  Nevertheless,  they  were  small  in  the 
aggregate  as  compared  with  what  they  would 
have  been  if  the  finish  of  the  war  had  come 
this  year  instead  of  last.  Those  who  keep 
their  heads  and  think  carefully  are  not  only 
thankful,  then,  that  we  were  spared  the 
calamity  of  a  German  victory,  but  that  Ger- 
many's full  defeat  came  in  1918  rather  than 
in  1919.  These  arc  great  outstanding  facts 
that  nothing  can  altrr. 

EviEw  OF  Reviews  Company  451 


452 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


....     ....     ,,  Again,  everybody  who  had  con- 

LiQuidatmg,"         ■        ^        r      \  •        • 

a  Tedious  ceived  ot  the  war  in  its  magni- 
Process  ^^^q  and  its  intensity  had  known 
all  along  that  it  could  not  be  "liquidated" 
easily,  and  that  the  settlements  following  it 
would  involve  much  discussion  and  require 
the  acceptance  of  compromises.  It  is  na- 
tural enough  that  those  who  have  been  fol- 
lowing closely  the  work  of  the  Conference 
at  Paris  should  at  times  have  lost  their  sense 
of  perspective,  and  should  have  been  deeply 
anxious.  When  the  results  stand  out  and 
are  visible  as  a  series  of  things  achieved, 
however,  it  is  likely  that  praise  will  be  far 
more  general  than  blame.  It  was  hardly 
possible  to  arrive  at  conclusions  more  rapid- 
ly, where  so  many  nations  were  concerned. 
Every  portion  of  the  globe  where  there  is 
organized  human  society  is  consciously  af- 
fected by  the  work  of  the  Peace  Conference. 
We  should  not  do  justice  to  this  gathering 
of  the  nations  at  Paris  if  we  did  not  remem- 
ber that  for  about  five  months  it  has  been 
in  essential  fact  a  continuance  of  the  coopera- 
tive work  of  the  Allies,  whose  main  purpose 
was  to  find  deliverance  from  the  menace  of 
force  and  to  establish  not  merely  the  theory 
but  also  the  practice  of  justice  as  the  rule 
among  men. 

^  ^,.  The   same   principles  which   led 

Outlines  1        T  T     •      J     o  •  u 

of  the   United   btates  into  the  war 

have  made  it  necessary  for  this 
country  to  have  a  part  in  the  adjustments 
following  the  war.  The  whole  German  na- 
tion had  accepted  the  view  a  year  ago  that 
Germany  was  to  have  expansion  and  enrich- 
ment beyond  all  historical  precedents  by 
right  of  conquest  and  by  power  of  extortion. 
We  must  keep  in  mind  this  German  pro- 
gram, in  order  to  do  simple  justice  to  the 
contrasting  attitude  of  the  victorious  Allies 
in  their  efforts  to  fix  the  main  outlines  of  re- 
construction. The  famous  "Fourteen  Points" 
of  President  Wilson  had  been  either  explicitly 
or  virtually  accepted  by  all  of  the  Allies, 
months  before  the  defeat  of  Germany,  as 
expressing  cardinal  principles  of  world  order 
and  also  as  specifying  some  of  the  particular 
adjustments  that  would  have  to  be  made. 
When  Germany  asked  for  the  terms  of  an 
armistice,  it  was  upon  the  avowed  basis  of 
Allied  principles  as  set  forth  by  President 
Wilson.  After  five  months  of  discussion  the 
main  outlines  of  Peace  are  confirmed,  and 
the  principal  details  have  been  written  into 
a  treaty  with  Germany.  The  outcome  is 
better  than  there  was  reason  to  expect.  The 
Allies  have  met  all  tests  honorably. 


Earlier    in   the  war   period    the 

A  CCS DtctncB 

of  American  AUies  thcmselvcs  had  a  different 
rincip  ea  ^-^gory  of  the  future,  and  were 
adjusting,  by  secret  agreements  among  them- 
selves, the  nature  and  extent  of  the  advan- 
tages they  were  expecting  severally  to  obtain 
as  a  result  of  victory.  But  the  breakdown 
of  Russian  Czardom  and  the  swift  rise  of 
America's  military  power  changed  the  whole 
theory  of  the  world's  political  future.  It 
was  perfectly  understood  that  American 
armies  were  not  in  Europe  to  help  build  up 
one  set  of  empires  at  the  expense  of  another 
set.  The  public  opinion  of  Europe,  hating 
war  and  distrusting  the  old-fashioned  states- 
men and  diplomats  who  were  trained  to  play 
the  game  of  empire,  was  ready  to  accept 
American  principles.  The  peoples  everywhere 
were  heartily  tired  of  war  and  willing  to 
follow  any  reasonable  program  for  getting 
rid  of  militarism.  Thus  the  American  prin- 
ciples, as  they  had  been  set  forth  by  President 
Wilson  in  speeches  and  addresses,  were 
adopted  as  a  fundamental  platform,  first  by 
the  Allies,  and  next  by  their  chief  opponents. 
To  the  future  student  of  civilization,  this 
achievement  will  stand  out  clearly  as  among 
the  greatest  of  the  ethical  and  political  events 
of  all  the  ages.  The  principles  thus  accepted 
included  the  protection  of  small  nations  in  all 
their  equality  of  rights ;  the  abolition  of  those 
dangerous  conspiracies  which  had  grown  up 
through  secret  diplomacy;  the  ending  of 
those  applications  of  science  and  industry  to 
the  growth  of  military  power  which  had 
made  Germany  a  menace;  the  organization 
of  the  world  for  the  making  of  rules  and  reg- 
ulations, the  safety  of  the  seas,  and  the  order- 
ly settlement  of  disputes. 

s  tcific       Among  the  various  adjustments 
Advance       of    a    particular    kind    that    the 

Agreement  u    i  i  j    i_     j  j 

whole  world  had  agreed  upon  in 
the  armistice  preliminaries  was  the  rebuild- 
ing of  Belgium  and  the  full  payment  of 
France  and  Belgium  for  damages  incurred. 
It  was  well  understood  that  Alsace-Lorraine 
should  be  restored  to  France ;  that  a  re-united 
Poland  should  be  established  as  an  independ- 
ent government  at  the  expense  of  Germany 
and  of  the  Austrian  and  Russian  empires, 
with  access  to  the  sea  at  Danzig.  It  was  un- 
derstood in  like  manner  that  Bohemia  should 
become  an  independent  country  and  that 
there  should  be  suitable  rearrangements  of 
territory  for  the  benefit  of  Rumania,  Serbia 
and  Greece.  No  one  who  had  given  even 
small  attention  to  the  details  of  the  questions 


THE    PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


453 


A  SCENE  AT  THE  PEACE  CONFERENCE— WITH  G.  N.  BARNES.  BRITISH  LABOR  MINISTER.  ADDRESSING  THE  BODY 


involved  could  have  expected  these  terri- 
torial adjustments  to  be  w^orked  out  in  a 
few  weeks  with  cheerful  acquiescence  on  all 
sides.  The  important  thing  to  remember  is 
that,  in  the  moment  of  their  overwhelming 
victory,  the  Allies  adopted  ordinances  of  self- 
denial,  and  repudiated  the  principles  of  con- 
quest that  Germany  had  set  up  for  herself. 

Since  so  many  things  have  been 
%"n'ueror8  ^sserted  from  day  to  day  regard- 
ing the  aims  and  methods  of  one 
or  another  of  the  Allies  in  the  discussions 
at  Paris,  it  is  well  to  have  in  mind  the  main 
facts,  and  not  to  be  misled  by  the  details.  In 
the  first  place,  then,  Germany  has  not  been  in 
danger  of  being  trodden  under  the  feet  of 
her  conquerors.  Only  a  short  time  ago  Ger- 
many was  in  military  and  political  con- 
trol of  Belgium,  a  considerable  part  of 
France,  immense  portions  of  what  had  been 
Russia,  and  so  on.  This  German  occupation 
was  oppressive  to  the  last  degree,  and  in  de- 
fiance of  international  law  and  of  all  recog- 
nized usage.  The  Allies  on  their  part  have 
not  been  and  are  not  now  oppressively  occu- 
pying Germany.  The  Allied  armies  are  help- 
ing to  keep  good  order,  and  are  not  interfer- 
ing with  essential  rights.  In  these  times  of 
turmoil,  the  occupied  parts  of  Germany  are 
happier  and  safer  than  the  unoccupied  parts. 
Secondly,  Germany  is  losing  no  territory 
that  properly  belongs  to  her  or  that  is  occu- 
pied by  a  population  which  resents  proposed 
changes.  That  Alsace-Lorraine  should  go 
to  France,  and  Posen  to  Poland,  and  that  a 
part  of  North  Schleswig  should  return  to 
Denmark,  was  inevitable. 

The  German  people  within  their 

German  .  in  j 

Liberty        own  domains  are  to  be  allowed 

Conceded        ^  ^u  i  L        \ 

to  govern  themselves  as  rreely  as 
Frenchmen  in  France  or  Englishmen  in  Eng- 
land,  excepting  that  they  are  not  to  be  al- 


lowed to  build  up  a  military  machine  in- 
tended to  unsettle  any  of  the  just  verdicts 
that  are  resulting  from  the  war.  For  ex- 
ample, Germany  agreed  in  her  application 
for  an  armistice  to  make  the  necessary  pay- 
ments for  damages  inflicted,  especially  upon 
Belgium  and  France,  but  also  upon  British 
and  other  shipping.  The  final  peace  terms 
will  have  prescribed  the  methods  and 
amounts.  It  will  be  necessary  for  Germany 
to  show  good  faith  in  living  up  to  these  re- 
quirements. It  will  not  be  a  light  burden  for 
her  to  bear,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  nothing 
that  she  can  do  by  way  of  reparation  will 
ever  amount  to  much  in  comparison  with 
the  damage  she  has  inflicted.  There  is  not 
the  slightest  reason,  therefore,  to  fear  that 
Germany  is  to  be  oppressed  or  mistreated  in 
war  settlements,  now  practically  completed. 

^  What,   then,    about    the   French 

France  .       \  ' 

Entitled  to  attitude  which  we  have  seen 
^^"'^'  "  some  disposition  to  criticize  ?  As 
a  result  of  the  stupendous  war  effort  of 
France,  the  Republic  has  been  greatly  weak- 
ened. More  than  any  other  of  the  larger 
countries  engaged,  France  will  feel  the  loss 
of  her  young  men  who  have  been  slain ;  and 
her  industrial  and  financial  recovery  will  be 
diflRcult.  The  French  see  clearly  that  Ger- 
many's domestic  war  debt  represents  futile 
effort  made  by  her  own  people,  and  that  it 
can  be  paid  through  some  form  of  financing 
that  will  mask  what  is  really  repudiation  and 
that  will  allow  Germany  to  make  a  new 
start.  There  has,  indeed,  swept  across  Ger- 
many a  wave  of  dismay  and  disheartenment 
that  seems  to  have  deranged  all  forms  of  or- 
ganized life;  but  the  French  know  very  well 
how  deeply  rooted  are  the  German  habits  of 
industry  and  civil  order,  and  how  superior  is 
Germany's  capacity  for  economic  success  and 
commercial  conquest.  France  wishes  to  be 
protected  against  the  danger  of  too  rapid  a 


454 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


recovery  of  Germany's  prosperity  and  power. 
This  is  a  wholly  natural  feeling  in  France, 
and  it  could  not  have  been  otherwise  in  view 
of  the  facts  of  the  past  five  years.  Mr. 
Lloyd  George's  assurance  to  France  as  ex- 
pressed recently,  in  an  interview  given  to 
Mr.  Stephen  Lausanne  of  the  Matin,  was 
not  merely  the  language  of  a  suave  politician 
seeking  momentary  applause  at  Paris. 
France  is  entitled  to  all  that  can  be  obtained 
by  way  of  settlement,  and  she  is  further  en- 
titled to  be  told  that  the  settlement,  as 
agreed  upon,  will  be  supported.  Great 
Britain,  as  the  immediate  neighbor  of  France, 
is  best  fitted  to  give  assurances  of  direct  and 
immediate  military  aid  in  case  of  need.  The 
United  States  would  naturally  support  the 
British  Empire  in  any  crisis  arising  by  reason 
of  an  unjust  attack  of  Germany  upon 
France.  The  precise  forms  of  military 
security  along  the  Rhine,  and  of  financial 
reparation,  have  been  under  keen  debate,  but 
with  assurance  of  just  conclusions  and  of 
unbroken  cordiality  between  France  and 
America. 

^^   „  It  is  plain,  then,  that  the  larger 

The  New  i  •  r       i 

Europe  outlmes  01  the  peace  agreement 
Emergino  ^^^^  already  fixed  in  the  terms 
of  the  armistice,  and  have  not  been  under 
discussion.  If  we  had  fought  for  another 
year,  the  course  of  proceedings  in  the  mak- 
ing of  peace  would  doubtless  have  been  dif- 
ferent; but  all  of  the  powers  really  involved 
in  the  fighting,  great  and  small,  have  good 
reason  to  be  thankful  that  bloodshed  was 
ended  earlier  rather  than  later.  The  wreck- 
age and  the  exhaustion  caused  by  the  war 
were  so  terrible  in  extent  and  degree  that 
another  year  of  the  struggle  would  have  ren- 
dered recovery  a  far  more  hopeless  process. 
The  war  was  brought  to  an  end  through  the 
internal  conditions  of  Austria-Hungary. 
Racial  discords  within  the  Empire  paralyzed 
the  militar>'  strength  of  the  Hap^burgs;  and 
the  Italian  victory,  followed  by  Austria's  ac- 
ceptance of  armistice  terms,  exposed  Ger- 
many to  attack  on  the  Bavarian  flank.  The 
Italian  armies  had  obtained  free  right-of-way 
and  the  use  of  Austrian  railroads;  so  that, 
with  the  friendly  help  of  the  Bohemians,  the 
Allies  could  have  been  bombarding  Munich 
within  a  few  days.  Even  as  the  war  was 
going  on.  Central  Europe  was  recrystalliz- 
ing  itself  along  national  lines,  and  Teutonic 
defeat  was  proceeding  at  once  from  within 
and  from  without.  In  this  process  of  de- 
feat, the  outlines  of  new  sovereignties  were 
clearly  emerging. 


.     .  ..         With  the  signing  of  the  armistice 

Armistice         •       xt  i  •  i       • 

Basis  m  November  it  was  admitted  on 
on  irme  ^^  hands  that  there  should  be  an 
independent  Poland  with  due  symmetry  and 
strength ;  a  Bohemian  Republic  expanded  by 
the  annexation  of  the  Slovak  provinces ;  a 
union  of  the  Serbian-speaking  territories  un- 
der a  South-Slav  government;  an  enlarge- 
ment of  Rumania  by  the  addition  of  Transyl- 
vania and  several  kindred  districts ;  and  a 
number  of  other  reasonably  definite  develop- 
ments. The  general  outlines  of  peace  ad- 
justments, as  they  appeared  last  November, 
have  not  only  survived  the  critical  discus- 
sion of  the  past  six  months,  but  have  been 
confirmed  and  strengthened.  The  disputes 
of  March  and  April  were  to  a  great  extent 
the  hopeful  indications  of  virility,  rather 
than  the  querulous  demands  of  broken  and 
despairing  peoples.  ''New  Europe"  shows  life. 

Poland  '^^^  ^^^^  ^^  Poland  well  illus- 
on  the  trates  this  view.  The  Poles  had 
""  suffered  frightfully  from  the 
war,  and,  like  the  rest  of  Europe,  have  found 
no  magic  formula  which  supplies  ample  food 
and  restores  a  normal  economic  life.  But 
Polish  independence,  which  looked  so  dubi- 
ous ten  months  ago,  is  an  accomplished  fact 
in  Europe  that  no  human  being  disputes. 
Nor  is  there  anyone  who  could  be  so  bold  as 
to  predict  the  future  subjugation  of  Poland, 
or  the  historical  repetition  of  its  parceling 
out.  What  Germany,  Russia,  Austria  and 
Hungary  now  surrender  to  the  Polish  State 
they  do  not  hope  to  recover  at  any  future 
time.  Quickly  accepting  the  major  fact  of 
her  resurrection,  Poland  asserts  herself  with 
all  the  hopeful  energy  she  has  recovered. 
She  is  aroused  in  order  to  lose  no  possible 
acre  of  territory ;  to  secure  boundaries  as  fav- 
orable and  ''scientific"  as  possible ;  and  to 
obtain  her  promised  access  to  the  sea  in  the 
form  that  will  best  suit  her  traditional  pride 
as  well  as  serve  her  commercial  purposes. 

All  the  more  substantial  -facts  of 
of  the  restored  Poland  having  been 

^  "'^  conceded,  every  point  of  detail 
assumes  an  intense  importance.  Settling  the 
details  is  necessary,  in  order  that  the  map  of 
Europe  may  be  fixed  in  the  concrete  terms 
of  rivers  and  mountains,  of  towns  and  sea- 
ports. A  year  ago  it  would  have  taken  more 
faith  than  was  anywhere  discernible  to  have 
believed  that  the  summer  of  1919  would  see 
the  Polish  flag  recognized  on  the  high  seas, 
and  a  great  Polish  Republic  with  recognized 


THE   PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


455 


A  GLIMPSE  OF  THE  CITY  OF  DANZIG.  ON  THE  BALTIC.  CLAIMED  BY  THE  POLES  AS  THEIR  NATURAL 

OUTLET  TO  THE  SEA 


access  to  its  own  port  on  the  Baltic.  Yet 
this  is  one  of  the  many  things  of  tremendous 
consequence  that  are  working  their  way  to 
completion  through  the  great  mechanism  of 
the  Peace  Conference  at  Paris.  Never  be- 
fore in  all  history  has  the  process  of  state- 
making  been  going  forward  upon  plans  and 
principles  so  w^orthy  of  approval.  Those 
who  have  been  in  danger — by  reason  of 
alarming  newspaper  headlines — of  losing 
their  sense  of  proportion,  should  neglect  the 
daily  news  for  a  few  days  and  read  history. 
They  may  learn  that  startling  controversies 
over  details  in  matters  of  negotiation  have 
very  frequently  indicated  that  full  agreement 
is  already  reached  upon  main  issues,  and  that 
the  final  settlement  is  near  at  hand. 

Take  for  another  instance  the 
the  South  most  Stubborn  of  all  the  bound- 
^'^"^  ary  disputes — that  between  the 
Italians  and  the  South  Slavs  relating  to  the 
Adriatic  coast.  The  trembling  hope  of 
Serbia  for  many  years  had  been  an  ultimate 
union  with  Bosnia  and  Herzgovina.  When 
Austria,  after  having  occupied  and  governed 
Bosnia  for  almost  forty  years,  proclaimed 
formal  annexation  in  1908  with  the  acqui- 
escence of  all  the  great  powers,  the  sun  of 
Serbia's  hopes  sank  far  below  the  horizon  of 
things  expected  by  practical  men.  Yet  to- 
day Serbia,  with  the  full  consent  of  all 
Europe,  is  united  with  Bosnia  and  still  fur- 
ther is  federated  with  Croatia  and  other  ad- 
jacent Serbian-speaking  provinces  that  were 
formerly  a-  part  of  Hungary.  Still  further, 
there  is  to  be  ample  access  to  the  sea  for  this 
expanded  Serbian  country  known  as  Jugo- 
slavia, and  there  will  soon  be  seen  for  the 
first  time  in  hundreds  of  years  the  Serbian 
flag  floating  on  the  high  seas,  and  Serbian 
vessels  lying  at  anchor  in  tlicir  own  seaports. 


Thus  Europe  is  now  benevolently  providing 
for  a  Serbian  future  that  is  to  be  incom- 
parably greater  than  any  Serbian  statesman 
had  until  very  recently  regarded  as  within 
the  range  of  probable  events. 

Why,  then,  have  we  been  hear- 
^Ouif^t'^  ing  so  much  about  the  desperate 
quarrel  between  the  Italians  and 
the  Jugo-Slavs  over  the  disposition  of  the 
town  and  port  of  Fiume?  The  very  fact  of 
the  tenacity  of  both  sides  and  their  intens'e 
earnestness  about  the  matter  has  indicated 
two  things,  both  of  them  auspicious.  First, 
it  has  indicated  vigor,  hopefulness  and  right- 
ful aspiration  on  both  sides.  Second,  and 
most  important,  it  has  indicated  the  knowl- 
edge on  both  sides  that  whatever  solution 
was  arrived  at  by  the  Conference  at  Paris 
would  have  to  be  accepted  in  good  faith  as 
final.  Italians  and  Jugo-Slavs  alike  are 
making  gains  at  the  expense  of  the  former 
Hapsburg  dominions.  Far  more  than  the 
Jugo-Slavs  had  originally  expected  is  already 
assured  to  them.  The  Italians,  when  they 
entered  the  war,  had  been  engaged  in  secret 
negotiations  with  the  Allies  for  some  time, 
and  they  were  given  assurance  of  support  in 
territorial  claims  which  circumstances  have 
compelled  them  to  modify.  Italy  desired  se- 
curity in  the  Adriatic,  and  is  entitled  to  have 
it.  The  League  of  Nations  will  support 
Italy,  just  as  it  will  support  France,  in  the 
maintenance  of  settlements  now  agreed  upon. 
Both  Italy  and  France  will  be  doubly  se- 
cure, however,  if  the  settlements  of  1919 
are  those  which,  looking  to  the  future,  will 
prove  to  have  what  one  may  term  stable 
equilibrium.  Italy  should  have  naval  con- 
trol of  the  Adriatic,  but  all  the  peoples  to  the 
eastward,  Hungarians  as  well  as  Slavs,  should 
cnj()\'  unembarrassed  conimcrcial   access. 


456 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


Both  Italy  and  France  had  tern- 
Necessary      tories   to    redeem,    but    the   term 

"Italia  Irredenta"  should  not  be 
Stretched  to  cover  bits  of  sea-front  not  really 
needed  by  Italy  and  well-nigh  indispensable 
to  the  great  peoples  beyond  the  Adriatic  who 
will  be  pressing  for  outlets  as  their  trade  and 
commerce  develop  in  the  early  future.  Italy 
*  has  more  to  gain  from  a  generous  policy,  that 
will  give  her  contented  and  agreeable  neigh- 
bors, than  from  the  acquisition  of  sea-front- 
age not  essential  to  her  but  almost  vital  to 
the  inland  populations  lying  eastward.  Eng- 
land and  France  have  been  somewhat  em- 
barrassed by  the  Italian  claims  because  of  the 
secret  treaties  signed  when  they  were  per- 
suading Italy  to  come  to  their  assistance. 
The  United  States  has  the  utmost  good-will 
towards  Italy,  and  is  well  aware  that  in  any 
case  Jugo-Slavia  will  have  obtained  more 
than  the  Serbian-speaking  people  could  only 
recently  have  hoped  for.  Nevertheless,  it  is 
the  dut}^  of  the  United  States  at  the  Peace 
Conference  to  hold  the  position  of  a  dis- 
interested umpire,  promoting  wise  com- 
promises and  aiming  at  solutions  which  can 
be  accepted  as  permanent  and  successfully 
maintained. 

„    .  It  is  perhaps  to  be  regretted  that 

Business  i         t-»  r^         c  111 

Problems  the  reacc  Uonrerence  should  not 
Delayed  h^ve  included  a  larger  and  more 
powerful  representation  of  industrial  and 
economic  leaders,  as  contrasted  with  govern- 
mental officials  and  diplomats  who  are  accus- 
tomed to  view  things  chiefly  from  the  politi- 
cal standpoint.      Most  of   the   fundamental 


political  questions  were  settled  in  principle 
when  the  armistice  was  signed.  The  mili- 
tary struggle  being  at  an  end,  the  over- 
shadowing problems  to  be  faced  were  in  the 
sphere  of  business.  For  example,  what  Ger- 
many could  pay  and  how  to  arrange  it  were 
questions  that  neither  politicians  nor  military 
leaders  could  answer  nearly  as  well  as  finan- 
ciers, economists,  manufacturers  and  labor 
leaders.  The  spirit  of  economic  revolution 
is  in  no  small  part  due  to  the  lack  of  eco- 
nomic statesmanship  at  Paris.  There  was 
work  for  the  military  authorities  in  securing 
the  disarmament  of  Germany  and  maintain- 
ing patrol  and  occupation.  There  was  work 
for  the  diplomatists  in  fixing  European  boun- 
daries; reconstructing  the  Turkish  Empire; 
disposing  of  German  colonies;  creating  the 
League  of  Nations.  But  there  was  an  im- 
mense and  pressing  field  of  operation  for  the 
economists  and  financiers  that  required  im- 
mediate attention.  If  these  business  matters 
could  have  been  dealt  with  in  a  prompt  and 
bold  way  by  trained  and  capable  men,  the 
diplomatists  could  have  taken  their  time  In 
adjusting  political  questions  with  no  danger 
by  reason  of  delay. 


Economic 

Conference 

Needed 


Let  US  suppose  there  had  been 
called  together  at  once  after  the 
armistice  was  signed  In  Novem- 
ber a  body  of  the  foremost  European,  British 
and  American  railway  authorities,  steamship 
men,  steel  manufacturers,  bankers,  mer- 
chants, heads  of  food  and  fuel  admlnlstra- 
tions,  general  manufacturers  (of  agricultural 
implements     for     example),     with     trusted 


THE  PORT  OF  FIUME.  ON  THE  ADRIATIC.  CLAIMED  BY  THE  ITALIANS  UNDER  TREATY  AGREEMENTS  WITH  GREAT 
BRITAIN  AND  FRANCE.  AND  BY  THE  SOUTH  SLAVS  AS  THEIR  NATURAL  OUTLET  TO  THE  SEA 


THE    PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


457 


leaders  of  labor.  It  is  impossible  to  believe 
that  such  a  body  would  have  seen  any  advan- 
tages to  be  gained  from  idleness  and  hunger 
in  any  country  whatsoever,  whether  or  not  it 
had  been  formerly  hostile.  We  may  easily 
predict  that  a  body  of  this  kind  would  have 
proceeded  by  methods  almost  exactly  the  op- 
posite of  those  which  the  Allied  governments 
have  taken.  It  might  well  be  claimed  that 
the  Allies,  by  their  course  since  November, 
have  hurt  Belgium  worse  than  they  have 
hurt  Germany.  Our  imaginary  conference 
of  men  familiar  with  large  business  affairs 
would  not  have  lost  a  day  in  providing  for 
the  rehabilitation  of  Belgium,  and  would  not 
have  hesitated  for  a  moment  to  see  the  need 
of  giving  food  and  employment  to  everybody 
in  Germany  if  by  that  method  Germany 
could  each  day  be  sending  back  to  Belgium 
quantities  of  machinery  to  take  the  place  of 
what  had  been  stolen,  and  all  sorts  of  sup- 
plies and  materials  by  virtue  of  which  the 
Belgians  themselves  could  resume  work. 


Belgium 
in 


Only  a  deplorably  small  part  of 
the  normal  industrial  life  of 
Suspense  gglgium  has  been  resumed  up  to 
the  present  time.  A  very  large  part  of  the 
rehabilitation  of  Belgium  ought  by  this  time 
to  have  been  accomplished  through  the  sup- 
port by  the  whole  business  world.  Entente 
and  neutral,  of  obligations  which  Germany 
in  due  time  would  have  been  compelled  to 
redeem.  In  any  case,  Germany's  restitutions 
would  have  to  be  fixed  upon  broad  lines ;  and 
for  these  purposes  general  estimates  are  as 
serviceable  as  painfully  verified  bills  of  dam- 
age. Delays  in  these  matters  of  indemnity 
and  business  adjustment  have  been  almost  as 
harmful  to  one  side  as  to  the  other.  A  con- 
ference of  big-brained  business  men  might 
have  decided  to  draw  upon  the  resources  of 
all  countries,  Allies  and  neutrals  alike,  for 
advance  payments  to  France,  Belgium,  Po- 
land and  Serbia,  to  promote  the  quick  re- 
vival of  economic  activity.  Such  a  method, 
adopted  promptly,  of  "under-writing"  Ger- 
many's obligations,  might  have  resulted  in 
obtaining  larger  sums  for  the  damaged  coun- 
tries than  it  is  likely  that  the  diplomatists  at 
Paris  will  have  found  it  possible  to  assess. 


Where 

Paris   Has 

Failed 


A  great  conference  of  business 
men  called  immediately  after 
the  armistice  would  have  adopt- 
ed comprehensive  plans  for  the  immediate 
distribution  of  food  and  industrial  materials. 
Such  men  would  have  seen  that  every  day  of 


MARSHAL   FOCH    WITH    HIS    CHIEF   OF    STAFF, 

GENERAL    WEYGAND 

(Marshal  Foch  has  emphasized  chiefly  the  military 
aspects  of  future  peace,  and  has  secured  satisfactory 
agreements) 

dallying  would  make  for  chaos,  and  would 
diminish  Germany's  power  to  atone  for  her 
crimes  and  to  work  towards  her  own  rein- 
statement as  an  honorable  member  of  the 
European  family.  The  great  faults  of  the 
Peace  Conference  have  not  been  the  delay 
over  the  tedious  problems  of  territorial  ad- 
justment, or  the  diversion  of  its  efforts  to  the 
writing  of  the  constitution  for  future  world 
order.  Its  chief  error  has  been  that  it  failed 
to  see  the  relatively  greater  importance  for 
immediate  action  of  business  problems,  which 
it  was  not  well  organized  for  solving.  Its 
calling  in  of  certain  business  experts  in  an 
informal  way  to  give  advice  to  committees 
has  not  sufficed.  This  method  has  obscured 
the  business  elements,  and  failed  to  give  them 
responsibility  for  decisions  that  ought  to  have 
been  made  without  delay. 


458 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


Nations       '^^^    launching    of    a    common- 
and  th§       wealth,  with  sovereignty  that  is 

Peace  League  i    i  n         i 

respected  by  all  other  nations,  is 
one  of  the  most  majestic  events  that  can  be 
imagined.  Nationalism  is  gaining  rather 
than  losing  in  value  as  a  result  of  the  Great 
War.  Those  who  oppose  the  plan  of  a 
League  of  Nations  on  the  grounds  of  patriot- 
ism do  not  think  quite  clearly  into  the  prac- 
tical situation.  The  League  of  Nations  is 
to  be  built  upon  the  wreck  of  empires  which 
denied  the  rights  of  sovereignty  to  nations. 
The  League  is  to  support  nationality  as 
against  its  real  enemies.  Along  with  the 
birth  of  the  League  of  Nations,  France  re- 
gains true  boundaries  and  bids  fair  to  enter 
upon  her  greatest  period  of  truly  national 
life.  Italy  completes  the  process  of  regain- 
ing and  uniting  the  Italian  districts,  and 
stands  stronger  than  ever  as  a  member  of  the 
family  of  European  States.  We  have  al- 
luded to  the  restoration  of  Poland  to  inde- 
pendence and  sovereignty,  and  this  event  can 
hardly  be  overestimated  in  its  importance. 
The  dignity  of  citizenship  in  a  country  that 
has  full  standing  is  one  of  the  things  for 
which  men  are  willing  to  make  great  sacri- 
fices. The  people  of  Poland  are  deserving 
not  only  of  our  sympathy  but  of  our  enthusi- 
astic congratulations. 

.  Americans  of  an  earlier  day  did 

American  .  •' 

and  European  not  hesitate  to  support  the  cause 
of  Italian  unity  as  fought  for  by 
Garibaldi  and  as  proclaimed  by  idealists  like 
Mazzini  and  statesmen  like  Cavour.  Kos- 
suth was  an  American  hero  in  the  period  of 
his  battling  for  Hungarian  independence. 
The  mistfortunes  of  Poland,  the  struggles  of 
the  Greek  patriots  in  Byron's  day,  the  rise 
of  Rumania,  Servia  and  Bulgaria  as  the 
Turks  were  gradually  driven  back — all  these 
movements  were  supported  by  the  press  and 
the  people  of  America  with  unrestrained  en- 
thusiasm, and,  for  the  most  part,  the  Ameri- 
can Government  was  at  no  great  pains  to 
maintain  a  correct  attitude  of  neutrality. 
What  we  find  now,  in  astonishing  measure, 
is  the  fruition  of  those  liberal  movements  for 
democracy  and  national  independence  that 
had  been  playing  so  great  a  part  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  past  century. 

_  ,     ,        Thus,  for  example,  the  people  of 

Bohemia  .  '.  '       '  ... 

ciaima  Our     America     are     ardent     in     their 

*  "     good-will      towards      the      new 

Czechoslovak  Republic.     The  name  Bohemia 

is  more  familiar  to  us,  and  if  Czechoslovakia 


should  adopt  the  shorter  and  more  easily  pro- 
nounced name,  such  a  decision  would  be  gen- 
erally welcomed.  This  Bohemian  Republic 
remains  under  the  provisional  Presidency  of 
Dr.  Thomas  G.  Masaryk,  reports  of  his 
resignation  having  been  without  foundation. 
Its  Commissioner  in  the  United  States  is  Mr. 
Charles  Perkier,  and  in  the  near  future  we 
shall,  of  course,  see  full  diplomatic  relations 
with  Prague.  Almost  every  country  in 
Europe  last  month  had  boundary  questions 
under  agitation  and  it  was  not  to  be  expected 
that  the  Paris  Conference  should  have  dis- 
posed of  any  of  these  problems  without  care- 
ful and  somewhat  protracted  study. 

f,^^^         Thus  the  newly  constituted  Po- 
Considerabie    land,    Czechoslavia,    Jugoslavia, 

Countries  j    n  •  n    •  i        i 

and  Kumania  were  all  involved, 
along  with  other  countries,  in  disputes  as  to 
certain  claimed  territories.  They  were  all, 
however,  assured  of  their  main  areas,  and  it 
was  certain  that  Poland  would  have  an  area 
of  almost  100,000  square  miles  and  a  popu- 
lation of  perhaps  twenty-five  million.  Ru- 
mania was  destined  to  emerge  with  more 
than  100,000  square  miles  of  territory  and 
something  like  fifteen  million  people.  Jugo- 
slavia was  certain  of  at  least  85,000  square 
miles  and  about  eleven  million  people.  The 
largest  entity  in  this  combination  is  Serbia 
with  34,000  square  miles  and  about  4,500,- 
000  inhabitants.  Czechoslovakia  is  much 
smaller  in  area,  being  credited  with  about 
36,000  square  miles,  but  Bohemia  has  a 
highly  developed  industrial  population  of 
about  seven  millions,  and  Moravia  is  simi- 
larly well  populated  in  proportion  to  its 
much  smaller  territory.  Altogether  the  Bo- 
hemian Republic  will  have  more  than 
12,000,000  people. 

It  ought  not  to  be  difficult  for 
Soutreiontu  Americans  to  understand  that 
Remain,  ^^^  League  of  Nations,  far  from 
creating  a  kind  of  internationalism  that  less- 
ens the  value  and  dignity  of  the  individual 
nations  making  up  its  membership,  has  been 
devised  for  exactly  the  opposite  reasons.  It 
was  the  Hapsburg,  Hohenzollern  and  Ro- 
manoff Empires,  resting  upon  military  power 
and  never  satisfied  with  their  acquisitions, 
that  crushed  and  denied  the  rights  of  na- 
tionality. Under  the  old  system,  the  Hun- 
garian and  German  elements  in  the  Haps- 
burg Dual  Monarchy  held  advantages  over 
other  peoples  of  which  they  are  now  to  be 
deprived.      This   touches   the   pride   and   the 


THE   PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


459 


emoluments  of  hereditary  nobles  and  mem- 
bers of  the  ruling  classes,  but  it  does  not  take 
away  from  the  ordinary  German  of  Vienna, 
or  Magyar  of  Budapest  anything  that  was  of 
value  to  him.  Those  two  cities  will  for  a 
time  lose  something  of  their  relative  impor- 
tance as  political,  military,  and  business 
centers.  But  Prague,  Cracow  and  other 
lesser  centers  had  for  many  years  past 
been  growing  somewhat  at  the  expense  of 
the  two  Austro-Hungarian  capitals.  Ger- 
man and  Magyar  will  retain  full  national 
sovereignty,  and  their  natural  and  proper 
patriotism  will  have  due  scope. 

It    will    be    highly    important 

The  League  a  ,  ,  i  r  r     i  t^ 

Practical  Affair      lOT  the  wcltare  01  the  new  ILU- 

for  Europe  ^^^^    ^^^^     ^^^     ^^^^^     g^^    ^^ 

the  Bosphorus  that  the  movements  of  com- 
merce be  restricted  as  little  as  possible.  Each 
one  of  the  re-arranged  European  states  will 
understand  definitely  that  military  adventure 
is  to  play  no  part  in  its  future  fortunes  for 
good  or  for  ill.  For  the  more  than  twenty 
countries  of  full  and  equal  sovereignty  that 
must  live  side  by  side  on  the  continent  of  Eu- 
rope, the  League  of  Nations  is  very  far  from 
being  a  mere  phantasm,  a  dream  of  idealists. 
It  is  the  most  practical  thing  for  them — apart 
from  the  initial  fixing  of  their  respective 
boundaries  and  standings — that  could  pos- 
sibly emerge  from  the  great  Conference. 
Americans   who    have    been    disparaging   the 


THE  CRITIC  S  ARGUMENT 
From  the  Republic  (St.   Louis,  Mo.) 


WELDING    THEM    TOGETHER 
From  the   World  (New  York) 

proposal  of  a  League  of  Nations  cannot  have 
understood  what  life  has  meant  for  the  past 
half  century  to  scores  of  millions  of  Euro- 
peans. They  have  been  in  constant  dread  of 
war,  and  have  almost  literally  slept  in  mili- 
tary boots,  ready  to  be  summoned  like  police 
reserves  or  members  of  fire  companies.  The 
League  of  Nations  means  that  collective 
Europe,  supported  by  the  rest  of  the  world, 
ordains  an  end  of  these  conflicts.  The  League 
is  primarily  a  European  affair,  but  Europe 
is  so  involved  with  the  rest  of  the  world  that 
North  and  South  America,  Japan,  China, 
India  and  Australia,  must  agree  to  it  and 
support  it. 

^  ,.     „,        The    Russian    revolution    meant 

Ending  Wars       ,   .  ,  .  ,  , , 

ia  the  Supreme  this  One  thing  more  than  all 
^^^  else, — that  the  Russian  people 
were  tired  of  war  and  unwilling  to  endure 
any  further  sacrifices.  The  extent  of  popular 
war-weariness,  in  all  of  the  belligerent  coun- 
tries at  times  during  the  great  conflict,  cre- 
ated situations  about  which  military  censor- 
ship would  allow  nothing  to  be  printed.  The 
League  of  Nations  is  coming,  then,  at  the 
overwhelming  demand,  not  of  statesmen  and 
diplomatists,  but  of  plain  people  who  are  de- 
termined to  put  an  end  to  war.  The  struggle 
over  boundaries  is  merely  the  endeavor  to 
fix  the  map  of  national  jurisdictions  in  such 
a  way  that  there  may  be  reasonable  stability. 
There  is  no  pretense  in  any  intelligent  quar- 
ter that  it  will  be  an  easy  thing  to  operate 
the  machinery  of  such  a  League,  or  that  the 
adoption  of  a  plan  of  this  kind  can  turn  the 


460 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


AS    CERTAIN    AS    THE    SUNRISE 
From  Newspaper  Enterprise  Association  (Cleveland,  O.) 

bear-garden  of  Europe  into  a  paradise  of 
harmony  and  love.  The  main  object  of  the 
United  States  at  Paris  is  to  keep  alive  the 
spirit  of  hope,  generosity  and  enthusiasm,  and 
to  help  in  reconciling  differences  and  in  set- 
ting up  a  practical  working  order  to  replace 
the  demolitions  caused  by  the  war. 

iMin    The  dynamic  forces  that  shape 

Nations   Will  •'  .       ^ 

Qrotv         history  are  not  to  be  paralyzed 

and  Change     i  /  i    j  a.      t^i. 

by  any  lormai  documents.  1  here 
will  be  great  changes  in  the  future  as  in  the 
past.  There  may  even  be  great  wars  in  the 
centuries  to  come.  But  through  wise  arrange- 
ments— in  which  paper  constitutions  and 
written  agreements  will  have  played  an  im- 
portant part — we  are  expecting  to  prevent 
any  great  wars  within  the  continental  bounds 
of  North  America;  and  we  are  hoping  with 
some  confidence  that  there  may  be  none  in 
South  America.  We  have  tried  in  America 
to  arrange  things  so  that  legal  and  orderly 
ways  may  be  employed  to  adjust  all  differ- 
ences before  they  become  too  serious  for 
settlement.  Within  our  formulas  for  keep- 
ing the  peace  and  settling  differences,  there 
is  ample  room  for  development  and  national 
progress.  It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  na- 
tions will  stay  permanently  fixed,  exactly 
as  they  are  now  placed.  The  growth  of 
a  tree  will  often  displace  masonry  and  cause 
strong  walls  to  topple.  The  late  Lord  Salis- 
bury once  made  some  well-remembered  re- 
marks about  living  and  dying  nations.  His 
hinted  applications  may  have  been  erroneous; 
but  there  was  some  truth  in  the  phrase.  Ger- 
many had   a  great  opportunity   to   lead   all 


Europe  in  the  renunciation  of  militarism  and 
in  the  adoption  of  new  ideals  of  progress 
through  science,  education,  and  industry;  but 
Germany  accepted  false  views  under  bad 
leadership  and  her  mistakes  have  set  her  far 
back.  It  will  be  well  if  the  lesson  of  her  dis- 
credited efforts  to  dominate  by  force  is  uni- 
versally learned  and  applied. 

c  .      nu  For  a  good  while  to  come  there 

Future  Changes  •^^     - 

—An  Unfinished  will  in  most  cases  be  ample 
room  for  national  development 
from  within,  without  dangerous  pressure 
upon  boundary  lines;  but  it  would  be  a  mis- 
take to  suppose  that  the  League  of  Nations 
can  be  used  to  prevent  the  inevitable  future 
"rise  and  fall"  of  peoples  and  States.  We 
are  not  living  in  a  finished  world.  It 
was  the  purpose  of  the  Holy  Alliance  a  hun- 
dred years  ago  to  crystallize  the  world  on  the 
basis  of  the  status  quo,  and  to  enforce  peace. 
But  the  world  will  always  refuse  to  be 
crystallized.  If  the  United  States  west  of 
the  Rocky  Mountains  should  ever  propose 
to  become  a  separate  republic,  it  would  not 
be  the  function  of  the  League  of  Nations  to 
use  force  to  prevent,  as  treasonable,  the 
realization  of  such  a  project.  There  will 
be  great  changes  in  the  relative  density  and 
economic  character  of  populations.  Sooner 
or  later,  such  changes  may  express  themselves 
in  shifts  of  sovereignty.  At  one  time  the 
eastern  part  of  Canada  had,  within  a  few 
years,  lost  about  a  million  of  its  people  to 
the  United  States.  In  rnore  recent  years 
the  western  part  of  Canada  has,  in  turn,  been 
making  a  successful  propaganda  in  the 
United  States  which  has  taken  hundreds  of 
thousands  of  our  best  young  farmers  and 
their  families  across  the  border.  Such  popu- 
lation shifts  will  go  on  in  Europe,  South 
America  and  Asia.  In  the  long  run  there 
will  be  political  changes  due  to  now  unfore- 
seen racial  growths  and  migrations.  But  it 
may  reasonably  be  hoped  that  the  League  of 
Nations  can  so  successfully  put  down  mili- 
tarism that  future  changes  \v'\\\  come  about 
through  the  working,  of  democratic  princi- 
ples and   without  violence. 

The  League  of  Nations,  as  form- 

League        ulatcd  at  Paris,  must  be  consid- 

Approved      ^^^^^  ^^^^^  ^j^j^^^  -^  relation  to 

the  new  map  of  Europe  and  to  the  complex 
problems  that  must  inevitably  arise  from 
time  to  time.  No  international  agreement 
can  be  too  carefully  scrutinized,  and  the  dis- 
cussions during  recent  weeks  in  the  United 


THE   PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


461 


States  have  been  creditable  and  valuable.  It 
was  fortunately  shown  that  even  those  who 
seemed  farthest  apart  were  merely  looking 
at  the  opposite  sides  of  the  same  shield.  The 
break-up  of  imperialism  evidently  requires  a 
society  of  nations.  As  a  pre-requisite  to  such 
a  society,  there  must  be  a  series  of  strong  na- 
tional sovereignties.  Insofar  as  their  distinc- 
tive policies  are  useful  to  these  member  na- 
tions and  not  harmful  to  others,  the  society 
of  nations  should  be  elastic  enough  in  its 
form  to  be  inclusive  of  all  national  policies. 

The   Monroe   Doctrine,   for  in- 

M on  roe  ' 

Doctrine  Stance,  has  meant  that  the 
United  States  stood  before  the 
world  as  the  especial  champion  of  the  essen- 
tial rights  of  Western-Hemisphere  Republics. 
In  the  very  nature  of  the  case,  after  the  great 
and  high-spirited  part  that  America  has 
played  in  the  world  situation,  this  country 
remains  more  than  ever  the  champion  of 
Western-Hemisphere  freedom  and  progress. 
There  is  no  nation  in  the  world  that  is  left 
to  dispute  these  principles  of  freedom  and 
progress  in  the  Western  Hemisphere,  and 
certainly  no  nation  would  think  it  otherwise 
than  commendable  that  America  should  still 
stand  ready,  no  matter  what  became  of  the 
League  of  Nations,  to  see  that  the  principles 
of  the  League  were  upheld  on  our  side  of  the 
Atlantic.  Undoubtedly  this  has  been  taken 
for  granted  from  the  start;  but  the  explicit 
reservation  is  useful.  If  there  are  some  indi- 
viduals who  think  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine 
as  one  of  domination  by  the  United  States 
over  Latin-America,   the  answer  is   that  no 


CUT  AFTER   THE    SAME    PATTERN  ! 
From  the  Tribune  (Sioux  City,  la.) 


^^^K?^f^i4^s#gX^^^£^ 


THEY   COULDN  T  LOSE   ME 
From  the  World  (New  York) 

such  view  would   be   accepted   by   the   great 
majority  of  the  people  in  this  country. 

The  Monroe  Doctrine,  however, 

American  '  ' 

and  British  expresses  a  policy  that  we  have 
'^  *'^**  pursued  for  almost  a  century, 
and  it  is  highly  appropriate  that  it  should  be 
deliberately  re-asserted  at  this  time.  Fur- 
thermore, besides  the  general  principles  of  the 
Monroe  Doctrine,  we  have  assumed  a  special 
guardianship  of  small  and  undeveloped  coun- 
tries around  the  Caribbean,  and  we  are  quite 
certain  in  the  future  to  resume  exceptional 
relations  with  Mexico  such  as  had  existed 
previous  to  the  recent  revolution.  Our 
spheres  of  influence,  varying  from  the  special 
agreements  with  Cuba  and  the  Republic  of 
Panama  to  the  more  distant  and  shadowy 
reaches  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  constitute 
for  us  a  general  situation  not  wholly  dif- 
ferent from  the  obligations  that  England 
sustains  under  the  phrase  "British  Empire." 
Canada,  Australia,  South  Africa,  New 
Zealand  and  Newfoundland,  with  India  in 
due  time,  are  to  have  distinct  membership 
in  the  League  of  Nations  because  they  are  to 
all  intents  and  purposes  separate  countries. 
Yet  they  maintain  some  kind  of  intimate 
though  indefinite  political  relationships  with 
Great  Britain.  This  grouping  of  free  and 
self-governing  peoples  in  the  British  Empire 
affords  the  world  another  great  example  of 
the  advantages  of  association.  Such  advan- 
tages can  be  retained  without  the  sacrifice  of 
any  essentials  of  independence  or  nationalism- 


462 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


The  Two  ^^^  groupings  that  are  signified  have  been  better  if  all  these  business  adjust- 
stabie  by  the  phrase  "Monroe  Doc-  ments  could  have  been  vrorked  out  bv  a  sep- 
trine,  and  those  that  are  signi-  arate  organization  of  financiers  and  business 
fied  by  the  phrase  "British  Empire,"  are  in  men  rather  than  by  political  leaders  like 
natural  harmony  with  each  other ;  and,  taken  Clemenceau,  Lloyd  George,  and  Wilson, 
together,  they  constitute  the  foremost  guar-  whose  financial  advisers  have  not  had  suffi- 
anty  of  world  order.  They  should  be  re-  cient  independence  or  prestige.  In  these  mat- 
garded,  therefore,  as  in  the  large  political  ters  business  leadership  would  have  been 
sense  interlocking  rather  than  rival  arrange-  more  valuable  than  that  of  military  men  like 
ments.  The  United  States  belongs  morally  General  Foch,  or  masters  of  statecraft  like 
to  the  grouping  of  English-speaking  democra-  Mr.  Lloyd  George.  The  Prime  Minister  had 
cies,  while,  on  the  other  hand,  both  Canada  assumed  more  responsibility  than  was  safe, 
and  Great  Britain  are 
almost  as  much  in- 
terested as  is  the 
United  States  in  the 
maintenance  of  the 
Monroe  Doctrine. 
An  arbitrary  and  sel- 
fish application  of  the 
Monroe  Doctrine  in 
some  particular  in- 
stance by  our  Gov- 
ernment might  arouse 
deserved  opposition ; 
while  arrogance  in  the 
exercise  of  sea-power 
by  Great  Britain 
might  provoke  very 
pertinent  criticism. 
But  as  matters  stand, 
the  American  Mon- 
roe Doctrine  and  the 
British  exercise  of  sea- 
power  conspicuously 
represent  the  practi- 
cal situations  in  the 
world  which  make 
for  security  and  free- 
dom, and  they  denote 
the  solid  concerns  that 
are      "underwriting" 


RT,    HON.   DAVID  LLOYD  GEORGE 
(British  Prime  Minister) 


_    .  If  an  au- 

Business 
the  Needed       thorita- 
Remedy 

tive  con- 
ference o  f  business 
men  had  been  acting 
boldly  in  November 
and  December,  we 
should  have  seen  by 
this  time  a  much  more 
hopeful  condition  of 
things  throughout 
Europe.  There  are 
many  who  believe  that 
a  different  business 
policy  pursued  towards 
Russia  might  have 
averted  the  Bolshe- 
vist seizure  of  power. 
Certainly  a  policy  of 
putting  Germany  at 
work  before  the  Bol- 
shevists had  taken  ad- 
vantage of  hunger 
and  unemployment  to 
promote  revolutions 
would  have  been  bet- 
ter for  Belgium  and 
France  than  Teutonic 
chaos.     In  these  mat- 


the  League  of  Nations  in  its  formative  period,  ters  the  business  world  should  have  dictated 

to  the  political  world.      It  is  true  that  there 
Poiitica       ^^  ^^^  work  of  the  Allies  at  Paris  is  now  a  partial  lifting  of  the  blockade,  and, 
versus        \s  to  be  criticizcd,  it  should  not  after  much  delay,   German  ships  are  begin- 
conomica      ^^  ^^  much  for  their  dealing  with  ning  to  bring  home  American  troops,  while 
what  are  in  the  true  sense  political  issues,  as  American   supplies  are   beginning  to   relieve 
for  their  giving  too  much  of  a  political  char-  German    necessities.      It    has    never    been    a 
acter  to  matters  strictly  economic.    Thus  Mr.  question   of    indulging  Germany  or  of   con- 
Lloyd  George  had  promised  large  things  in  doning    her    faults,    but   solely   a   matter   of 
his  election  campaign  of  December.     He  and  dealing  with  an  economic  situation  of  larger 
his  supporters  assured  the  English  taxpayers  extent,   in  which  Germany  is  involved  as  a 
not  only  that  there  should   be  payment  for  necessary  factor.     European  prosperity  is  not 
actual   losses  of   shipping   and   civilian   dam-  an   affair  of  separate  countries,   but  is   now 
ages,  but  that  the  British  war  debt  would  be  especially  a  problem  to  be  viewed  in  its  en- 
largely   wiped    out   through    payments    from  tirety.     Generally  speaking,  it  is  to  the  ad- 
Germany.    As  we  have  already  said,  it  would  vantage  of  every  creditor  to  have  his  debtors 


THE    PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


463 


solvent  and  prosperous.      Europe  needs   the 
tonic  of  prosperous  industry. 

Shiftin  During  the  latter  part  of  March 
Moods  at  and  the  first  half  of  April,  the 
dispatches  from  Paris  reflected 
violent  discussion  and  fluctuating  moods,  and 
brought  much  more  of  rumor  than  of  au- 
thentic news.  An  immense  amount  of  work 
had  been  done  by  committees,  and  final  re- 
sults were  being  formulated  by  Messrs. 
Wilson,  Clemenceau,  Lloyd  George  and  Or- 
lando, who  were  referred  to  in  the  dis- 
patches as  the  **Big  Four."  Evidently  the 
Conference  was  moving  toward  final  conclu- 
sions, and  each  special  interest  was  clamoring 
loudly,  using  its  press  facilities  and  pulling 
wires  by  day  and  by  night.  The  correspond- 
ents at  Paris  were  so  close  to  all  this  clamor 
that  few  of  them  could  see  the  situation  as  a 
whole.  Reports  of  disagreement  were  enor- 
mously exaggerated.  Thousands  of  columns 
in  the  newspapers  were  devoted  to  matters 
which,  while  seeming  to  be  of  immense  conse- 
quence, let  us  say  on  Tuesday  or  Wednes- 
day, were  not  even  worth  two  lines  of  allu- 
sion, in  a  resume  of  the  week,  on  the  follow- 
ing Sunday.  Even  Mr.  Simonds,  whose  ca- 
bled article  of  April  14  appears  in  this  issue 
of  the  Review,  reflects  the  local  Paris  pes- 
simism. 


WHEN    TRUTH    IS    KEPT    WITHIN    DOORS    LIES    COME 

OUT  AT   THE  WINDOW 

From  the  Eagle  (Brooklyn,  N.  Y.) 


"don't  worry  !" 

From   the  Central   Press   Association    (Cleveland,    Ohio) 

-,  Since    America's    position,    mor- 

Pouncmg  i         u      •      n  • 

on  the  ally  and  physically,  is  excep- 
'"""^^  tionally  strong,  and  since  Amer- 
ica is  more  detached  and  disinterested  in 
relation  to  European  problems  than  any 
other  country,  it  was  natural  that  President 
Wilson  should  have  more  the  status  of  an 
umpire  than  any  other  Conference  member. 
The  French  delegation  felt  itself  obliged  as 
trustees  for  the  welfare  of  the  French  peo- 
ple, to  press  constantly  the  claims  of  France. 
The  British  delegation,  while  broad-minded, 
was  frankly  engaged  in  urging  British  finan- 
cial claims  and  looking  out  for  the  varied  in- 
terests of  the  British  Empire.  The  United 
States  alone  seemed  to  be  working  at  Paris 
with  the  principal  aim  of  securing  the  great- 
est good  of  the  greatest  number.  It  was  to 
be  expected,  therefore,  that  there  would  be 
much  ''swearing  at  the  umpire"  from  the 
bleachers,  and  that  the  clamorous  press  would 
deal  with  the  affair  from  day  to  day  as  if  it 
was  reporting  rounds  in  a  prize  fight,  or  in- 
nings in  the  decisive  game  of  a  "world's 
series."  The  megaphones  on  the  side  lines 
have  been  so  noisy  that  it  is  not  strange  that 
serious  onlookers  have  missed  the  real  plays 
and  attached  importance  to  what  have  been 
trifling  controversies  or  mere  nerve  attacks. 

„  ,  ^    ,        The     war     itself    was   a    heavv 

Bolaheulam  .  11  ''i 

Following      cHough   price  to  have   been   paid 
Autocracu      ^^  ^^^  peoplcs  of  Eufope  for  the 
maintenance  of   autocracies   in   Russia,   Ger- 
many,   and   Austria    that   should    have    been 


464 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


abolished  long  ago.  But  now  a  second  pen- 
alty has  to  be  faced  in  the  chaos  that  has  fol- 
lowed the  destruction  of  autocratic  govern- 
ments where  the  proper  substitutes  were  not 
provided.  Autocracy  had  maintained  medie- 
val class  distinctions  and  privileges.  Under 
autocracy,  furthermore,  the  new  forms  of  un- 
due privilege  and  advantage  in  the  hands  of 
the  masters  of  modern  industry  had  become 
associated  with  the  surviving  abuses  of  the 
old  order.  It  is  under  such  conditions  that 
revolution  takes  the  extreme  form  of  proleta- 
riat fanaticism.  There  is  no  imminent  dan- 
ger of  Bolshevist  revolution  in  countries  that 
have  had  a  reasonable  kind  of  democratic 
growth,  such  as  Switzerland,  Norway, 
France,  Great  Britain,  the  United  States, - 
Canada.  The  setting  up  of  a  so-called  Soviet 
government  in  Hungary  has  been  due  to  the 
presence  of  masses  of  idle  workmen  and  re- 
turned soldiers.  This  Hungarian  revolution 
seems  to  be  comparatively  free  from  the  kind 
of  bloodshed  and  crime  that  have  marked  the 
Russian  Soviet  regime.  More  puzzling  have 
been  the  accounts  of  bloodless  revolution  in 
Bavaria  with  an  imitation  Bolshevist  gov- 
ernment set  up  by  third-rate  artists,  mu- 
sicians, and  actors.  It  is  difficult  to  believe 
that  moderate  and  intelligent  counsels  will 
not  in  due  time  bring  to  Hungary,  Bavaria, 
and  indeed  to  all  parts  of  Germany,  some 
orderly  forms  of  republican  government  with 
security  for  persons  and  property. 

,  ,  ,  It  is  plain  enough  that  it  is  not 
Salutary  going  to  need  wild-eyed  anarchy 
Mtthods  ^^  secure  for  working  men  far 
better  conditions  in  the  world  than  they  en- 
joyed a  few  years  ago.  Issues  that  were 
pending  in  England  in  March  were  to  a  great 
extent  adjusted  in  April  as  a  result  of  con- 
ferences and  mutual  concessions.  The  con- 
cessions, how^ever,  have  been  principally  on 
the  part  of  the  employers ;  and  the  gains  are 
expressed  in  terms  that  will  sooner  or  later 
improve  the  living  conditions  of  almost  the 
entire  British  population.  Workingmen  in 
England  are,  upon  the  whole,  contented  to 
use  the  instruments  of  social  progress  that 
British  institutions  afiford  them.  There  are 
to  be  shorter  hours;  mining  conditions  are 
to  be  transformed;  the  wage  level  is  to  be 
kept  high;  educational  opportunities  are  to 
be  as  good  as  they  can  be  made;  and  there 
are  to  be  wide  popular  reforms  in  housing, 
land  control,  and  taxation.  The  British 
l^bor  movement  has  not  been  free  from 
mistakes,  but  it  commands  respect. 


Labor  There  has  been  at  Paris  an  in- 
Queations  temational  labor  conference  un- 
der the  chairmanship  of  Mr. 
Samuel  Gompers,  head  of  the  American  Fed- 
eration of  Labor,  who  returned  to  the 
United  States  last  month.  This  labor  body 
formulated  a  report  which  the  Peace  Con- 
ference promptly  approved.  Specific  recom- 
mendations include  the  eight-hour  day,  equal 
pay  for  women,  prohibition  of  child  labor, 
proper  wages,  and  what  may  be  callied  the 
protection  of  human  dignity.  A  few  years 
ago  these  principles  seemed  difficult  of  reali- 
zation, but  they  are  now  in  the  realm  of  the 
practical.  Labor  reforms  that  recognize  the 
value  of  private  initiative,  that  respect  the 
institution  of  property,  and  that  understand 
the  function  and  the  rights  of  capital  in  pro- 
ductive industry,  have  much  more  to  give  the 
body  of  workers  than  can  ever  be  derived 
from  the  economic  programs  of  the  Bolshe- 
vists. The  outlook  in  the  United  States  is 
distinctly  favorable  for  wage-earners.  Hun- 
dreds and  thousands  of  Italians  and  other  for- 
eigners are  drawing  their  money  from  the 
savings  banks  and  returning  to  Europe  as  fast 
as  they  can  obtain  ocean  passage.  Unem- 
ployment, reported  in  the  newspapers  at  cer- 
tain centers,  is  due  merely  to  transitions. 
Great  manufacturing  cities  like  Detroit  and 
Cleveland  are  busy  and  facing  labor  short- 
ages. It  will  take  a  little  time  to  distribute 
returning  soldiers,  especially  since  so  many  of 
them  like  to  linger  in  Eastern  cities  for  a 
time,  and  so  many  more  of  them  in  this 
country,  as  in  England  and  France,  do  not 


■•t;ja.-a>.-,v^'^7'^'-M<»iw'*8W<wy^^--/<tV.fe'»«"'*'  '"'■ 
WHY    PEACE    MUST    HASTEN 
From  the  World  (New  York) 


THE    PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


465 


feel  quite  ready  to  settle  down  to  steady 
work.  Professor  Kirchwey — whose  talent 
for  public  service,  like  that  of  the  late  Pro- 
fessor Dutton,  is  always  available  in  emer- 
gencies— is  now  directing  the  Government 
Employing  Service  in  New  York,  and  has 
written  for  us  this  month  (see  page  521)  an 
encouraging  analysis  of  our  American  labor 
situation. 


Dealing 


In  this  number,  also  (see  page 
with^iiuman    504)   is  a  remarkably  interesting 

statement  by  Professor  Raymond 
Dodge  of  the  kind  of  work  the  psychologists 
did  for  the  army  in  the  war  period.  The 
principal  asset  of  any  country  is  its  people, 
and  it  is  worth  while  to  encourage  what  Pro- 
fessor Dodge  calls  **human  engineering." 
There  are  many  men  trying  to  do  brain  work 
unsuccessfully  who  would  make  excellent  me- 
chanics. On  the  other  hand,  there  are  many 
men  in  the  ranks  of  the  wage-earners  who 
should  be  encouraged  to  become  teachers  or 
physicians.  One  of  the  principles  to  be  de- 
manded by  the  International  Labor  Confer- 
ence is  that  of  reasonable  opportunity  for 
each  young  worker  to  be  advised  and  trained 
for  success  in  life.  Short  hours  of  labor 
mean  great  opportunities  for  the  ambitious 
and   industrious. 

,,  ^.     ,       We  shall  have  due  occasion   In 

National 

Economy  the  approachmg  months  to  dis- 
^^""'^  cuss  affairs  at  Washington,  and 
are  giving  comparatively  little  attention  to 
that  governing  center  in  this  number  of  the 
Review.  It  is  probable  that  within  a  few 
weeks  the  new  Congress  will  be  called  into 
session.  Financial  problems  of  great  magni- 
tude must  be  faced  with  firmness  and  intelli- 
gence if  the  Republicans  are  to  earn  the  con- 
fidence of  the  country.  Too  much  of  the 
current  national  wealth  is  being  garnered  into 
the  Treasury  for  unproductive  expenditure. 
Wars  are  extravagant  affairs,  and  economy 
is  not  a  prime  consideration  in  times  of  life 
and  death ;  but  the  war  Is  ended  and  the 
question  of  economy  becomes  vital.  It  is  the 
tendency  of  government  to  find  the  most  ex- 
pensive possible  ways  of  doing  everything 
that  it  undertakes.  The  time  has  come  for 
the  adoption  of  a  National  Budget  system 
and  for  intelligent  public  finance.  The  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States  could  be  run 
upon  an  income  of  three  billions  a  year;  one- 
third  for  the  payment  of  interest  on  our  war 
debt,  and  two-thirds  for  Army,  Navy,  pen- 
sions and  the  various  public  services. 

May— 2 


<Q  Harris  &  Evvitig,  Washington,  D.   C. 

REAR  ADM.  WILLIAM   S.   SIMS  AND  THE  ACTING  SEC- 
RETARY OF  THE  NAVY,  HON  FRANKLIN  D,  ROOSEVELT 

(Admiral  Sims  returned  to  the  United  States  last 
month,  after  two  years'  service  in  supreme  command  of 
American  naval  units  in  the  "war  zone) 

Defense  '^^^  future  01  the  army  is  one  of 
Bills  in  the  subjects  that  must  be  consid- 
ered in  the  light  of  finance.  The 
largest  item  In  our  war  bill  was  the  cost  of 
creating  an  army  of  more  than  four  million 
men.  This  involved  primarily  an  immense 
amount  of  training,  and  secondarily  a  great 
supply  of  equipment.  A  wise  use  of  these  In- 
vestments already  made  should  provide  for 
adequate  national  defense  for  many  years  to 
come  with  relatively  small  outlay  of  new 
money.  With  millions  of  exceptionally  well- 
trained  young  men,  and  scores  of  thousands 
of  officers,  it  should  be  possible  to  arrange 
a  reserve  system  at  moderate  expense  and 
maintain  it  on  a  basis  of  efficiency.  The 
very  obviousness  and  simplicity  of  the  tiling 
are  likely  to  endanger  It.  There  will  be 
military  men  insisting  upon  an  enormously 
expensive  standing  army,  with  the  result  of 
allowing  the  country  to  lose  the  benefit  of  the 
training  it  has  already  given  to  millions. 


466 
r 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


Walter  Scott  Shinn 

LT.  COLONEL  THEODORE  ROOSEVELT  WITH  HIS  FAMILY 


by  reason  of  his  father's  emi- 
nence. He  is  well  aware  that 
the  peculiar  welcome  he  has 
been  receiving  everywhere  is  in 
large  part  intended  to  remind 
him  of  the  country's  regard  for 
his  father.  But  the  younger 
man  has  been  observed,  in  these 
last  weeks,  with  keen  eyes  for 
his  own  qualities,  by  hundreds 
of  men  of  his  father's  genera- 
tion, and  they  have  found  him 
worthy  to  stand  in  his  own 
right.  He  is  in  his  thirty- 
second  year,  and  before  going 
into  the  army  he  had  served 
an  apprenticeship  of  a  number 
of  years  in  business  after  leaving 
college.  He  had  meanwhile 
been  a  close  student  of  political 
affairs  from  his  father's  stand- 
point, with  his  brothers. 


Q^^  The  organization  of 

Defense      world-war  Veterans 

Problems  u       i  j  ^  11 

snould  not  only  be 


of    mutual    aid    to    millions    of 

young  men,  but  it  should  help 

Active  steps  have  been  taken  for      to  work  out,  on  satisfactory  lines,  the  prob' 


The  War  ,  •       ^-  r 

Veterans  and  the  Organization  or 
"T.R.,jr."  ^Yit  discharged  sol- 
diers of  all  ranks,  in  one  nation- 
al patriotic  body.  Men  whose 
names  and  characters  inspire 
confidence  will  take  the  initia- 
tive. Foremost  among  those 
concerned  with  this  project  at 
the  outset  is  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Theodore  Roosevelt,  Jr.,  whose 
recent  return  from  France  with 
a  record  of  valiant  service  at 
the  front  has  brought  him  into 
exceptional  prominence.  Some- 
times public  favor  is  fickle,  yet 
it  is  fairly  reliable  in  the  long 
run.  The  late  President  Roose- 
velt's place  in  the  affection  and 
esteem  of  the  nation  is  as  fully 
assured  as  that  of  any  American 
who  had  preceded  him.  The 
thought  of  a  trustworthy  and 
competent  son  succeeding  a  re- 
spected father  is  one  that  makes 
universal  appeal.  The  second 
Theodore  Roosevelt,  eldest  of 
the  four  brothers  who  served  in 
the  war,  has  never  sought  favor 


r- 

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(^  Walter  Scott  ShInn 

CAPTAIN  KERMIT  ROOSEVELT  AND  HIS  FAMILY 


THE    PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


467 


lem  of  national  defense  through  the  general 
training  of  young  citizens  for  patriotic  duty. 
While  militarism  of  the  type  that  made  Ger- 
many a  menace  can  no  longer  be  tolerated, 
there  will  be  good  reason  for  the  universal 
training  of  young  men  to  serve  the  com- 
munity in  military  as  well  as  other  ways. 
The  Swiss  system  is  not  a  menace,  and  it 
meets  the  needs  of  defense.  While  Congress 
wnll  be  studying  these  matters,  and  while  the 
army  general  staff  and  the  war  department 
will  have  plans,  it  is  probable  that  in  the 
near  future  the  policies  recommended  by  the 
society  of  veterans  will  prevail.  It  is  im- 
portant, therefore,  that  the  society  proceed 
in  due  time  to  develop  its  organization  and 
lay  out  its  work. 

The  two  services  of  defense  most 

Naua!  .  r  i  r 

and  Aerial  important  lor  the  future  are 
Aviation  and  the  Navy.  Mr. 
Collins,  in  this  number,  gives  us  a  timely 
account  of  the  remarkable  current  advances 
in  the  science  and  art  of  flying;  while  Ad- 
miral Peary  presents  an  emphatic  plea  for  a 
National  Department  of  Aviation  at  Wash- 
ington. The  maintenance  of  a  great  Navy 
is  expensive,  but  naval  neglect  has  been 
calamitous  at  several  critical  periods  in  our 
history.  Naval  preparedness  stands  to-day, 
as  heretofore,  the  cheapest  and  best  kind  of 
national  insurance  policy.  The  return  of 
Admiral  Sims  and  the  arrival  of  Admiral 
Mayo's  great  fleet  last  month  called  atten- 
tion again  to  the  splendid  service  our  Navy 
had  rendered  in  1917  and  1918. 

Across        President  Wilson  and   Secretary 
the  Baker  last  month  gave   full  en- 

couragement  to  the  r  liipmo 
delegation  now  in  the  United  States  seeking 
the  independence  of  the  Islands.  The  Presi- 
dent's cable  and  the  Secretary's  speech  were 
well-timed  to  impress  the  Peace  Conference 
with  the  fact  that  anti-imperialism  is  some- 
thing America  is  prepared  to  practise  as  well 
as  to  preach.  Corea's  demands,  on  the  other 
hand,  for  freedom  from  Japan  go  directly 
counter  to  Japanese  policies  and  have  no 
footing  at  Paris.  Japan  grows  more  demo- 
cratic, however,  and  the  suffrage  is  about  to 
be  extended  to  large  numbers  of  people 
hitherto  disfranchised.  Baron  Makino  and 
the  Japanese  delegates  at  Paris  have  won 
especial  admiration  for  the  wise  and  concilia- 
tory courses  they  have  pursued,  in  general 
accord  with  the  American  delegates.  Anti- 
Japanese  propaganda  here  has  failed  again. 


(g)  Harris  &  Ewing,  VVasliington 

BARON    MAKING,  ONE  OF   JAPAN's   ABLE    STATESMEN 
AT    THE   PEACE    CONFERENCE 

On  April  13,  the  terms  of  the 
"Uictory"  Loan  "Victory"  loan  wcre  announced 

Under   Way      in  ^  l      ^l^         '^r 

by  secretary  or  the  1  reasury 
Glass.  The  amount  asked  for  was  smaller 
than  had  been  anticipated, — $4,500,000,000. 
The  new  loan  takes  the  form  of  four  year 
notes  which  may  at  the  option  of  the  Gov- 
ernment be  paid  in  three  years,  bearing  4^ 
per  cent,  interest,  free  of  State,  local  and 
federal  normal  taxes  and  convertible  by  the 
owner  into  notes  bearing  3^  per  cent  in- 
terest, free  of  all  taxes  except  those  on 
estates  and  inheritances.  The  3J4  P^i"  cent, 
tax-free  notes  are  in  turn  convertible  into 
the  4^  per  cents.  Oversubscription  will  not 
be  allowed  and  Secretary  Glass  announces 
that  this  will  be  the  last  Liberty  loan.  There 
is  no  reason  for  using  the  word  "notes" 
rather  than  ''bonds"  for  the  new  issue  except 
its  early  maturity.  The  campaign  to  sell 
them  was  timed  to  begin  on  April  21. 
One  of  the  most  important  considera- 
tions impelling  the  Secretary  to  wait 
until  the  last  moment  before  deciding  on  the 
terms  was  that  all  the  time  and  study  pos- 
sible was  none  too  much  to  make  sure  tliat 
the  specifications  of  the  new  loan  should  be 
such  as  to  strengthen  the  market  position  of 
the  Libert)'  bonds  already  issued,  antl  such  as 
to  interfere  as  little  as  possible  \\  ith  the  prices 
of  other  standard  securities  that  tend  to  suf- 


468 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


THE    SECRETARY    OF   THE    TREASURY,     HON.    CARTER 
GLASS,  INSPECTING  A  VICTORY  LOAN  POSTER 

fer  in  competition  with  the  Government 
loans  as  the  income  3'ield  of  the  latter  gets 
higher  and  higher,  some  of  the  Liberty 
Loan  issues  here  last  month  selling  nearly 
seven  points  below  par.  It  has  even  been 
suggested  that  these  war  issues  should  be 
made  receivable  at  par  in  payment  of  certain 
classes  of  taxes. 


Our  Debt     ^^^^^     ^     "^t     public     debt     of 
Compared     twenty  billion  dollars,  there  is  an 

to  Europe's  •     i    1        1  r        1 

average  indebtedness  of  about 
$200  for  each  man,  woman,  and  child  in  the 
country;  but  in  the  case  of  France  the  aver- 
age debt  per  capita  is  $1000.  It  is  true,  too, 
that  we  have  not  suffered  by  the  loss  of  for- 
eign lendings  as  France  has,  nor  by  the  dev- 
astation of  our  best  industrial  districts.  Also, 
during  the  war  we  have  changed  from  a 
debtor  nation  to  a  creditor  nation,  while  Eng- 
land has  changed  in  the  reverse  direction. 
Our  financial  burdens  are,  indeed,  the  small- 
est among  the  Allies,  with  the  exception  of 
Japan's.  In  proportion  to  her  wealth,  Japan's 
debt  is  about  4  per  cent. ;  ours  about  8  per 
cent.  Debts  of  other  Allied  countries  run 
to  nearly  half  their  national  wealth.  The 
cost  of  our  Civil  War  looks  small  as  com- 
pared with  the  cost  of  our  participation  in 
the  World  War;  in  the  former  we  spent 
about  four  billions,  considerably  less  than 
one-seventh  of  our  expense  in  this  war,  al- 
though it  lasted  only  one-third  as  long.  But 
we  are  very  much  more  than  seven  times  as 
strong  in  resources  as  we  were  in  1865.  It 
is  the  duty  of  the  country  to  take  the  "Vic- 
tory" bonds,  but  it  is  to  the  self-interest  of 
the  country,  also. 


Secretaru     -^^^^^  pessimism  has  been  in  evi- 
Qiass        dence   as    to    the   ability   of    the 

/«  Confident     r-y  ^     ^         a       a. 

Ljovernment  to  float  an  enor- 
mous new  loan  when  the  intense  patriotic 
stimulus  of  war  times  has  ceased,  in  a  year 
when  excess  profits  taxes  and  income  taxes 
are  already  taking  about  eight  billion  dollars 
from  the  American  people,  and  at  a  time 
when  the  outstanding  Liberty  bonds  are  sell- 
ing at  such  a  heavy  discount.  It  is  also  true 
that  business  profits  are  low  as  compared  to 
their  height  in  the  period  of  active  war  pur- 
chases. Secretary  Glass  has  had,  however, 
no  doubts  as  to  the  success  of  the  issue.  In 
public  statements  he  has  pointed  out  that  the 
depreciation  in  the  outstanding  issues  of  our 
Government  bonds  has  been  the  result  of 
artificial  causes,  and  that  no  one  could  be 
found  who  did  not  believe  the  Liberty  bonds 
would  sell  above  par  before  they  matured. 
The  Secretary  pointed  out  that  our  present 
national  debt  was  less  than  twenty-five  bil- 
lion dollars  and  that,  after  all  the  war  bills 
were  paid,  it  should  not  exceed  thirty  billion 
dollars,  against  which  we  shall  hold  some 
ten  billion  dollars  of  obligations  of  foreign 
countries;  and  that  this  net  debt  is  "the 
barest  fraction  of  our  national  resources." 


Steel 


It  is  unfortunate  that  there 
and  Goal      should  not  have  been  a  complete 

understanding  among  the  depart- 
ments at  Washington  in  the  matter  of  Secre- 
tary Redfield's  attempt  to  stabilize  the  prices 
of  basic  commodities,  such  as  iron  and  steel, 
coal  and  lumber.  The  Industrial  Board  cre- 
ated by  the  Department  of  Commerce  to  con- 
fer with  our  captains  of  industry  in  an  at- 
tempt to  arrive  at  fair  prices  for  the  basic 
commodities  (which  meant,  of  course,  lower 
prices),  did  so  confer  and  actually  succeeded 
in  arriving  at  agreements  by  which,  for  in- 
stance, $47  was  to  be  the  new  reconstruction 
price  for  steel  rails  as  against  $57  quoted  in 
the  market.  It  was  believed  that  industrial 
operations  would  take  a  new  lease  of  life 
when  purchasers  knew  that  there  was  for  a 
time,  at  least,  a  pause  in  the  downward  tend- 
ency of  prices  and  some  temporary  equilib- 
rium. The  project  seemed  to  be  going  well 
until  it  was  halted  by  the  refusal  of  the 
Director-General  of  the  railroads  to  accept 
the  terms  for  steel  rails  that  had  been  agreed 
on  and  recommended  as  "fair"  by  the  De- 
partment of  Commerce's  Industrial  Board. 
Mr.  Hines'  refusal  to  allow  the  railroads  to 
pay  the  agreed  prices  was  based  on  his  opin- 


THE    PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


469 


@  Harris  &  Ewing,  Washington,  D.   C. 

REPRESENTATIVES  OF  THE  STEEL   INDUSTRY,    AND    GOVERNMENT    OFFICIALS.    WHO   HAVE   SOUGHT   TO  FIX  A 

FAIR   PRICE   FOR  STEEL  PRODUCTS 

(From  left  to  right,  seated,  are:  T.  C.  Powell,  director  of  capital  expenditures,  U.  S.  Railroad  Administration; 
Charles  M.  Schwab,  chairman,  president  board  of  directors,  Bethlehem  Steel  Corporation;  Harry  S.  Garfield,  U.  S. 
Fuel  Administration;  George  N.  Peek,  chairman  of  the  Government's  new  Industrial  Board;  Judge  Elbert  H.  Gary, 
chairman  board  of  directors,  U.  S.  Steel  Corporation;  Wm.  M.  Ritter,  president  W.  M.  Ritter  Lumber  Co.,  West 
Virginia;  James  A.  Farrell,  president  U.  S.  Steel  Corporation,  and  J.  A.  Topping,  chairman  of  board  of  directors 
of  the  Republic  Iron  and  Steel  Co.  Standing:  J.  V.  W.  Reynders,  president  American  Tube  &  Stamping  Co.; 
James  B.  Benner,  U.  S.  Steel  Corporation;  John  A.  Savage,  representing  iron  ore  producers;  Mr.  Trigg;  Mr. 
McKinney;  John  C.  Neale,  Midvale  Steel  and  Ordnance  Co.;  B.  F.  Jones,  president  Jones  &  Laughlin  Steel  Co.; 
H.  S.  Snyder,  vice-president  U.  S.  Steel  Corporation;  Thomas  K.  Glenn,  president  Atlantic  Steel  Co.;  John  P. 
Bush,  president  Buckeye  Steel  Casting  Co.;  Anthony  J.  Caminetti,  Commissioner  General  of  Immigration;  George 
R.  James,  president  Wm.  R.  Moore  Dry  Goods  Co.;  Edward  T.  Quigley,  Department  of  Commerce;  James  A. 
Burden,  presid*ent  Burden  Iron  Co.;  Leonard  Peckitt,  president  Empire  Steel  &  Iron  Co.;  F.  H.  Gorden,  Inkons 
Steel  Co.;  W.  A.  Follansbee,  Follansbee  Bros.  &  Co.,  and  Lewis  B.  Reed,  secretary  Industrial  Board) 


ion  that  they  were  too  high.  They  were, 
indeed,  some  80  per  cent,  higher  than  the 
ten-year  pre-war  average,  and  in  some  other 
lines  of  industry,  notably  copper  mining, 
prices  had  already  been  scaled  down  to  fig- 
ures close  to,  or  even  below,  the  pre-war 
average.  In  spite  of  the  example  of  copper, 
however,  it  would  be  difficult  to  see  how 
greater  reduction  in  iron,  steel  and  coal 
prices  could  be  made  now  without  rendering 
it  impossible  for  the  higher-cost  producers 
to  operate.  For  any  further  radical  reduc- 
tions to  meet  Mr.  Hines'  ideas  of  proper 
prices,  it  appears  to  be  necessary  that  the 
wage  structure  should  be  revised  throughout 
industry  in  general. 

TL    o,-  LJ.      That  such   a  revision   of  wages 

The  Plight         .  ,    .  r        -i  i  i 

of  the  downward  is  not  feasible  at  the 
ai  roa  s  present  time  is  best  shown  by  the 
Director-General  of  Railroads  himself,  who 
is,  even  now,  further  increasing  wages.  On 
April  11,  it  was  announced  that  he  had 
granted  increases  of  pay  to  train  crews, 
amounting  to  $65,000,000  a  year,  and  dating 
from  January  1,  1919.  The  beneficiaries 
are  chiefly  the  members  of  the  so-called  Big 
Four  Brotherhoods,  which  had  received  an 
increase  of  about  $70,000,000  in  wages  un- 
der the  Adamson  Act  and  a  further  raise  of 
$160,000,000  last  summer  after  the  recom- 


mendations of  the  Lane  board.     This  most 
recent  addition  to  the  payroll  of  the  railroads 
comes  at  a  time  when  their  actual  earnings 
are  lower   in  proportion  to   the   investment 
than    ever    before.      At    first    glance    it    is 
difficult  to  understand  how  the  current  earn- 
ing statement  of  the  roads   under  Govern- 
ment operation  can  be  so  bad  as  they  are. 
With  freight  rates  increased  by  25  per  cent., 
and  passenger  rates  by  50  per  cent. ;  with  less 
adequate  service  to  the  public ;   in  the  best 
mid-winter  month,  so  far  as  weather  condi- 
tions are  concerned,   ever  known;  with  the 
congestion  and  rush  of  war  business  no  lon- 
ger affecting  their  efficiency  in  any  essential 
degree — the     railroads     under     Government 
control  earned,  last  January,  $36,000,000  less 
than  the  month's  proportion  of  the   "stand- 
ard   return"    which    the    Government    has 
promised    them.     Seventy-three    large    lines 
failed  even  to  earn  their  operating  expenses 
in   that   month,   although    the   gross    receipts 
were  enormous.     Fifteen  more  failed  to  earn 
both  expenses  and  taxes.   Although  Director- 
General  Hines  is  striving  manfully  to  reduce 
expenses,    and,    particularly,    to    cut    down 
costly  overtime  work  by  taking  on  additional 
railway  workers,    it   is   predicted    that    there 
will  be  a  deficit  for  tliis  vear  of  not  less  than 
$500,000,000.    The  first' two  months  of  1919 
alone  produced  a  deficit  of  $122,000,000. 


470 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


When      Director-General      Mc- 

Promise  .    ,  ,  i  -i  i 

and  Adoo  tooK  over  the  railways,  he 

Perforrrance  i^foj-j^ed  the  Senate  Committee 
that  the  roads  were  already  earning  $100,- 
000,000  per  year  more  than  the  "standard 
return"  promised  them  during  Government 
control,  and  with  economies  to  be  effected 
through  unified  operation  he  confidently 
hoped  for  a  profit  to  the  Government.  The 
critics  of  private  railway  management  sharp- 
ened their  pencils  and  figured  the  profit  the 
Government  was  going  to  make  at  various 
sums  ranging  from  $400,000,000  to  $1,000,- 
000,000  yearly.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  in  spite 
of  rate  increases,  which  have  added  some- 
thing like  $1,100,000,000  to  the  income  of 
the  roads,  they  are  showing  these  huge  defi- 
cits. How  can  it  be?  The  answer  seems  to 
include  three  factors,  tw^o  of  which  are  more 
or  less  determinable :  huge  increases  in  wages, 
huge  increases  in  the  cost  of  steel,  coal,  and 
other  supplies,  and  a  lessened  efficiency  in  la- 
bor -under  Government  operation.  Since  the 
Government  took  over  the  roads,  $910,000,- 
000  a  year  has  been  added  to  the  payrolls, 
which,  with  the  increases  given  by  the  pri- 
vate operators  in  1916  and  1917,  makes  a 
total  wage  increase  of  $1,260,000,000.  The 
Interstate  Commerce  Commission  allowed 
the  railroad  companies  to  add  $100,000,000 
a  year  to  their  rates,  and  the  Government 
added  $1,000,000,000  a  year  in  1918.  Thus, 
before  the  factor  of  increased  cost  of  sup- 
plies is  reached  at  all,  there  is  a  net  deficiency 
of  $160,000,000  a  year,  the  amount  by 
which  wage  increases  exceed  the  rate  in- 
creases. The  railroads  buy  about  30  per 
cent,  of  all  the  bituminous  coal  mined,  and 
their  total  coal  bill  is  $470,000,000,  which 
has  increased  over  pre-war  years  by  no  less 
than  $250,000,000.  They  are  paying  $250,- 
000,000  more  for  steel  products,  so  that  al- 
ready we  have  a  deficiency  in  income,  as 
compared  with  pre-war  years,  of  nearly 
$700,000,000.  Greater  costs  of  materials 
and  supplies  other  than  steel  and  coal  w^ill 
greatly  swell  this,  so  that  it  is  not  difficult 
to  understand  the  present  inability  of  the 
roads  to  earn  their  keep. 

In  April  our  Government  was 
"simUar  forced  to  appeal  to  private  bank- 
Expehence  j^^^  interests  to  get  the  money 
absolutely  needed  currently  to  finance  the 
railroads,  the  last  Congress  having  adjourned 
without  appropriating  the  sum  of  $750,000,- 
000  specified  by  Director-General  Hines  as 
the     amount     absolutely     required     for     the 


months  just  ahead.  The  most  pressing  single 
piece  of  domestic  business  that  will  confront 
Congress  in  the  extra  session  that  will  proba- 
bly be  called  in  May  is  a  resolute  and  thor- 
oughgoing handling  of  the  desperate  railroad 
situation.  England  is  having  an  experience 
similar  to  ours,  with  the  same  causes  opera- 
ting. Sir  Eric  Geddes  recently  announced 
that  England's  railways,  costing  the  Govern- 
ment $100,000,000  a  year,  'Svere  earning 
practically  no  income.."  That  the  cost  to  the 
English  people  looks  so  small  beside  our  rail- 
way deficit  is,  of  course,  due  to  the  fact  that 
their  roads  aggregate  less  than  one-tenth  the 
mileage  we  have.  In  England,  too,  the  fun- 
damental cause  of  the  bankruptcy  is  the  ne- 
cessity for  increasing  wages  faster  than  rates. 

^^^  One  bright  place  in  the  lurid  af- 

stupendous     fairs  of  the  world  is  our  wheat 
rop  of      eat  j^^j^^     Nature   has  done  us  and 

the  greater  part  of  the  civilized  w^orld  a 
striking  kindness  in  a  year  of  need.  With 
Russia's  great  granary  producing,  amid  Bol- 
shevik chaos,  only  a  quarter  or  a  third  of  its 
usual  supply  of  w^heat — certainly  not  enough 
for  Russia's  own  needs;  with  Hungary  and 
Rumania  so  far  behind  normal  production 
that  those  two  countries  will  do  well  to  be 
able  to  take  care  of  themselves,  Europe  will 
look  this  year  chiefly  to  America  to  be  fed. 
The  American  winter  wheat  crop  is  very 
much  the  largest  that  has  ever  been  indicated. 
Plentiful  moisture,  widely  distributed  over 
the  wheat-growing  areas,  has  brought  the 
fields  to  a  phenomenal  ''condition,"  which 
the  Agricultural  Department  estimated,  on 
April  8th,  to  be  99.8  per  cent. ;  some  great 
wheat-growing  States  like  Kansas  were  cred- 
ited with  a  condition  of  101  and  Ohio  with 
no  less  than  104  per  cent.  But  not  only  is 
this  average  condition  of  99.8  per  cent,  much 
the  highest  percentage  on  record — the  ten- 
year  average  is  88.6 — the  acreage  is  also  the 
largest  ever  planted  in  this  country.  Fur- 
thermore, the  unusually  prosperous  condition 
of  the  wheat  fields  is  very  widely  distributed. 
Among  the  States  having  one  million  acres 
or  more  of  wheatfields  even  the  lowest  in 
percentage.  North  Carolina,  shows  96.  The 
Department  figures  on  a  total  winter  wheat 
crop  of  837,000,000  bushels,— about  double 
the  average  annual  production  in  the  five 
years  before  the  war,  and  50  per  cent,  more 
than  the  average  crop  of  the  war  years.  The 
value  of  this  winter  crop  alone,  at  the  guar- 
anteed price  of  $2.26  a  bushel,  amounts  to 
nearly  $1,900,000,000. 


g)  International  Film  Service 

ARMY  MANEUVERS  IN  GERMANY-BY  AN  AMERICAN  DIVISION 

(This   is  the   Second   Division,   under  command  of  Major-General  Lejeune,  just  before  review  by  General  Pershing 

near  Vallendar,   Germany) 


RECORD  OF  CURRENT   EVENTS 

{From  March  15  to  April   15,  19 19) 


THE  PEACE  CONFERENCE  AT  PARIS 

March  18. — Committees  decide  that  navigation 
of  the  Rhine  shall  be  controlled  by  an  interna- 
tional commission,  and  that  Heligoland  fortifi- 
cations shall  be  dismantled. 

March  20. — Neutral  nations  are  permitted  to 
express  their  views  and  propose  amendments  to 
the  plan  of  a  League  of  Nations. 

March  21. — The  Italian  delegation — it  is  re- 
ported— threatens  to  withdraw  from  the  confer- 
ence unless  the  port  of  Fiume  (claimed  also  by 
the  Jugoslavs)    is   awarded  to  Italy. 

The  League  of  Nations  Commission  meets  for 
the  first  time  since  February  14,  and  begins  con- 
sideration of  amendments  proposed  to  the  origi- 
nal draft. 

March  24. — Consideration  of  the  chief  problems 
in  controversy  passes  from  a  Council  of  Ten  to 
a  Council  of  Four — President  Wilson  and  Pre- 
miers  Lloyd    George,    Clemenceau,    and    Orlando. 

March  26. — It  is  decided,  upon  demand  of  the 
Italians,  to  prolong  the  conference  and  to  fix 
terms  with  all  four  enemy  powers,  rather  than  to 
settle  with  Germany  alone. 

April  2. — The  head  of  the  Japanese  delegation. 
Baron  Makino,  declares  in  a  newspaper  statement 
that  "no  Asiatic  nation  could  be  happy  in  a 
League  of  Nations  in  which  sharp  racial  discrimi- 
nation is  maintained." 

April  6. — A  report  that  President  Wilson  has 
summoned  his  steamer,  to  be  ready  to  take  him 
home  promptly,  is  interpreted  as  indicating  a 
deadlock    among   the    Council    of    Four. 

Premier  Lloyd  George  declares  that  "there  is 
no  divergence  among  the  negotiators,"  but  merely 
"technical  difficulties,  which  can  only  be  settled 
after  close  study." 


April  8. — Premier  Lloyd  George  receives  a  tele- 
gram signed  by  more  than  a  majority  of  the 
House  of  Commons,  reminding  him  of  his  elec- 
tion pledges  to  exact  the  utmost  indemnity  from 
Germany. 

It  is  reported  that  the  Commission  on  Respon- 
sibility for  the  War  has  decided  to  exclude  the 
death  penalty  from  punishment  to  be  meted  out 
to  the  former  German  Emperor. 

April  10. — The  League  of  Nations  Commission, 
after  a  plea  by  President  Wilson,  adopts  a  sec- 
tion stipulating  that  the  covenant  shall  not  affect 
existing  understandings,  like  the  Monroe  Doctrine, 
for  securing  a  maintenance  of  peace. 

The  members  of  the  French  Senate  sign  a 
lesolution  expressing  the  hope  that  "full  resti- 
tution will  be  exacted  from  the  enemy,  together 
with  reparation  for  damage  .  .  .  and  that  the 
full  cost  of  the  war  will  be  imposed  upon  those 
responsible." 

April  11. — The  Peace  Conference  assembles  in 
its  fourth  plenary  session;  the  Commission  on 
International  Labor  Legislation  presents  its  re- 
port. 

The  League  of  Nations  Commission  completes 
consideration  of  the  covenant  of  the  League  of 
Nations;  it  is  reported  that  Geneva,  Switzerland, 
has   been  chosen   as  the  capital  of  the   League. 

April  12. — It  is  reported  that  France's  claim 
to  the  German  coal  region  in  the  Saar  Valley, 
as  reparation  for  French  coal  regions  destroyed, 
has  been  settled  by  granting  to  France  perpetual 
control  of  the  mines. 

April  14. — On  behalf  of  the  Council  of  Four, 
President  Wilson  announces  that  complete  solu- 
tion is  so  near  that  (lertnan  plenipotentiaries  will 
be    invited    to    meet    with    representatives    of    the 

471 


472 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


associated     belligerent     nations    at    Versailles    on 
April  25. 

It  is  reported  that  the  amount  of  indemnity 
to  be  assessed  against  Germany  for  violations  of 
international  law  has  been  fixed  at  one  hundred 
billion  gold  marks  ($23,800,000,000)  ;  26,000,000,- 
000  marks  are  to  be  paid  within  two  years;  40,- 
000,000,000  during  the  subsequent  thirty  years, 
and  an  additional  40,000,000,000  at  a  time  to  be 
fixed  by  a  joint  commission. 

AMERICAN  POLITICS  AND  GOVERNMENT 

March  ,18. — The  New  Jersey  Legislature  adopts 
a  resolution  rejecting  the  prohibition  amendment 
to  the  federal  Constitution. 

March  19. — A  debate  upon  the  proposed  League 
of  Nations,  in  Boston,  by  President  Lowell,  of 
Harvard  University  (a  leading  advocate),  and 
Senator  Lodge  (a  leading  opponent),  results  in 
the  establishment  of  common  ground;  Mr.  Lowell 
would  agree  to  amendments  of  the  present  draft, 
and  Mr.  Lodge  would  agree  after  amendment. 

Suit  is  brought  in  the  federal  courts  to  prevent 
the  Government  from  interfering  with  the  manu- 
facture of  beer  containing  not  more  than  2.75 
per  cent,  alcohol. 


©  Press  Illustrating  Service 

PREMIER  EBERT  OF  GERMANY    (ON  THE  RIGHT)  WITH 

CHANCELLOR    SCHEIDEMANN 

(A  recent  photograph,  on  occasion  of  funeral  ceremonies 
for  victims  of  rioting) 


March  22. — The  Treasury  Department  states 
that  more  than  $1,000,000,000,  was  received  on 
March  15,  when  the  first  fourth  of  income  and 
excess  profits  taxes  became  due. 

March  24. — Ex-President  Taft  suggests  amend- 
ments to  the  draft  of  the  League  of  Nations,  de- 
signed to  recognize  the  principle  of  the  Monroe 
Doctrine. 

A  bill  extending  the  franchise  to  women  in 
Presidential  elections  is  signed  by  the  Governor 
of  Minnesota. 

March  26. — Charles  E.  Hughes,  former  Justice 
of  the  Supreme  Court,  proposes  a  series  of  amend- 
ments to  the  draft  of  the  League  of  Nations. 

March  29. — The  Postmaster  General  announces 
a  20  per  cent,  increase  in  domestic  telegraph  rates. 

March  30. — Elihu  Root,  former  Secretary  of 
State,  proposes  a  series  of  amendments  to  the 
draft  of  the  League  of  Nations. 

April  1. — In  the  Chicago  election.  Mayor  Wil- 
liam H.  Thompson  (Rep.)  defeats  Robert  M. 
Sweitzer  (Dem.).  ...  In  the  Baltimore  primary. 
Mayor  James  H.  Preston  (Dem.)  is  defeated  for 
renomination  by  George  W.  Williams;  William 
F.  Broening  is  the  Republican  candidate. 

April  2. — The  Director  General  of  Railroads 
refuses  to  accept  reductions  in  steel  prices  re- 
cently fixed  by  the  Industrial  Board  created  by 
the  Secretary  of  Commerce. 

April  4. — A  delegation  of  Filipinos  presents  to 
Secretary  of  War  Baker  a  memorial  from  the 
Philippine  Legislature  asking  for  complete  inde- 
pendence; a  message  from  President  Wilson  is 
read  to  them,  expressing  hope  that  their  mission 
will  result  in  the  ends  desired. 

April  7. — The  Secretary  of  War,  Mr.  Baker, 
sails  for  Europe  to  arrange  payments  between 
England,  France,  and  the  United  States  for  war 
material 

April  10. — The  Director-General  of  Railroads 
grants  to  train  crews  an  increase  in  wages  esti- 
mated at  $65,000,000 — making  the  third  increase 
by  Government  direction  within  three  years. 

It  is  reported  from  Archangel,  Russia,  that 
American  troops  recently  inquired  of  their  com- 
mander why  they  should  proceed  against  the 
Bolshevists  when  fighting  with  Germany  is  over 
and  the  United  States  is  not  at  war  with  Russia. 

April  12.— The  Chief  of  Staff  of  the  Army 
announces  that  686,000  troops  have  sailed  from 
overseas  in  the  five  months  since  the  armistice, 
and  that  a  total  of  1,700,000  officers  and  men  have 
been  discharged  from  the  army;  1,980,000  remain 
in  the  service. 

April  13. — The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  an- 
nounces the  amount  and  terms  of  the  new  Vic- 
tory Liberty  Loan  to  be  offered  to  the  public; 
$4,500,000,000  in  notes  will  be  offered,  to  run  for 
three  or  four  years,  with  interest  at  4-)4  per  cent, 
partly  tax  free,  convertible  into  3^  per  cent, 
notes  free   from   all   taxation. 

FOREIGN  POLITICS  AND  GOVERNMENT 

March  15. — The  Argentine  Government  seeks 
to  end  a  strike  which  has  tied  up  the  port  of 
Buenos  Aires,  by  nationalizing  the  service  of 
loading  and  unloading  vessels. 

March  16. — A  new  German-Austrian  govern- 
ment is  reported  established  at  Vienna,  with  Dr. 
Renner  as  Chancellor. 


RECORD   OF  CURRENT  EVENTS 


473 


I 


©  Harris  &  Ewing 

THE  SPECIAL  FILIPINO  COMMISSION  TO  THE  UNITED  STATES.  PRESENTING  AN  APPEAL  FOR  INDEPENDENCE 

(In   the   center  of  the   group,   between    Secretary   Baker  and    General    March,    is    Manuel    Quezon,    for    many    years 
Resident    Commissioner   at   Washington   and    now    Presiden-t   of   the   Philippine    Senate) 


March  18. — The  new  Socialist  Premier  of  Ba- 
varia, Herr  Hoffmann,  outlines  his  program;  the 
Diet  abolishes  the  nobility  and  prohibits  rights 
of   inheritance. 

Disorders  in  Egypt,  in  furtherance  of  the  Na- 
tionalists' demand  for  autonomy,  are  admitted  by 
Government  leaders  in  the  British  House  of  Com- 
mons. 

March  22. — Upon  the  resignation  of  the  Karolyi 
cabinet — coincident  with  the  occupation  of  Hun- 
gary by  Allied  armies — a  "dictatorship  of  the 
proletariat"  is  proclaimed  by  Workers',  Peasants' 
and  Soldiers'  Councils,  with  a  program  of  sociali- 
zation of  estates  and  industries. 

March  24. — Martial  law  is  proclaimed  through- 
out Spain  as  a  result  of  a  general  strike  in  Bar- 
celona. 

March  25. — A  new  Socialist  cabinet  is  formed 
in  Prussia,  with  Paul   Hirsch   as  Premier. 

The  British  Secretary  for  War,  Mr.  Churchill, 
— defending  in  the  House  of  Commons  the  Gov- 
ernment's proposal  to  keep  an  army  of  850,000 
men, — states  that  the  whole  of  Egypt  is  virtually 
in   a  state  of  insurrection. 

March  31. — The  British  House  of  Commons 
passes  the  Government's  Military  bill,  282  to  64, 
providing  for  an  army  of  850,000  men,  in  the 
face  of  charges  of  extravagance  and  abandon- 
ment of  election  pledges  to  abolish  conscription. 


French  demobilization,  it  is  estimated,  has  re- 
leased 2,000,000  men  to  civilian  life,  with  a  some- 
what larger  number  remaining  under  arms. 

April  3, — It  is  reported  that  Gen.  Aurelio  Blan- 
quet  has  landed  in  Vera  Cruz,  Mexico,  for  the 
purpose  of  leading  a  movement  for  the  overthrow 
of  the   Caranza   government. 

The  French  Chamber  rejects  two  woman-suf- 
frage   amendments   to    an    Electoral    Reform    bill. 

The  British  House  of  Commons  passes  the  sec- 
ond reading  of  the  Women's  Emancipation  bill, 
a  Labor  Party  measure  designed  to  "give  effect 
to  the  political  and  legal  equality  of  men  and 
women." 

April  7. — A  Soviet  Republic  is  proclaimed  in 
Munich,  Bavaria,  the  "workers"  taking  over  en- 
tire public  authority;  Premier  Hoffmann  transfers 
his   government   to   Niirnberg. 

April  10. — Rioting  in  Cairo  and  Alexandria, 
Egypt,  directed  principally  against  Armenians, 
results  in  the  death  of  fifty-eight  persons. 

April  11. — The  Mexican  War  Department  an- 
nounces that  Gen.  Emiliano  Zapata — the  bandit 
who  for  years  dominated  the  state  of  Morelos, 
south  of  the  capital — has  been  found  in  hiding 
and  killed  by  Government  troops. 

April  12. — The  War  Minister  in  Savony  is 
murdered  by  \vouiuled  soldiers  who  ha\e  been  dis- 
satisfied with  peace-time  pay. 


474 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


INTERNATIONAL  RELATIONS 

March  14. — A  Bolshevist  attack  against  Allied 
and  American  forces  near  the  junction  of  the 
Dvina  and  Vaga  rivers,  in  northern  Russia,  is 
not  only  repulsed  but  severely  defeated. 

March  31. — The  American  State  Department 
and  the  Japanese  Embassy  at  Washington  initi- 
ate separate  inquiries  into  rumors  of  land  conces- 
sions granted  by  the  Mexican  Government  to 
Japanese  corporations. 

April  4. — In  an  engagement  between  Bolshe- 
viki  and  Allied  troops,  in  the  Archangel  district 
of  Russia,  there  are 
800  Bolshevist  casual- 
ties without  loss  to  the 
Allies. 

April  5.  — After 
long  and  heated  dis- 
cussion by  Marshall 
Foch  and  German 
Government  leaders, 
the  right  is  maintained 
to  transport  Polish 
troops  home  from 
France  v  i  a  Danzig 
(the  German  Baltic 
port  claimed  also  by 
the  new  state  of  Po- 
land)— but  it  is  de- 
cided to  send  them 
some   other   wav. 


OTHER  OCCURRENCES 
OF  THE  MONTH 


(P)  Underwood  &  Underwood,  N.  Y. 
FRANK    W.    WOOLWORTH 
(Whose  first  five-and-ten- 


cent  store,  in  1878,  ex- 
panded into  a  chain  of  more 
than  a  thousand  stores) 


March  18.— T  h  e 
population  of  Rheims, 
France  (for  more  than 
four  years  within 
range     of      German 

guns),  is  officiallv  announced  to  have  fallen  from 
115,000  to  8453. 

March  20. — Marriage  and  divorce  statistics  are 
made  public  at  Washington  for  the  year  1916, 
showing  10.5  marriages  per  thousand  -of  popula- 
tion, and  1.1  divorces. 

It  becomes  known  that  wireless  telephone  mes- 
sages were  sent  from  New  Brunswick,  N.  J.,  to 
the  President's  ship  George  JVashingtnn  through- 
out the  entire  voyage  across  the  Atlantic  (see 
page    500). 

March  21. — Casualties  in  the  United  States  air 
service  at  the  front  are  made  public:  171  aviators 
lost  their  lives  in  combat  (besides  73  missing), 
and  42  were  killed  in  accidents;  135  were  made 
prisoners,  and  117  were  wounded. 

March  23. — It  is  stated  at  Washington  that  in 
the  United  States  forces  there  have  been  3034 
major  amputation  cases. 

March  26. — A  British  miners'  conference  de- 
cides to  advise  the  men  to  accept  Government 
proposals  relating  to  wages  and  hours,  thus  avert- 
ing a  serious  strike. 

April  4. — A  conference  of  representatives  of 
capital    and    labor,    in    Great   Britain,    held    under 


Government  auspices,  accepts  unanimously  a 
committee  report  recommending:  the  creation  of  a 
National  Industrial  Council  of  employers  and  em- 
ployees, with  Government  recognition;  a  48-hour 
week;  increase  in  state  provision  for  unemployed. 

April  8. — The  Department  of  Agriculture  fore- 
casts a  winter-wheat  crop  of  837,000,000  bushels 
— 50  per  cent,  larger  than  the  five-year  average. 

April  11. — A  German  official  estimate  of  war 
losses  places  the  total  dead  at  1,486,952,  besides 
134,000  died  of  disease. 

April  12. — A  new  airplane  record  from  London 
to  Paris  is  made  by  a  British  army  aviator,  who 
covers  215  miles  in  75  minutes. 

OBITUARY 

March  17. — Kenyon  Cox,  the  mural  painter  and 
writer  on  art  subjects,   62. 

March  18.— William  H.  Pleasants,  prominent 
in  the  coastwise  steamship  trade,  56,  .  .  J.  Taylor 
Ellison,    elected    to   many   offices    in    Virginia,    72. 

March     26.  —  James 


Alfred  Roosevelt,  di- 
rector of  electric  light, 
power,  and  railway 
company  in  Britisn 
Columbia,  34. 

March  26.  —  Joseph 
P.  Bass,  for  forty 
years  editor  of  the 
Bangor  (Me.)  Com- 
mercial ,  83. 

March  28.  —  Henry 
Martyn  Blossom,  Jr., 
author  of  musical 
comedies,  53. 

March  28. — Samuel 
T.  Dutton,  D.  D.,  69 
(see  page  480). 

April  2.  —  Owen 
Brainard,  of  New 
York,  a  noted  archi- 
tect and  consulting  en- 
gineer, 54. 

April  4.— Sir  Wil- 
liam Crookes,  a  fa- 
mous British  chemist 
and   physicist,    86. 

April  6. — John  Rogers  Hegeman,  for  twenty- 
seven  years  president  of  the  Metropolitan  Life 
Insurance  Company,  75.  .  .  .  Donald  Paige  Frary, 
an  authority  on  international  aifairs  and  on  Eu- 
ropean government  systems,  25.  .  .  .  William 
Rheen,  president  of  the  Standard  Oil  Company 
of  California,   57. 

April  8. — Frank  Winfield  Woolworth,  origi- 
nator of  the  five-and-ten-cent  store,  66. 

April  9. — Sidney  Drew,  the  comedian,  54. 

April  10. — Robert  H.  Roy,  a  justice  of  the  Su- 
preme Court  of  New  York,  51. 

April  13. — Mrs.  Phoebe  Apperson  Hearst, 
prominent  in  charitable  and  educational  work  in 
the  West,  76. 


JOHN    ROGERS    HEGEMAN 

(For  half  a  century  an 
officer  of  the  Metropolitan 
Life  Insurance  Society,  and 
for  the  last  twenty-eight 
years  its  president) 


THE  PEACE  CONFERENCE 
IN  CARTOONS 


THE  MELTING  POT 

From    the   Bulletin    (Sydney,    Australia) 


IT  has  seemed  worth  while,  this  month,  to  present  a 
selection  of  cartoons  reflecting  opinion  in  widely  sepa- 
rated capitals  throughout  the  world  on  the  doings  at 
Paris.  In  many  instances  these  revelations  of  national 
and  racial  sentiment  give  suggestive  hints  regarding  the 
world's  attitude  towards  the  conference  and  its  leaders. 


PREPARING   FOR   THE   LEAGUE  OF   NATIONS 

The  Operators:  "See,  Michael,  the  amputations  arc  necessary  in 
order  to  make  it  possible  for  von  to  dance  witli  us  at  the  fete  of  the 
League  of  Nations." — From  Kladderadatsch   (Berlin) 


TKACK 

"We     arc     now     advancing     with     prcat 
strides." — From  //  }20  (Florence,  Italy) 

475 


476 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


(     WE    WANT    YOU    TO 
\      SETTLE    THE    FUTURe 
)      OF  NATIONS  AT  ONCE 


\n/e  want  you  to  ^ 

SETTLE     THE    FUTURE    / 
OF    LABOUR  AT  once!  1 


LLOYD  GEORGE  AND  THE  TUG  OF  PEACE 
From  the  Daily  Express  (London) 


THE  LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS  AND  HOW  IT  WILL  OPERATE 
Fron  Blanco  y  Negro   (Madrid,  Spain) 


THE    MINSTRELS    OF    PEACE 
From  Ravnen  (Copenhagen,  Denmark) 

From  London  to  Australia  and  Bombay, 
the  central  figure  of  the  conference  is  Presi- 
dent Wilson,  and  no  one  has  been  quicker 
than  the  cartoonist  to  seize  on  this  fact  and 
give  it  meaning.  Our  English  friends  can- 
not resist  the  temptation  to  make  puns  on  the 


THE  LEAGUE  OF  NATIONS  AND  THE  DOG  OF  WAR 

From  Sondags  Nisse   (Stockholm,   Sweden) 


Norway's  place 

Mother  Norway  will  certainly  find  a  prominent  place 
in  the  League  of  Nations. — From  Hvepsan  (Christiania, 
Norway) 


THE   PEACE    CONFERENCE— IN    CARTOONS 


A77 


A   HOME  FROM    HOME 

President  Wilson  (quitting  America  in  his  Fourteen-League-of-Nations 
Boots) :  "It's  time  I  was  getting  back  to  a  hemisphere  where  I  really  awi 
appreciated."  From  Punch   (London) 


"WOODROW,    SPARE  THAT  TREE 

("It  is  hinted  that  President  Wilson 
will  return  home  unless  his  ideas  are 
sanctioned  in  some  form." — News  Item.) 
From   The  Bulletin    (Sydney,  Australia) 


THE  JUGGLER  ON   FOURTEEN   POINTS 
From  the  Bulletin  (Sydney,  Australia) 


THE  RETURN   OF  GARDENER  VVTI.SON 
"Have     I     deceived     myself?       T     planted    olives    and    I    find    snap- 
dragons!"— From  Lc  Rire  (Paris) 


478 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


OVERWEIGHTED 

President  Wilson:  "Here's  your  olive  branch,  now 
get  busy." 

Dove  of  Peace:  "Of  course  I  want  to  please  every- 
body, but  isn't  this  a  bit  thick?" — From  Punch  (London) 


\  \--^'o 


BETWEEN   TWO  STOOLS 
From  the  Bystander   (London) 


THE   RIDDLE   OF  THE   PEACE   CONFERENCE 
From   L'Asino    (Rome) 

President's  name.  One  of  the  most  culpable 
of  these  is  the  one  concocted  by  the  London 
Daily  Express^  reproduced  on  page  477. 

On  the  opposite  page  are  three  striking 
London  cartoons  on  the  British  labor  situa- 
tion, which  has  been  exceedingly  acute. 


A   MUTUAL  HOPE 

Mr.  Wilson:   "I  hope  I  don't  intrude,  Mr.  Bull?" 
Mr.  Bull:  "I  hope  you  don't,  Mr.  Wilson!" 
From  Johii  Bull  (London) 


THE  PEACE  BIRD  S  TASK 

(In  the  Great  European  Peace  Conference  "Circus") 
Professor   Wilson:    "A   clever   bird   to   write   what   I 
think  and  say!" 

From  the  Hindi  Punch   (Bombay,  India) 


THE   PEACE   CONFERENCE— IN    CARTOONS 


479 


ENGLAND  EXPECTS— 

Both    Lions    (together)  :    "Unaccustomed   as    I   am   to   lie  down   with  anything  but  a  lamb,   still,   for  the  public 
good     .     .     ." — From  Punch    (London) 


Li LJ <^    ■■■■■:-.-.ii:/'^-'.:<V;.-.    ■'■ ^-   ■■  I,-  ;-Vi,i   -'i-m 


THE   CRITIC 


"T    say,    Bill,    wot    a    ruddy    mess    those    Bolshies    are 
aking   of   their    country!" — From    Ofyiiuon    (London) 


making 


DON   OUIXOTE   [labor]    AND  THE  WINDMILL — BUT  IS 

IT  GOOD   BUSINESS  ? 

From   the  l^assiiijj  Shoxc   (Lomlon) 


A  TEACHER  AND  LEADER 


A  PERIOD  of  upheaval  in  human  af- 
fairs while  testing  men  and  masses, 
throws  into  high  relief  the  qualities  of  true 
leadership  in  individuals.  As  the  genera- 
tions grow  in  intelligence  and  in  democratic 
equality,  they  are  not  so  much  swayed  by  per- 
sonal authority  at  the  hands  of  rulers,  and 
they  are  less  disposed  to  follow  blindly  the 
individual  orator  or  derr^agogue,  or  the  fan- 
atical exponents  of  movements  and  creeds. 
With  public  opinion  ruling  in  our  relatively 
enlightened  communities,  personal  leadership 
of  the  earlier  types  is  so  much  less  dominant 
that  we  seem  at  times  to  be  inferior  in  the 
qualities  which  are  supposed,  traditionally,  to 
mark  the  ''heroes"  or  "representative  men" 
or  personages  worthy  to  be  named  in  history. 
In  point  of  fact,  there  was  never  so  great 
an  opportunity  for  the  exercise  of  leadership 
as  our  own  times  afford.  The  more  advanced 
the  community,  the  more  susceptible  it  is  to 
the  effort  and  influence  of  a  leader  who 
would  carry  it  further  in  some  aspect  of 
social  progress.  The  better  attuned  the  in- 
strument, the  finer  the  results  of  the  master 
hand  that  employs  it. 

The  Nature   of  Modern  Leadership 

In  the  clash  of  arms  and  the  crises  of 
states,  there  is  so  much  discussion  and  contro- 
versy about  leaders  and  their  capacities  that 
we  sometimes  forget  to  analyze  the  nature 
of  modern  leadership.  A  man  may  be  put 
in  a  place  of  high  authority  through  the 
working  of  official  systems  without  having 
been  a  leader  in  previous  experience  and  with- 
out becoming  one  while  in  official  power. 
The  function  of  leadership  becomes  special- 
ized and  subdivided.  The  real  leader  may  be 
the  private  adviser  or  the  obscure  adjutant, 
and  not  the  man  who  is  nominally  at  the 
head.  When  future  Americans  look  back 
with  due  perspective  upon  the  present  age, 
the  foremost  men  of  achievement  and  leader- 
ship may  not  bear  the  names  of  those  about 
whom  we  are  now  reading  most  frequently 
in  the  newspapers.  Individuals  or  groups 
working  serenely  and  unselfishly  in  the  fields 
of  science,  of  education,  of  public  health,  of 
international  good-will, — may  be  placed  at  the 
very  top  of  the  list  among  the  leaders  of 
this  generation. 

480 


Leadership  counts  for  most  in  these  days 
when  it  works  in  association  with  tendencies, 
and  does  not  therefore  stand  out  too  conspic- 
uously. Thus  recent  progress  in  aviation — 
owing  much  to  one  man  and  another  who 
will  in  due  time  have  just  credit  for  leader- 
ship— has  been  amazingly  accelerated  because 
leadership  was  exerted  where  favoring  oppor- 
tunities were  so  numerous.  An  immense 
series  of  developments  in  the  fields  of  inven- 
tion, of  engineering  and  of  industry  made 
leadership  far  more  successful  even  though 
less  noted. 

A  Modest  Type  of  Leader 

The  career  of  a  worthy  educator  who  died 
last  month  illustrates  remarkably  well  the 
new  kind  of  leadership  that  accomplishes 
great  results  without  notoriety,  and  with 
honor  and  esteem  but  without  popular  ac- 
claim. Professor  Samuel  T.  Dutton  was  a 
leader  in  education  and  philanthropy.  He 
was  not  a  challenging  and  bitter-tongued  re- 
former, although  he  saw  what  was  wrong  in 
human  relations  with  clearness,  and  had  un- 
faltering courage  in  standing  for  justice. 
But  it  was  not  so  much  his  mission  to  lead 
crusades,  or  to  demand  bold  innovations,  as 
to  cooperate  tactfully  with  wholesome  tend- 
encies of  sound  human  progress,  and  help 
to  construct  the  better  order  along  with 
everybody  else  who  was  facing  in  the  right 
direction. 

To  some  readers  this  characterization  may 
seem  quite  negative,  if  not  commonplace  and 
vague,  when  one  seeks  for  "upstanding" 
heroes  of  another  mold.  Why,  in  these  days 
when  "current  history"  asserts  itself  in 
spectacular  ways,  should  space  be  given  to 
recording  the  qualities  of  a  quiet,  self-effacing 
educator,  rather  than  to  some  other  man 
whose  recent  death  has  been  announced  in 
large  headlines?  It  is  indeed  quite  possible 
that  the  man  whose  death  is  noted  by  millions 
or  hundreds  of  millions  may  have  been  a 
true  and  typical  leader,  as  well  as  a  man  of 
contemporary  fame.  This  may  be  said  in  the 
most  emphatic  way  of  the  late  Theodore 
Roosevelt,  whose  power  for  almost  forty 
years  to  influence  and  lead  his  fellow  citizens 
lay  in  his  being  so  essentially  an  embodiment 
of  American  qualities,  and  so  fearless  in  sup- 


A    TEACHER    AND    LEADER 


481 


porting  the  things  he  believed  in.  The  quali- 
ties of  leadership  were  always  present  in  Mr. 
Roosevelt,  and  their  exercise  did  not  await 
the  political  accidents  which  placed  him  in 
high  office.  No  one  was  keener  than  Mr. 
Roosevelt  to  recognize  the  intrinsic  qualities 
of  leadership  in  all  useful  spheres  of  activity, 
and  to  distinguish  between  the  genuine  leader 
and  the  spurious,  or  between  a  worthy  fame 
and  an  accidental  notoriety. 

Human   Contacts  as  a   Teacher 

Professor  Dutton  was  born,  some  seventy 
years  ago,  on  a  New  Hampshire  farm  and 
had  the  heritage  of  a  worthy  and  hard-work- 
ing New  England  family.  By  his  own  ef- 
forts, he  went  through  the  preparatory  aca- 
demy and  through  Yale  College,  graduating 
when  he  was  two  or  three  years  older  than 
his  classmates  who  had  not  been  obliged  to 
make  their  own  way.  But  this  relative  ma- 
turity as  a  student  was  doubtless  to  his  ad- 
vantage. He  was  able  at  once  to  secure  a 
good  position  as  a  school  superintendent,  and 
after  a  few  years  was  called  back  to  the  uni- 
versity town,  where  he  became  first  the  head 
of  a  preparatory  school  and  then  Superin- 
tendent of  Education  for  the  City  of  New 
Haven.  After  some  years  in  the  pleasant 
environment  of  his  alma  mater,  his  profes- 
sional work  led  him  to  that  select  part  of 
Boston  known  as  Brookline,  where  he  had 
further  opportunity  to  express,  in  fine  results, 
his  conception  of  what  a  public  school  system 
ought  to  be. 

Almost  twenty  years  ago  he  was  brought 
to  New  York  by  the  authorities  of  Columbia 
University  in  order  that  he  might  help  to 
set  the  standards  for  the  training  of  teachers 
and  the  direction  of  schools.  He  became  a 
professor  in  Columbia,  the  chief  of  the 
School  Administration  Department  in  the 
Teachers'  College,  and  the  organizing  head 
of  what  soon  became  the  most  famous  of 
American  establishments  for  the  education 
of  children,  namely,  the  Horace  Mann 
School,  which  is  an  adjunct  of  the  Teachers' 
College.  During  these  two  opening  decades 
of  the  Twentieth  Century,  Morningside 
Heights  in  New  York  City  has  been  our 
foremost  center  of  experiment  and  influence 
in  the  training  of  professional  teachers.  Its 
influences  have  been  world-wide  and  its  poli- 
cies have  been  shaping  human  progress. 

Professor  Dutton  had,  through  text  books 
and  personal  addresses,  become  widely  in- 
fluential among  American  educators  before 
his  work  at  Teachers*  College  began.     This 


THE     LATE     SAMUEL     T.     DUTTON^ 

influence  was'  greatly  extended  by  reason  of 
the  opportunities  afforded  him  in  .New  York 
to  help  in  the  professional  instruction  of 
student  teachers  from  all  parts  of  the  United 
States  and  from  almost  every  foreign  coun- 
try. Since  1915  he  had  been  Professor 
Emeritus,  and  being  relieved  of  his  active 
duties  in  Teachers'  College  and  as  principal 
of  the  Horace  Mann  School,  he  had  found 
opportunity  to  devote  himself  to  various  pub- 
lic enterprises,  wholly  in  the  spirit  of  what 
had  been  the  work  of  his  entire  career.  It 
would  take  half  a  page  to  list  even  briefly 
the  activities  that  he  aided. 

He  was  a  profound  believer  in  the  quiet 
growth  of  human  society  through  educational 
processes.  The  technical  phases  of  school  or- 
ganization and  management  never  obscured 
his  vision  of  the  broad  social  objects  of  edu- 
cation. His  sympathies  followed  the  teachers 
he  helped  to  train  as  they  went  everywhere 
to  act  as  local  leaders.  He  found  time  for 
occasional  visits  to  Europe  and  Asia,  and 
never  went  anywhere  without  making  some 
real  and  lasting  contribution  to  the  advnnce- 
ment  of  institutions  for  permanent  culture. 
Thus  he  became  a  trustee  of  a  college  in 
China,  and  one  of  the  principal  officers  and 
advisers  of  the  American  College  for  Women 
in  Constantinonlr. 


482 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


Leadership   Through  Harmony  and   Tact 

Dr.  Dutton's  was  a  rare  talent  for  useful 
effort  through  organization.  The  marked 
success  of  his  leadership  lay  in  his  ability  to 
bring  together  people  who  were  of  like  minds 
and  sympathies,  so  that  their  united  efforts 
might  be  effective.  He  was  one  of  the  most 
devoted  of  the  leaders  who  have  for  a  number 
of  years  past  been  trying  to  bring  the  best 
sentiment  of  America  into  union  for  the  ad- 
vancement of  the  cause  of  world  peace.  He 
was  not  merely  a  man  of  sentiment  in  his 
opposition  to  war,  but  he  was  a  practical 
student  of  international  affairs,  with  wide 
acquaintance  and  experience.  He  was  the 
American  member  of  an  International  Com- 
mission that  visited  Bulgaria,  Serbia,  Greece, 
Rumania  and  Turkey  in  1913,  and  reported 
upon  the  Balkan  War  with  particular  refer- 
ence to  current  reports  of  atrocities  and  viola- 
tions of  international  law. 

During  the  w^ar  period  he  was  one  of  the 
principal  organizers  of  relief  work,  and  an 
indefatigable  leader  in  the  American  Com- 
mittee for  Armenian  and  Syrian  relief,  while 
aiding  in  the  direction  of  other  relief  socie- 
ties. His  judgment  was  so  valuable,  and  his 
spirit  so  harmonizing  that  his  presence  and 
help  lent  assurance  to  many  a  committee. 
He  knew  how  to  get  groups  moving  toward 
substantial  success  in  their  aims,  without 
seeming  to  dominate.  He  was  gentle  and 
unobtrusive,  but  always  equal  to  the  occasion. 
He  was  one  of  the  principal  founders  of  the 
World  Court  League,  which  has  in  recent 
weeks  and  months  been  doing  much  to  unify 
the  efforts  of  societies  which  have  had  the 
common  ideal  of  international  justice  and 
of  the  substitution  of  legal  and  political  reme- 
dies for  the  disasters  of  war.  Through  his 
efforts  as  its  most  active  member,  the  World 
Court  League  with  affiliated  societies  was 
brought  into  general  accord  with  the  League 
to  Enforce  Peace  and  other  American  agen- 
cies which  have  supported  the  general  plans 
of  the  Paris  Conference  for  a  League  of 
Nations. 

Professor  Dutton  had  no  thought  of  him- 
self as  a  leader  of  men,  much  less  as  a  citizen 
of  distinction  and  eminence,  w^idely  recog- 
nized for  character  and  achievement.  He  was 
w^holly  free  from  vanity  and  self-conscious- 
ness. He  could  act  with  quick  initiative, 
without  timidity  but  also  without  noise  or 
demonstration.  He  had  not  merely  the 
spirit  to  serve,  but  he  was  trained  to  serve 
capably.     He  had  none  of  that  false  kind  of 


modesty  which  some  men  of  sensitive  disposi- 
tion cultivate  as  an  excuse  to  themselves  for 
dodging  responsibilities.  Dr.  Dutton  never 
shirked,  but  knew  how  to  bear  responsibility 
openly,  without  assertion.  He  was  cheerful 
and  companionable,  with  an  unfailing  sense 
of  humor.  It  was  a  privilege  to  serve  w^ith 
so  excellent  a  comrade. 

Opportunity  of  the  Teachiftg  Profession 

In  these  times  of  change  and  unrest,  it  is 
well  to  look  for  firm  foundations  and  for 
elements  of  stability.  Our  best  hopes  rest 
in  such  qualities  of  character  as  are  exempli- 
fied in  the  personality  and  career  of  men  like 
Samuel  T.  Dutton.  More  than  ever,  our 
American  society  is  to  be  influenced  and 
shaped  by  the  schools.  The  teaching  profes- 
sion has  increasing  opportunities  before  it. 
The  school  takes  on  a  fresh  conception  of  its 
functions  as  regards  the  moral,  physical  and 
economic,  as  well  as  the  purely  mental  train- 
ing of  children.  A  man  who,  like  Dr.  Dut- 
ton, has  been  able  to  inspire  teachers,  is  to  be 
reckoned  with  when  we  are  studying  the 
new  times  in  their  relation  to  the  past. 

All  teachers  are  underpaid  and  have  many 
sacrifices  to  make.  Every  good  citizen  should 
do  what  he  can  to  see  that  the  teaching  pro- 
fession is  better  maintained.  But,  mean- 
while, the  teacher  may  find  compensation  in 
the  opportunities  that  lie  around  him  for 
leadership  and  influence,  not  merely  in  the 
school  itself.  The  value  of  America  to  itself 
and  to  the  world  is  to  be  found  in  the 
quality  of  its  neighborhoods,  small  and  large 
alike.  All  the  great  causes  of  the  present 
day,  the  work  and  support  of  the  Red  Cross 
for  example,  would  languish  if  there  should 
fail  the  spirit  of  cooperation,  under  wise  and 
intelligent  leadership,  in  each  of  thousands 
of  neighborhoods. 

It  is  this  kind  of  guidance  and  initiative 
that  makes  a  country  like  America  what  it 
is,  and  that  constitutes  the  difference  between 
modern  leadership  for  an  intelligent  democ- 
racy and  that  of  former  periods.  It  was 
once  the  fashion  to  tell  every  boy  that  he 
ought  to  be  ambitious  because  he  might  some 
time  become  President  of  the  United  States. 
It  is  the  wiser  and  better  plan  to  teach  every 
boy  that  he  may  be  a  useful  citizen  in  his 
own  community,  and  may  contribute  some- 
thing towards  the  well-being  of  the  country. 
Where  there  is  willingness  to  serve,  along 
with  definite  training,  there  will  be  no  lack 
of  fit  leadership  for  whatever  work  the  times 
may  demand.  A.   S. 


EUROPE'S  CONVULSIONS  AND 
THE  PARIS  CONFERENCE 

BY  FRANK  H.  SIMONDS 

[il/r.  Simonds'  article,  here'with,  comes  half  by  mail  and  half  by  cable.  It  reflects  ivith  undoubted 
accuracy  the  situation  as  it  appeared  to  the  best-informed  obser'vers  in  Paris  from  the  midde  of  March 
to  the  middle  of  April.  We  may  indulge  strong  hopes  that  May  ivill  bring  some  return  of  optimism 
to  Europe,  but  it  is  ivorth  ivhile  to  record  the  doubts  and  nvorries  of  March  and  April. — The  Editor] 


THE  exigencies  of  mail  and  of  cable 
compel  me  to  divide  my  article  each 
month  into  two  distinct  parts.  The  present 
portion  for  May  covers  the  period  between 
the  15th  of  March  and  the  1st  of  April.  I 
shall  cover  events  from  the  1st  of  April  to 
the  middle  of  the  month  by  cable  later. 
What  I  desire  to  discuss  here  and  now  are : 

( 1 )  The  return  of  the  President ; 

(2)  The  paralysis  of  the  Paris  Confer- 

ence, and 

(3)  The  rise  of  the  Bolshevist  storm  in 

the  East. 

I.    President  Wilson's  Return 

When  President  Wilson  arrived  in 
France  for  the  second  time,  in  the  middle  of 
March,  he  found  awaiting  him  a  cordial 
welcome  and  on  the  whole  a  more  genuine 
welcome  from  the  representatives  of  the 
governments  of  Europe,  as  distinct  from  the 
people,  than  that  of  his  first  coming.  His 
speeches  in  America  had  won  instant  and 
widespread  approval  in  Europe.  At  the  very 
outset  Europe  (and  in  the  main  this  means 
Britain,  France  and  Italy)  had  concluded  to 
accept  Mr.  Wilson  not  merely  as  the  Am- 
bassador of  the  United  States  but  also  as 
the  spokesman  of  the  united  American 
people.  Political  differences  within  the 
United  States  were  interpreted  as  having 
only  domestic  significance.  Mr.  Wilson  had 
become  in  the  eyes  of  Europe  as  in  fact,  the 
exponent  of  the  will  of  his  country. 

Coming  to  Europe  Mr.  Wilson  was  the 
evangel  of  the  gospel  of  the  League  of  Na- 
tions ;  and  for  the  masses  of  the  plain  people 
of  Europe  the  League  of  Nations  was  a 
symbol  of  a  settlement  which  should  end 
war,  begin  peace  on  a  new  basis,  rescue  man- 


kind from  all  the  horrors  of  war  and  all  the 
perils  of  armed  peace.  As  the  spokesman 
of  America,  he  was  for  exactly  the  same  vast 
number  of  people  the  representative  of  the 
country  whose  soldiers  had  arrived  tardily 
but  in  time  to  deliver  the  decisive  thrust,  and 
whose  enormous  resources,  generously  dis- 
tributed, had  brought  salvation  to  devastated 
regions,  conquered  provinces,  and  otherwise 
abandoned  districts. 

From  the  beginning,  then,  Mr.  Wilson 
was  accepted  by  the  people  of  Europe ;  and 
whatever  was  the  desire  or  the  will  of  the 
governments  of  Europe,  they  had  no  choice 
but  to  accept  Mr.  Wilson,  not  merely  as  the 
spokesman  of  America  but  as  possessing  in 
Europe  too  great  prestige  to  be  opposed.  Un- 
mistakably not  a  few  statesmen  and  diplo- 
mats regarded  with  doubt  and  suspicion  Mr. 
Wilson's  program  of  the  League  of  Nations. 
The  abstract  theories  left  the  practical  men 
cold.  But  the  practical  political  problems 
of  their  own  situation  compelled  their  as- 
sent. European  statesmen  and  people  alike 
were  at  one  in  recognizing  that  it  was  a 
matter  of  life  and  death  that  America  should 
remain  in  Europe  until  the  war  had  been 
liquidated  and  peace  fortified.  The  states- 
men could  regard  the  League  of  Nations 
project  of  Mr.  Wilson  as  the  price  they  must 
pay  to  keep  America  here.  The  people  might 
and  did  regard  the  League  of  Nations  as  a 
moral  guarantee  of  future  security. 

Europe  having  arrived  at  this  decision  per- 
mitted Mr.  Wilson  to  make  the  formulation 
of  the  program  of  the  League  of  Nations  the 
first  business  of  the  Paris  Conference.  When 
this  was  done  Mr.  Wilson  returned  to 
America.  While  he  was  on  his  way  home 
Europe  heard  for  the  first  time  in  the 
Senate   an   authentic   \oice  of   American   op- 

483 


484 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


position.  It  identified  that  voice  with  the 
extreme  utterances  of  certain  Republican 
statesmen  who  clamored  for  an  instant,  com- 
plete and  final  withdrawal  of  America  from 
Europe.  It  recognized  in  this  demand  a 
death-sentence  to  the  hopes  of  all  Europe 
on  the  Allied  side  for  the  future.  It  recog- 
nized that  if  America  should  withdraw  her 
aid,  her  material  and  her  moral  support,  the 
element  of  hope  would  disappear  and  the  way 
would  be  open  for  the  coming  of  Bolshe- 
vism from  the  East. 

Therefore  in  the  period  between  the  de- 
parture and  the  return  of  Mr.  Wilson  there 
was  a  remarkable  transformation  in  the 
European  situation — a  transformation  among 
the  statesmen.  The  people  continued  to  be 
sustained  by  the  hope  that  America  led  by 
IVIr.  Wilson  would  remain.  The  statesmen 
recognized,  or  believed  that  they  recognized, 
that  only  by  the  victory  of  Mr.  Wilson  in 
America  could  the  continued  participation 
of  the  United  States  in  the  European  task  be 
assured.  Therefore  on  his  return  they  wel- 
comed Mr.  Wilson  in  a  more  frankly 
friendly  spirit  than  before,  since  for  them  he 
had  become  an  Ally  at  last,  the  spokesman 
in  America  of  the  cause  which  was  lost  if 
America  abandoned  Europe.  This  roughly 
represents  the  history  between  the  sailing  of 
Mr.  Wilson  for  America  and  his  arrival  at 
Brest  for  the  second  time  on  March  13. 

II.  The  Paralysis  of  the  Paris 

COXFERENXE 

When  Mr.  Wilson  reached  Paris  he  foimd 
this  situation :  The  American  Commission 
in  conference  with  the  representatives  of  the 
other  nations  had  practically  completed  a 
program  which  amounted  to  the  formulation 
of  the  terms  of  a  preliminary  Treaty  of 
Peace  to  be  served  forthwith  upon  Germany. 
In  my  article  for  April  I  sketched  the  out- 
line of  the  terms.  This  preliminary  Treaty 
of  Peace  was  in  substance  to  fix  the  frontiers 
of  Germany,  the  extent  of  the  disarmament 
of  Germany,  the  size  of  the  financial  repara- 
tion to  be  paid.  It  was  to  follow  the  analogy 
of  the  preliminary  Treaty  of  Peace  made 
between  France  and  Germany  within  a  few 
weeks  after  the  signing  of  the  armistice 
which  ended  the  military  operations  of  the 
Franco-Prussian  war.  The  definite  peace 
was  to  follow  later,  when  the  intricate  but 
relatively  minor  questions  had  been  resolved 
by  expert  means. 

In  this  preliminary  Treaty  of  Peace  there 


was  to  have  been  included  a  declaration  of 
principle  covering  the  League  of  Nations, 
but  the  covenant  and  the  exact  permanent 
form  of  its  association  were  to  be  drafted 
for  the  final  treaty.  This  was  not  due  to 
any  desire  to  shelve  or  to  subordinate  the 
principle  of  the  League  of  Nations,  but  pure- 
ly and  simply  to  the  recognition  of  the  ex- 
tent of  amendment  which  was  necessary  and 
the  imperative  necessity  of  immediate  action 
in  the  direction  of  a  preliminary  Treaty  of 
Peace. 

No  sooner  had  Mr.  Wilson  reached  Paris 
than  by  a  single  statement  he  seemed  to  de- 
molish the  whole  program.  He  asserted  that 
the  League  of  Nations  must  be  an  integral 
part  of  the  preliminary  Treaty  of  Peace  and 
demanded  the  complete  change  of  program 
which  this  involved. 

We  had  then  for  something  like  forty- 
eight  hours  a  tense  situation.  In  the  end  the 
representatives  of  the  Allied  nations'  bowed 
to  Mr.  Wilson,  the  program  was  changed, 
and  the  Conference  undertook  the  difficult 
task  of  combining  the  League  of  Nations, 
which  involved  the  reorganization  of  the 
future  society  of  the  world,  and  the  pre- 
liminary settlement  of  peace  terms  with  the 
great  enemy. 

The  result  of  the  change  in  program  was' 
almost  tragic.  It  amounted  to  a  practical 
paralysis  (for  the  time  being)  of  the  entire 
business  of  making  peace.  While  conference 
after  conference  sought  to  fix  the  precise  and 
permanent  language  of  the  definite  Covenant 
of  the  League  of  Nations,  other  conferences 
wrestled  unsuccessfully  with  the  practical 
problems  of  re-making  the  map  of  Europe. 
We  settled  and  unsettled  the  question  of 
Poland  half  a  dozen  times.  The  dispute  be- 
tween the  Italians  and  the  Jugo-Slavs 
mounted  hourly.  The  division  between  the 
Rumanians  and  the  Serbs  became  bitterer 
with  each  day.  Half  a  dozen  little  wars 
went  forward  while  half  a  dozen  commis- 
sions sitting  in  Paris  strove  to  find  a  solution 
on  paper  for  questions  which  were  already 
being  resolved  by  force. 

In  a  word  the  Paris  Conference,  after 
three  months  in  session  and  four  and  a  half 
months  after  the  first  armistice,  had  fallen 
into  precisely  the  condition  of  the  Congress 
of  Vienna  a  little  more  than  a  century  ago. 
It  had  so  far  been  unable  to  make  any  prac- 
tical decisions  and  the  single  time  when  it 
seemed  on  the  edge  of  making  a  practical 
decision  it  abandoned  that  under  the  impul- 
sion of  Mr.  Wilson. 


EUROPE'S  CONVULSIONS  AND  THE  PARIS  CONFERENCE 


485 


III.  The  Rise  of  the  Bolshevist 
Storm  in  the  East 

Meantime  the  situation  had  undergone  a 
change  of  momentous  character.  From  the 
East  of  Europe  there  had  come  news  hardly 
less  impressive  than  the  announcement  which 
reached  Vienna  that  Napoleon  had  landed 
from  Elba.  With  no  preliminary  Treaty  of 
Peace  made,  Paris  learned  in  the  later  days 
of  March  that  Bolshevism  had  established 
itself  at  Budapest  and  the  Hungarian  Soviet 
had  extended  its  hand  to  Moscow. 

Nor  is  this  all.  Of  a  sudden  at  the  mo- 
ment it  became  known  in  Paris  that  Hungary 
had  been  claimed  by  the  Bolshevists,  it  was 
also  learned  that  Poland  was  undermined  to 
the  point  of  collapse,  that  Rumania  was  in 
the  gravest  peril,  and  that  the  last  vestiges 
of  Ukrainian  resistance  to  Bolshevism  were 
crumbling  as  the  Soviet  forces  arrived  at 
Odessa.  In  a  word.  Eastern  Europe  was  at 
the  mercy  of  the  new  enemy. 

Coincident  with  this  news  came  the  mount- 
ing conviction  that  Germany  would  refuse 
to  sign  the  Treaty  of  Peace  which  the  Allies 
were  vainly  seeking  to  formulate.  It  became 
appreciated  that  German  strategy  would  be 
the  strategy  of  Trotsky  and  Lenine  at  Brest- 
Litovsk,  to  refuse  assent  and  to  make  no  ac- 
tive resistance,  to  permit  the  armies  of  the 
Western  Powers  to  cross  the  Rhine  and  ad- 
vance whither  they  would,  relying  alike  upon 
the  influence  of  Bolshevist  propaganda  upon 
the  armies  and  upon  domestic  unrest  in  the 
Allied  countries  to  produce  a  situation  which 
in  the  end  would  permit  the  resurgence  of 
Germany. 

While  Paris  was  thus  attempting  to 
liquidate  a  victory  it  perceived  that  a  new 
war  was  opening  and  the  very  bases  of  just 
settlement  of  the  previous  conflict  being  de- 
stroyed. It  saw  Bolshevism  in  a  few  brief 
months  passing  the  Carpathian  bulwark 
against  which  three  Russian  invasions  had 
beaten  in  vain,  and  it  beheld  Germany  arriv- 
ing at  a  situation  which  offered  at  least  as 
brilliant  promise  of  ultimate  renaissance  as 
that  which  faced  Prussia  after  Jena  had 
been  liquidated  at  Tilsit. 

On  the  day  when  Paris  learned  that  the 
Bolshevists  had  taken  Budapest  the  Commit- 
tee of  Ten,  which  is  the  master  of  events 
here,  debated  the  ultimate  disposition  of  the 
German  cables.  On  the  day  when  the  news 
arrived  that  Odessa  was  falling  the  same 
Council  of  Ten  agreed  to  send  a  mission 
to  Syria  to  investigate  the  will  of  the  people 


as  to  their  future  state.  In  the  hour  when 
the  Council  of  Ten  solemnly  resolved  to  ac- 
cord to  the  Protestants  of  the  Masurian  Lake 
district  the  right  of  self  determination  Paris 
and  London  were  apprised  of  a  revolt  in 
Egypt  growing  out  of  the  Egyptian  demand 
for  self-determination  in  accordance  with  the 
principles  of  the  League  of  Nations.  In  the 
hour  when  the  Italians  served  an  imperative 
order  upon  the  Council  of  Ten  asserting  their 
purpose  to  hold  the  port  of  Fiume,  the  sole 
avenue  of  the  Jugo-Slavs  to  the  open  sea 
furnished  with  adequate  railroad  communi- 
cations, the  Allies  adopted  in  principle  the 
allocation  of  the  city  of  Danzig  to  the  Poles 
as  an  essential  to  the  existence  of  an  eco- 
nomic, independent  Poland. 

Perhaps  these  not  unimportant  circum- 
stances are  an  adequate  picture  of  the  fashion 
in  which  the  Paris  Conference,  with  an  in- 
dustry which  passes  power  of  language  to 
describe  and  a  concentration  beyond  the 
limits  of  belief,  addressed  itself  for  the 
fourth  month  to  the  solution  of  the  moral, 
ethnographic  and  economic  problems  of  two 
thousand  years,  while  Bolshevism  advanced 
from  Moscow  to  Budapest. 

It  may  be  that  the  arrival  of  Bolshevism 
at  Budapest  will  bring  decision  in  Paris.  In 
the  judgment  of  many  of  the  best-informed 
observers  such  a  decision,  however  promptly 
arrived  at  now,  may  come  too  late.  In 
their  opinion,  whether  we  decide  upon  the 
articles  of  the  Treaty  of  Peace  now  or  not, 
we  shall  be  at  war  again  before  they  are 
signed.  The  Paris  Temps  said  in  so  many 
words,  **The  war  commences  again."  This 
war  is  not  of  course  immediately  a  new  war 
with  Germany,  but  it  is  a  new  war  and  out 
of  it  no  nation  but  Germany  can  draw  profit. 
There  was  an  hour  when  we  could  have  sus- 
tained the  Ukrainians,  the  Rumanians,  the 
Poles  and  the  Czechoslovaks,  when  we  could 
have  transferred  war  material  and  a  certain 
number  of  troops  to  their  areas  and  erected 
a  barrier — a  living  barrier  of  more  than  fifty 
millions  of  people — between  the  Baltic  and 
the  Black  Sea  against  Bolshevism,  which  was 
still  restricted  to  ancient  Muscovy.  Bol- 
shevism in  its  essence  is  communistic,  inter- 
national, class  war.  We  had  four  months 
ago  in  the  Ukraine  an  economic  system  of 
small  holdings  which  supplied  the  reason  for 
Ukrainian  resistance  to  Bolshevist  Com- 
munism. We  had  in  Rumania  and  in  Po- 
land as  well  as  in  Czcchoslox  akia  an  ex- 
plosion of  nationalism  incident  to  the  realiza- 
tion of  age-long  patriotic  aspirations. 


486 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


We  left  Poland,  Rumania,  Ukrainia  un- 
supported. We  drew  armistice  lines  which 
turned  thousands  of  Rumanians  temporarily 
o\'er  to  the  mercy  of  Hungary,  who  used 
their  day  of  grace  for  murder.  We  per- 
mitted the  Poles  and  the  Ukrainians  to  con- 
sume against  each  other  the  munitions  needed 
to  resist  the  Bolshevists.  Now  Bolshevism 
has  established  a  corridor  between  the  Poles 
and  the  Rumanians  and  approaches  Vienna. 

The  arrival  of  the  news  that  the  Bol- 
shevists are  at  Budapest  brought  to  Paris 
something  approximating  panic  but  it  did  not 
bring  any  perceptible  evidence  of  a  policy. 
The  onrush  of  the  Bolshevists  broke  the  East- 
ern front  in  March,  1919,  exactly  as  the 
''Kaiser  Battle"  of  Ludendorff  broke  our 
western  front  in  March,  1918.  Then  we 
had  resort  to  unity  of  command  and  under 
a  common  commander  presently  had  our  own 
July  counter-offensive.  I  do  not  think  any- 
one can  fail  now  to  recognize  the  fact  that 
Bolshevism  will  advance  until  it  arrives  at 
that  place  where  Western  civilization  at  last 
chooses  to  fight  it,  whether  it  be  at  the 
Danube,  the  Rhine  or  the  Channel.  I  do 
not  pretend  to  know  whether  Germany  will 
go  Bolshevist,  as  some  say,  or  whether  it  will 
await    the    hour    when    Bolshevism    has    so 


broken  the  victorious  Western  Powers  that 
it  may  rise  again  as  Germany,  as  Prussia, 
Austria  and  the  smaller  states  of  Europe  rose 
against  Napoleon  after  Moscow.  If  Ger- 
many goes  Bolshevist  we  shall  have  nothing 
left  to  us  in  Europe  west  of  the  Rhine  and 
the  Alps.  If  Germany  awaits  her  hour  we 
shall  have  still  to  fight  Bolshevism  and  at 
the  same  time  to  impose  our  will  by  arms 
upon  Germany. 

Such  was  the  situation  in  the  closing  days 
of  March.  I  do  not  suppose  that  any  group 
of  men  in  all  human  history  tried  more  faith- 
fully, more  earnestly  to  restore  the  world 
than  did  the  men  who  made  up  the  Paris 
Conference,  but  the  single  fact  which  emerges 
is  that  the  war  was  so  long,  the  destruction 
of  institutions  as  well  as  of  life  and  property 
was  so  wide  ranging,  that  only  decision  and 
prompt  decision  would  have  avoided  what 
had  become  one  of  the  greatest  crises  in  his- 
tory. For  I  do  not  think  anyone  in  Paris 
or  out  of  it  failed  to  recognize  that  the  crisis 
of  March,  1919,  was  quite  as  terrifying  as 
that  crisis  which  was  ushered  in  a  year  earlier 
by  the  falling  of  the  shells  of  the  Big  Bertha 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  place  where  the  Con- 
ference of  Peace  now  performed  its  daily 
labors. 


BY  CABLE  (APRIL  14) 


IV.    Agreements   Reached   Re- 
garding Germany 

A  month  ago  I  told  my  readers  that  there 
was  at  least  a  fair  possibility  that  the  treaty 
of  peace  would  be  written  and  ready  for  sub- 
mission to  the  Germans  before  my  article 
was  in  their  hands.  There  is  that  same  possi- 
bility now — but  I  do  not  think  there  has 
been  any  great  increase  in  likelihood  of 
prompt  settlement  in  the  month  that  has 
passed.  We  have  had  on  the  contrary  a 
series  of  tides  which  have  ebbed  and  flowed, 
leaving  us  alternately  stranded  and  at  the 
mercy  of  the  current.  At  the  present  moment, 
on  April  14,  we  are  actually  confronted  by 
a  very  real  reaction  in  Europe  induced  by 
the  delays  and  failures  of  the  Peace  Con- 
ference in  reaching  its  decision,  and  by  the 
rise  and  advance  of  Bolshevism  in  the  East. 

As  it  stands  at  the  moment,  the  Paris  Con- 
ference has  practically  agreed  upon  guaran- 
tees to  be  taken  against  Germany  to  reserve 
the  Rhine  as  a  military  frontier.  It  has 
agreed  that  Germany  shall  pay  the  costs  of 


the  war  and  has  fixed  thirty  (30)  billions 
of  dollars  as  an  approximation  of  the  sum  of 
money  that  she  will  have  to  pay,  specifying 
five  (5)  billions  as  the  immediate  payment 
within  the  next  two  years.  The  Conference 
also  is  approaching  a  solution  of  the  Saar 
Valley  coal  question,  which  will  leave  this 
district  in  French  hands,  although  the  terms 
of  French  possession  may  be  somewhat 
camouflaged. 

As  far  as  Germany  is  concerned,  one  great 
outstanding  problem  is  whether  Poland  shall 
have  Danzig  and  its  corridor  to  the  Baltic 
sea,  or  will  be  compelled  to  depend  upon  a 
German  outlet  for  the  future.  The  Polish 
Premier,  Paderewski,  is  here  in  Paris  at  this 
moment,  making  his  final  appeal  for  Poland, 
with  frank  realization  abroad  that,  if  Danzig 
does  not  go  to  Poland,  Poland  may  go  to 
Bolshevism.  Once  the  Polish  question  is 
settled,  the  Germans  can  be  invited  to  Ver- 
sailles and  directed  to  sign  the  treaty. 

But  will  they  sign  it  ?  This  is  one  of  the 
greatest  pre-occupations  of  the  present  hour. 
The    majority    of    conservative   men    are    of 


EUROPE'S  CONVULSIONS  AND  THE  PARIS  CONFERENCE        487 


opinion  that,  particularly  if  Danzig  goes  to 
Poland,  the  Germans  will  not  sign,  but  will 
adopt  the  Brest-Litovsk  course  of  Trotsky 
and  Lenine,  and  at  the  same  time  refuse  to 
sign  and  concede  their  inability  to  resist 
Allied  military  pressure.  There  are  those 
who  believe  that,  even  if  Danzig  does  not 
go  to  Poland,  the  Germans  will  not  sign  a 
document  as  drastic  as  will  in  any  event  be 
framed. 

Apart  from  purely  German  questions,  all 
of  which  seem  on  the  point  of  settlement 
(but  any  one  of  which,  according  to  prec- 
edents, may  be  reopened,  with  delaying  con- 
sequences), the  problem  of  Fiume  is  the  most 
serious  at  this  moment.  Italian  claims  upon 
this  sole  outlet  of  the  northern  half  of  the 
new  Jugo-Slav  state  have  been  pressed  with 
ever-increasing  energy.  Twice  in  the  last 
few  weeks,  the  Italians  have  threatened  to 
quit  the  Peace  Conference  if  they  were  not 
promised  this  port.  A  compromise,  creating 
an  international  port  at  Fiume,  has  gained 
much  ground,  as  had  a  similar  solution  for 
the  Danzig  difficulty.  Both  compromises 
have  their  essential  weakness,  and  President 
Wilson,  up  to  the  present  moment,  has  set 
his  face  firmly  against  Italian  possession  of 
Fiume — a  course  which  is  supported  by  all 
right-thinking  Americans. 

Behind  the  Fiume  question  there  lie  a 
dozen  different  problems,  all  of  which  must 
require  some  time  to  settle.  Difficulties  be- 
tween Jugo-Slavs  and  Rumanians,  between 
Rumanians  and  Hungarians,  between  Poles 
and  Czechoslovaks,  and  the  whole  tremen- 
dous problem  of  Russian  frontiers,  await 
decision.  Practically  no  progress  has  been 
made  in  the  matter  of  settling  the  Turkish 
Empire  problems;  and  the  nationalistic  up- 
rising in  Egypt  has  given  a  wholly  different 
complexion  to  the  Pan-Arabic  movement  in 
Syria,  Mesopotamia  and  Arabia. 

In  sum,  then,  while  a  certain  promise  of 
decision  has  been  reached,  both  as  to  the 
eastern  and  the  western  frontiers  of  Ger- 
many, and  the  financial  reparations  to  be 
demanded,  all  Eastern  Europe  and  Western 
Asia  await  the  action  of  the  Paris  Confer- 
ence, or  rather  are  marching  from  one  form 
of  anarchy  to  another  while  Paris  prolongs 
discussion. 

It  remains  now  to  discuss  the  amazing 
reaction  which  has  been  the  outstanding  fea- 
ture of  the  last  ten  days.  This  reaction  had 
its  origin  in  two  spontaneous  outbursts,  and 
in  French  sentiment  against  the  direction 
which   the    Paris   Conference   seemed    to   be 


taking  under  the  joint  leadership  of  Lloyd 
George  and  President  Wilson.  Last  Decem- 
ber, Great  Britain  had  its  khaki  election, 
which  gave  the  conservatives  a  great  ma- 
jority, and  gave  Mr.  Lloyd  George  complete 
control,  on  his  pledge  that  a  strong  peace 
should  be  made  with  Germany,  and  that  this 
should  include  putting  the  costs  of  the  war 
upon  the  enemy.  At  all  times  and  in  all 
circumstances,  the  French  have  been  united 
in  their  demand  that  Germany  should  pay 
the  costs  of  war,  and  that  France  should 
have  guarantees  for  the  future  of  a  substan- 
tial military  sort  against  a  new  German 
attack. 

V.  Politics  and  Bolshevism 

Discussions  in  the  Paris  Conference  after 
the  President's  return  caused  long  delays, 
and  involved  disputes  over  guarantees  for 
France  both  on  the  Rhine  and  along  the 
Saar.  It  was  the  apparent  desire  both  of 
the  British  Premier  and  President  Wilson, 
in  the  face  of  Bolshevik  uprisings  in  Europe, 
to  modify  the  terms  against  Germany,  and 
to  negotiate  with  the  Bolsheviks.  This  pre- 
cipitated a  storm  in  England,  which  amount- 
ed to  a  demonstration  that  Mr.  Lloyd 
George  must  change  his  policy  or  lose  his 
directing  power. 

In  France,  the  outbreak  was  more  gradual, 
but  no  less  pronounced.  The  French  felt 
themselves  to  have  been  abandoned  by  their 
British  Allies,  and  suspected  that  peace  terms 
that  were  being  formulated  would  leave  them 
bankrupt  financially,  as  a  result  of  German 
devastations  and  of  expenses  for  their  own 
defense,  and  would  also  leave  them  helpless 
in  the  face  of  a  resuscitated  Germany,  with- 
in a  few  years.  There  was  very  clear  opinion 
in  France,  expressed  in  many  directions,  that 
international  finance  had  taken  advantage 
of  Mr.  Wilson's  well-known  idealism,  to 
prepare  the  way  for  saving  Germany  from 
the  consequence  of  her  crimes,  and  thus 
smoothing  a  path  for  the  prompt  realization 
of  German  industry. 

The  storm  which  broke  took  the  shape  of 
a  violent  newspaper  campaign  against  Mr. 
Lloyd  George  in  the  British  press,  and  of 
outspoken  declarations  in  both  Houses  of 
Parliament  against  all  the  policies  that  the 
British  Prime  Minister  was  believed  to  have 
been  advocating  in  the  Paris  CMnferencc. 
Mr.  Lloyd  George  found  himself  suddenly 
confronted  with  a  choice  between  continuing 
in  his  close  support  of  President  Wilson  at 


488 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


the  cost  of  political  disaster  at  home,  and 
completely  changing  front  and  supporting 
France's  policy  and  French  claims. 

The  British  Prime  Minister  chose  the 
latter  course,  with  the  result  that  President 
Wilson,  without  warning,  discovered  him- 
self more  or  less  isolated  and  in  the  presence 
of  a  new  association  between  France  and 
England,  based  alike  upon  the  principles  of 
a  "Strong  Peace"  against  Germany,  and  of 
vigorous  action  against  Bolshevism.  This 
change  of  British  purpose  was  followed 
promptly  by  polite  but  unmistakable  intima- 
tions that  British  support  of  those  amend- 
ments to  the  Covenant  of  the  League  of  Na- 
tions which  were  asked  by  President  Wilson 
as  the  result  of  American  criticism — particu- 
larly modifications  with  respect  to  the  Mon- 
roe Doctrine — could  not  find  immediate 
favor.  This  meant  that  if  the  British  pur- 
sued their  course  the  League  of  Nations 
covenant  would  inevitably  be  rejected  by  the 
United  States  Senate.  This  was  the  point 
at  which  Mr.  Wilson  directed  his  official 
spokesman  in  Paris  to  announce  that  he  had 
sent  for  the  George  Washington,  and  the 
American  correspondents  here  were  officially 
invited  to  speculate  upon  the  meaning  of 
this  gesture,  which  recalled  the  course  of 
Disraeli  at  the  Congress  of  Berlin. 

On  that  occasion,  in  1878,  the  British 
Prime  Minister,  faced  with  opposition, 
ordered  a  special  train  to  take  the  English 
delegation  home. 

Following  this  gesture,  there  was  a  period 
of  intense  excitement,  a  great  deal  of  bad 
feeling,  and  an  unmistakable  change  in  the 
tone  and  temper  of  the  whole  Conference. 
This  new  temper  still  remains.  Solidarity 
between  the  French  and  English  was  not 
shaken  by  President  Wilson's  course,  but  on 
the  contrary,  in  the  debates  that  followed, 
the  British  support  of  France  more  and  more 
increased. 

On  the  other  hand,  It  was  true  that  both 
sides — contemplating  the  possibility  of  a 
collapse  of  the  Paris  Conference  after  five 
months — presently  resumed  their  conversa- 
tions. If  this  was  not  done  In  the  old  spirit, 
at  least  It  was  with  some  appreciation  of  the 
common  necessity  of  making  peace,  and  the 
particular  political  necessities  of  statesmen 
engaged  In  the  task.  We  had,  there- 
fore, after  a  tense  moment,  the  gradual  re- 
sumption of  activity,  and  a  certain  amount 
of  progress,  which  I  have  indicated 
already. 

The  single  substantial   circumstance   that 


It  is  necessary  to  emphasize  now  is  the  fact 
that  there  has  been  a  total  change  of  view 
among  the  peoples  of  Allied  countries  with 
respect  to  the  Peace  Conference.  Hopes  of 
real  settlement,  and  of  the  laying  of  the 
foundations  of  world  peace  in  future  through 
the  League  of  Nations,  have  largely  disap- 
peared. In  the  discussions  of  the  last  three 
weeks,  the  League  of  Nations  covenant  Itself 
has  almost  passed  out  of  sight. 

This  is  due  to  two  circumstances.  First 
it  is  due  to  the  feeling  in  Great  Britain  and 
in  France  that  President  Wilson  and  Mr. 
Lloyd  George — that  is,  the  American  and 
British  representatives  who  gave  to  the 
League  of  Nations  Its  Inception,  its  form, 
and,  Its  real  strength  in  Paris — had  sac- 
rificed to  this  project  the  Interests  which  to 
the  British  and  the  French  people  seemed 
of  primary  importance,  namely  security 
against  a  new  German  attack  and  repara- 
tion in  fullest  measure.  And  second,  It  was 
due  to  the  feeling  that  with  the  storm  of 
Bolshevism  arising  in  the  East  and  sweeping 
westward  irresistibly,  counting  Budapest  and 
Odessa  among  Its  recent  conquests,  the 
League  of  Nations  which  was  not  able  and 
ready  to  deal  with  this  peril  by  force  when 
necessary,  was,  after  all,  little  more  than  an 
academic  Ideal. 

Thus,  in  unmistakable  fashion,  a  reaction 
had  set  In.  The  dreams  and  hopes  of  four 
months  ago,  had  come  to  seem  like  Illusions 
and  disappointments  to  millions  of  people. 
This  emotion  endures,  and  It  must  be  recog- 
nized in  America  if  one  is  to  understand 
future  developments  in  Paris.  British  anxiety 
to  please  America,  to  extend  good  feeling  be- 
tween the  two  nations,  and  to  expand  the 
association  of  the  two  English-speaking  coun- 
tries, in  some  considerable  measure  endures ; 
but  there  is  no  longer  any  readiness  or  will- 
ingness to  subordinate  to  this  the  practical, 
Continental  understanding  with  France,  or 
to  sacrifice  to  It  the  claims  against  Germany, 
growing  out  of  the  last  war. 

When  I  came  to  Europe,  four  months 
ago,  the  note  of  idealism  was  everywhere. 
To-day,  pessimism  and  realism  are  every- 
where to  be  felt.  Hope  in  the  League  of 
Nations  has  declined,  as  the  Paris  Confer- 
ence which  was  in  Itself  accepted  as  a  pre- 
liminary League  of  Nations,  has  more  and 
more  broken  down  In  the  face  of  the  real 
problems  of  European  peace. 

It  may  be  that  with  the  completion  of  the 
task,  new  confidence  will  return;  but  for 
the  moment  it  has  vanished. 


THREE  ESSENTIALS  OF 
AERONAUTICS 

BY  REAR-ADMIRAL  ROBERT  E.  PEARY,  U.  S.  N.,  RETIRED 

(Chairman,  National  Aerial  Coast  Patrol  Commission;  President,  Aerial  League  of 
America;  Member  of  the  Board  of  Governors,  Aero  Club  of  America) 


AMONG  the  Titanic  proposals  now  be- 
fore the  United  States,  there  is  a  group 
of  three  new  figures,  such  as  have  never  be- 
fore presented  themselves. 

These  three  figures  are  brothers.  Their 
family  name  is  Aeronautics.  Their  indi- 
vidual names  are:  The  United  States,  the 
First  Air  Power  in  the  World;  a  Separate 
Department  of  Aeronautics;  an  Aerial 
Coast  Patrol. 

These  figures  are  neither  academic  nor 
theoretical.  They  are  as  living  as  breath  and 
blood.  On  them  in  the  future  will  hinge 
the  security  of  our  national  existence. 

To  those  who  have  followed,  with  keen- 
est interest,  the  astonishing  progress  of  aero- 
nautics and  aviation  during  the  past  few 
years,  certain  things  of  the  near  future,  the 
enumeration  of  which  may  startle  the  lay- 
man, are  as  definite  as  if  already  material- 
ized. 

The  next  war  (with  apologies  to  the 
League  of  Nations)  will  be  fought  and  won 
in  the  air. 

The  military  air  equipment  of  a  country 
will  overshadow  in  importance  its  army 
and  navy  combined. 

The  air  equipment  of  a  country,  mili- 
tary and  commercial,  will  be  its  greatest 
individual  asset. 

In  order  to  put  the  layman  in  touch,  or 
somewhat  in  touch,  with  the  immensity  of 
this  matter  of  aeronautics,  it  seems  desirable 
to  note  some  primary  things. 

The  atmosphere  is  the  greatest  thing  on 
earth.  It  is  a  great  ocean,  sweeping  un- 
broken around  the  entire  globe.  Aero- 
nautics and  Aviation  mean  the  conquest 
and  utilization  of  this  great  ocean,  for 
travel  and  transportation  of  all  kinds. 

Certain   peculiarities  of  the  utilization  of 


this  great  unbroken  ocean  are  of  the  utmost 
import.     Some  of  these  are  as  follows: 

With  its  utilization,  every  city,  toiun, 
village,  in  fact  every  bit  of  land  or  water 
anywhere  on  the  face  of  the  globe  becomes 
a  port  of  possible  departure  into  it,  a  point 
of  possible  arrival  from  it. 

In  this  new  ocean,  the  route  between  any 
two  points  is  a  straight  line  between  these 
two  points.  In  this  new  ocean  are  no  shore 
lines  or  mountain  ranges,  and  no  roads  have 
to  be  built,  adverse  air  currents  being  the 
only  obstacles.  The  number  of  roads  is  in- 
finite and  they  are  already  laid. 

Stop  a  moment  a  grasp  the  meaning  of 
these  statements,  which  are  neither  dreams 
nor  fantastic  imaginings,  but  simple  recitals 
of  fact. 

Then  it  may  not  be  difficult  to  see,  with 
those  who  are  looking  into  the  future,  watch- 
ing the  startling  progress  of  Aeronautics — 
the  air  filled  with  thousands  of  airplanes  en- 
gaged in  the  transportation  of  passengers  and 
material,  and  busy  with  numerous  other 
occupations  such  as  are  now  carried  on  by 
vehicles  of  transportation  upon  the  land  and 
sea. 

For  several  years  the  writer  has  urged 
in  every  possible  way,  in  season  and  out  of 
season,  the  three  great  things  noted  at  the 
beginning  of  this  article. 

It  has  seemed  that  not  only  the  necessity 
for  keeping  pace  with  other  nations,  but  also 
our  national  pride  as  well,  should  inspire  us 
with  the  determination  to  be  the  first  air 
power  in  the  ivorld.  Our  resources,  our 
means,  our  well-known  mechanical  and  engi- 
neering skill  and  ability,  render  it  perhaps 
easier  for  us  than  any  other  nation  to  attain 
and  hold  this  appropriate  position. 

The  extent  of  our  national  domain  and  the 
fact  that  we  have  an  imperial  coast  line  on 
two  great   oceans,   demand    a   large    military 

439 


490 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


air  equipment;  and  the  wide  expanses  of  our 
great  country  permit  the  utilization  to  the 
fullest  degree  of  all  the  commercial  possi- 
bilities of  aerial  navigation. 

To  achieve  this  position,  undivided  and 
concentrated  authority  and  responsibility  are 
absolutely  essential.  To  those  who  are  in- 
formed in  this  field,  this  statement  seems  to 
be  so  axiomatic  as  to  be  impossible  of  argu- 
ment. 

It  means  a  Separate,  Independent  De- 
partment of  Aeronautics,  with  one  of  the 
ablest  organizers  and  executives  in  the 
country  at  its  head,  to  have  complete  and 
undivided  control  of  ALL  the  natio7is 
aeronautic  activities. 

The  desired  great  results  have  not  been, 
will  not  be,  and  cannot  be,  obtained  under 
the  present  divided  control  in  which  several 
departments  have  separate  and  varying  or- 
ganizations, methods  and  programs. 

This  statement  would  also  seem  axiomatic, 
but  as  is  well  known,  truth  never  lacks  for 
opponents.  Opposition  to  an  independent 
department  of  aeronautics  has  come: 

First — From  those  departments  which, 
having  an  aeronautic  division,  are  loath  to 
give  it  up. 

Secofid — From  those  who  honestly  have 
not  been  able  to  grasp  the  great  ijnportance 
and  enormous  possibilities  of  aeronautics ; 
and 


Third — Fro?n  obscure  and  powerful  in- 
fluences which  have  been  difficult  to 
locate. 

Possibly,  however,  the  greatest  obstacle  to 
the  establishment  of  such  a  department  has 
been  the  inertia  arising  from  the  general  pub- 
lic's lack  of  knowledge  in  regard  to  this  new 
and  astoundingly  rapid  growing  thing. 

That  obstacle  is  being  removed  with 
gratifying  speed  through  the  education  of 
the  public,  and  with  its  disappearance,  the 
creation  of  centralized  control — a  depart- 
ment of  aeronautics — is  inevitable.  Bills  for 
this  purpose  will  be  introduced  in  the  next 
Congress,  as  they  have  been  in  previous  ones, 
and  while  their  passage  may  be  delayed  by 
hostile  influences,  their  eventual  passage  is 
inevitable. 

Just  a  few  words  in  regard  to  the  Aerial 
Coast  Patrol  proposition: 

To  those  at  all  familiar  with  the  aerial 
coast  patrol  work  of  foreign  countries  dur- 
ing the  recent  war,  it  is  well  recognized 
that  this  country  must  guard  from  the  air 
not  only  its  own  iminediate  coast  lines, 
but  must  patrol  aerially  every  sea  approach 

to  the  continent  of  North  America. 

We  must  have  a  great  Aerial  Coast  Patrol 
System,  extending  on  the  Atlantic  from  Cape 
•Farewell  to  the  Panama  Canal,  and  from 
the  Canal  to  the  Aleutian  Archipelago  on 
the  Pacific. 


AERIAL  COAST  PATROL 

(Too  little  is  known  of  the  splendid  work  done  by  our  naval  aviators  on 
our  own  coast.  They  are  equipped  with  the  wireless  telephone  and  thus  can 
communicate  with  headquarters  while  in  the  air.  Our  photographs  show  the 
working  of  the  telephone) 


©  Underwood  &  Underwood 

THE  GIANT  BRITISH  DIRIGIBLE  "R-SS,"  STARTING  ON  HER  MAIDEN  VOYAGE 

(With  her  sister  ship,  the  R-S.^,  this  vessel  represents  Britain's  improvement  on  the  Zeppelin  rigid  type  of  airship. 
She  is  670  feet  long  and  80  feet  in  diameter,  but  weighs  less  than  30  tons.  Nineteen  hydrogen-filled  balloonettes  in- 
side the  aluminum  framework  sustain  the  vessel.  Motive  power  is  furnished  by  five  2S0-horsepower  engines,  carried 
in  four  gondolas.  On  one  trial  voyage  this  British  dirigible  returned  to  her  hangar  after  a  flight  lasting  nineteen 
hours.  It  is  expected  that  she  can  cross  the  Atlantic,  with  favorable  winds,  in  less  than  two  days — then  turn  around 
without  landing  on  the  American   side  and  make  the   return  voyage  home) 


TRAVEL  BY  AIR  ROUTES 
OVER  LAND  AND  SEA 

The  Transatlantic  Race — Transition  from  War  to  Peace  Condi- 
tions— Commercial  Aeronautics — Progress  of  the  Dirigible 

BY   FRANCIS   ARNOLD   COLLINS 


AT  least  a 
score  o  f 
aircraft,  of  va- 
ried design,  fly- 
ing the  flags  of 
six  nations,  are 
being  prepared 
for  transatlan- 
tic flight.  No 
contest  has 
probably  ever 
aroused  so  gen- 
eral an  interna- 
tional rivalry, 
or  faced  so  extreme  a  hazard.  The  oversea 
flight  is  the  severest,  as  it  is  the  most  pic- 
turesque, demonstration  of  flying  craft,  and 
of  the  skill  and  daring  of  air  pilots.  The 
successful  Atlantic  crossing  by  aircraft,  so 
confidently  predicted,  will  close,  dramatical- 
ly, its  amazing  war  activities  and  inaugurate 
its  commercial  conquests. 

The  United  States  enters  the  contest  with 


A    NAVY    AIRPLANE    EN    ROUTE 

FROM     HAMPTON    ROADS    TO 

NEW    YORK 


a  formidable  fleet  of  aircraft.  Our  main 
dependence  is  probably  the  great  Navy  flying 
boats  of  the  N.  C.  1  type,  which  are  now 
being  tuned  up  for  the  race.  One  of  these 
airboats  with  a  wing  spread  of  125  feet  has 
actually  carried  51  passengers  in  flight, 
reaching  a  speed  of  upwards  of  100  miles  an 
hour.  By  utilizing  this  carrying  capacity  to 
stow  away  gasoline  the  boat,  with  a  crew  of 
four  men  and  their  provisions,  will  have  a 
cruising  radius  of  over  2000  miles.  At  least 
one  of  these  boats  has  been  equipped  with 
four  Liberty  Motors  developing  over  1200 
horsepower,  which  gives  it  four  chances  to 
one  over  a  single  motored  machine.  America 
and  England  will  cooperate  in  placing  swift 
torpedo-boat  destroyers  at  intervals  of  sixty 
miles  along  the  course,  which  will  be  in 
constant  communication  by  wireless  telegraph 
or  telephone  with  the  fl\ing  craft. 

An  army  pilot  may  attempt  the  flight  with 
one  of  the  huge  high-powered  Martin 
bombers.      The  craft   has   a  Ming  spread   of 

401 


492 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


THE  UNITED  STATES  NAVY'S  CANDIDATE  IN  THE  TRANSATLANTIC  AIR  RACE— THE  N.  C.  I  TfPE 

(These  Xavy-Curtiss  machines  have  a  wing  spread  of  125  feet,  and  are  equipped  with  three  and  four  Liberty  motors. 
The  three-motored  machine  can  travel  100  miles  an  hour,  and  can  carry  a  load  of  24,000  pounds.  Each  engine  re- 
quires 36  gallons  of  gasoline  per  hour.  Estimating  twenty  hours  for  the  longest  "leg"  of  the  transatlantic  journey, 
such  an  airplane  must  carry  gasoline  weighing  12,000  pounds) 


100  feet,  an  unusual  carrying  capacity,  and 
a  speed  higher  than  that  of  the  flying  boats. 
The  land  machine  carries  no  pontoons  of 
any  kind,  but  should  it  be  forced  down  in  the 
water  it  is  planned  to  send  up  a  small  balloon 
attached  to  the  forward  part  of  the  craft, 
which  will  serve  to  keep  it  afloat  indefinitely, 
as  well  as  signal  over  an  extended  radius 
for  assistance. 

It  is  rumored  in  the  trade  that  at  least 
two  aircraft  manufacturers  are  working  on 
special  machines  for  oversea  flights  •  whose 
secrets  are  being  carefully  guarded.  Amer- 
ica will  also  be  represented  in  the  contest  by 
at  least  two  airships.  The  largest  of  the 
Naval  dirigibles,  a  200-foot  blimp,  is  being 
made  ready,  and  a  well-known  balloon  manu- 
facturer has  constructed  a  giant  dirigible  650 
feet  in  length  designed  for  oversea  flying. 

British  Competitors 

Great  Britain  is  America's  most  formid- 
able rival  in  the  air  race.  In  the  early  spring 
the  Handley-Page  Company  leased  for  a 
year  a  square  mile  of  land  at  Harbor  Grace, 
Newfoundland,  and  began  its  preparations. 
A  hundred  men  are  employed  building  han- 
gars and   preparing  landing  fields  at  an  ex- 


pense of  $50,000.  The  first  British  machine 
designed  for  the  race,  a  one-motored  Sop- 
with,  reached  Canada  late  in  March  with  its 
two  pilots,  Harry  Hawker  and  Lieutenant- 
Commander  Mackenzie  Grieve. 

Another  aeroplane  entered  for  the  contest, 
a  Fairy  biplane  will  be  piloted  by  Sydney 
Pickele,  an  Australian  aviator  of  the  Royal 
Air  Force,  while  a  machine  built  for  the 
race  by  the  Martinsyde  Aeroplane  Co.,  will 
be  flown.  An  aeroplane  of  the  Shortt 
Brothers  will  be  flown  westward  from  the 
Irish  coast  to  Newfoundland.  The  Royal 
Air  Force  has  announced  that  it  will  not 
compete  for  the  prize,  but  will  make  the 
voyage  with  one  of  its  great  dirigibles  as  a 
training  for  its  men.  A  non-stop  flight  is 
planned  from  Scotland  to  Newfoundland 
where  a  passenger  will  be  set  down,  when 
the  dirigible  will  return  without  landing 
overseas.  A  second  flight  by  British  dirig- 
ible is  announced  over  the  southern  route 
from  Africa  to  Florida. 

French,  Italian,  Swedish,  and  German 

Interests 
The   French    flag   will    be   carried    in    the 
race  by  a  land  machine  of  the  Farman  Aero- 


Press  Illustrating  tiervico 

THE  AIRPLANE  CONSTRUCTED  BY  THE  SWEDISH  AVIATOR.  CAPTAIN  SUNSTEDT 

(The  machine  was  put  together  on  the  New  Jersey  coast.    The  upper  wing-span  is  100  feet.    Two  six-cylinder  Liberty 

motors  furnish  440  horsepower.    There  are  accommodations  for  four  passengers) 


TRAVEL   BY  AIR   ROUTES   OVER  LAND   AND   SEA 


493 


bus  type,  equipped  with  two 
motors,     developing     800 
horsepower.      Although     the 
French     aeroplane    may    be 
mounted  on  pontoons  to  sup- 
port it  on  the  water,  it  will 
not  be  able  to  rise  from  the 
surface.      A    great    Caproni 
machine,  designed  for  ocean 
flying,    is    building    in    Italy 
which    is    reported    to    have 
engines    with    a    horsepower 
of  5000,  with  cabins  housing 
100    passengers.     Italy    will 
not  attempt  an  early  flight, 
but  is  building  with  confidence  for  the  future 
of  transatlantic  air  travel.  An  American-built 
machine   with    two    engines,    christened    the 
Sunrise,  piloted  by  Captain  Sunstedt,  will  en- 
ter the  contest  under  the  Swedish  flag.  A  for- 
midable German   Siemens-Schuckert  biplane 
with  a  wing  span  of  165  feet  has  been  built 
for  the  contest,  and  is  reported  to  have  had 
a  preliminary  trial  at  Doberitz.     It  is  driven 
by   four  propellers  operated   by  six   engines 
developing  1800  horsepower.     A  great  Ger- 
man dirigible  may  also  enter  the  race.    With 
such    a   craft,    the    Germans    may    face    the 
winds  of  the  Atlantic  air  lanes  with  more 
confidence    than    they    face    their   American 
reception. 

Claims  of  the  Flying  Boat 
There  are  two  general  plans  for  flying  the 
Atlantic:  one  by  employing  the  flying  boat, 
the  other,  a  land  machine.  There  is  no  lack 
of  volunteers  willing  to  venture  out  in  light 
machines,  each  with  a  single  motor,  count- 
ing upon  the  greater  speed  of  such  a  craft. 
The  flying  boat,  on  the  other  hand,  with  its 


Underwood  &  Underwood 

A  GREAT  FRENCH  AIRPLANE  USED  IN  LONG  DISTANCE  FLIGHTS 


(The  French  route  for  transatlantic  flight  is  by  way  of  Africa,  Cape  Verde 
Islands,  St.  Paul  Islands,  to  the  coast  of  Brazil — see  map  on  the  following  page) 


(g)  Press  Illustrating  Service 

THE  NAVY  AIRPLANE  CAN  REST  UPON  OR  TRAVEL  UPON  THE  WATER 

multiple  engines,  is  much  heavier,  but  may 
be  kept  aloft  as  long  as  any  of  its  motors 
are  running,  and  if  forced  down,  can  rise 
from  the  sea.  Even  in  case  of  accident  to 
the  wings,  such  a  craft  can  make  good  prog- 
ress in  comparatively  rough  water  as  a  motor 
boat.  From  these  experiments,  perhaps  at 
the  price  of  several  machines  and  human 
lives,  the  form  of  the  successful  transatlan- 
tic flyer  will  be  evolved.  The  cash  prizes 
awaiting  the  successful  pilot,  comprise  the 
London  Mail's  prize  of  $50,000  and  other 
sums  totalling  $125,000. 

Departure  from  Newfoundland 
Since  the  race  is  to  be  flown  from  west  to 
east  America  enjoys  a  valuable  natural  handi- 
cap.    The  air  currents  over  this  course,  at 
the    2000-foot    altitude    chosen    for    flying, 
favor   the   eastward    flight.      The   tableland 
near   St.   John's,    Newfoundland,    being   the 
eastern  extremity  of  the  continent,  has  there- 
fore been  chosen  both  by  the  United  States 
and    England    as    the    point    of    departure. 
From  this  point,   measured   as  the  crow  or 
the  aeroplane  flies,  the  dis- 
tance to  the  nearest  part  of 
the     Irish     coast     is    1834 
miles.     The  actual  oversea 
flight  may  be  shortened  by 
using   Cape     Farewell, 
Greenland,    as    a   stepping- 
stone.      The    nearest    point 
of  the  Greenland  coast  lies 
870  miles  from  St.  John's, 
and    Scotland    is    then    but 
1470     miles     distant.      By 
calling   at   Iceland    the   dis- 
tance is  further  divided  into 
flights  of  870,  000,  and  700 
miles,   but   at   no  season  of 
the  year  are  these  northern 
flights    attractive    to    pilots. 


494 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


HAUFAX 
Nrw  YORK 


ATTCAV  "^""^    yi  ■ 


AZORES 


*  LISBON 


^-       SOUTH 
.    AMERICA 


320M 
CAPE  VERDE  /5  JlT  ' 


^ST  PAUL  15 


PERNAMBl/CO 


TRANSATLANTIC    AIRPLANE    ROUTES    AND    DISTANCES 

Southern  Routes 

The  comparative  nearness  of  the  Azores 
with  their  summer  seas  determines  the 
southern  air  route.  A  flight  overseas  from 
St.  John's  of  1200  miles  brings  the  aircraft 
•to  these  islands,  while  Lisbon  lies  but  900 
miles  further  eastward.  The  South  Atlan- 
tic is  more  easily  spanned,  however,  by  sail- 
ing from  Cape  Verde  at  the  western  ex- 
tremity of  Africa,  and  calling  at  the  Cape 
Verde  Islands  400  miles  off  the  coast,  when 
a  straightaway  flight  of  but  900  miles  brings 
the  pilot  to  St.  Paul's  Rocks,  a  group  of 
islands  off  the  coast  of  South  America.  A 
flight  of  400  miles  separates  the  islands  from 
Pernambuco.  With  the  ultimate  develop- 
ment of  aircraft  no-stop 
flights  will  doubtless  be  pos- 
sible, and  the  air  lanes  will 
disregard  these  stepping- 
stones. 


Naples  and  return,  a  distance  of  920  miles, 
has  been  made  without  alighting.  A  jour- 
ney has  been  made  by  air  from  Paris  to 
Cairo,  Egypt,  by  way  of  Constantinople. 
The  Alps  and  the  Pyrenees  have  been  re- 
peatedly crossed  by  aeroplanes,  as  have  the 
Mediterranean  and  Adriatic  Seas.  So  bulky 
a  piece  of  freight  as  a  piano  has  been  trans- 
ported by  aeroplane  from  London  to  Paris, 
demonstrating  the  aircraft  commercial  possi- 
bilities. Passenger  transportation  is  already 
a  reality. 

Daily   Passenger  Schedules 

An  aeroplane  has  flown  across  the  United 
States  in  fifty-two  hours.  An  Italian  ma- 
chine has  carried  aloft  seventy-eight,  and  an 
American  flying  boat  fifty-one  passengers. 
Daily  flights  are  made  between  London  and 
Paris,  when  a  score  of  passengers  seated  in 
upholstered  cabins,  decorated  with  gilded 
mirrors  and  lighted  with  electric  candles,  are 
carried  250  miles  on  a  two-and-a-half-hour 
schedule.  The  fare  is  one  shilling  a  mile ! 
In  Germany  a  daily  passenger  service  is 
maintained  between  Berlin  and  Munich — a 
distance  of  350  miles. 

A  flight  was  made  the  other  day  from 
Washington  to  New  York  in  eighty  minutes, 
reducing  the  time  of  the  best  express  train 
to  about  one-fourth.  The  average  speed 
throughout  the  flight  was  162  miles  an  hour, 
and  even  this  record  has  been  increased  five 
miles  an  hour  in  the  Middle  West.  At  this 
rate  Chicago  is  brought  to  within  five  hours 
of  New  York  and  San  Francisco  less  than 
twenty.  A  revolution  in  transportation,  com- 
parable to  that  which  came  with  the  rail- 
road after  the  stage  coach,  seems  assured 
for  the  near  future.  The  advantages  of  a 
passenger-carrying  craft  which  thus  overlaps 
all  natural  obstacles  at  such  a  pace,  assure 


Recent    Notable    Air    Feats 

The  enthusiasm  of  aviators 
for  the  future  seems  justified 
by  the  recent  achievements 
in  the  air.  An  aeroplane  has 
carried  five  passengers  from 
London  to  Constantinople, 
and  thence  to  Salonica,  cov- 
ering more  than  2000  miles. 
The    flight    from.    Turin    to 


THE  FARMAN  AEROBUS,  MAKING  REGULAR  TRIPS  BETWEEN  LONDON 

AND  PARIS.  CARRYING  PASSENGERS 
(The   machine   makes  the   250-mile  voyage  in   two   and   a   half   hours) 


TRAVEL   BY  AIR   ROUTES   OVER  LAND   AND   SEA 


495 


its  acceptance.  An  American  express  com- 
pany has  recently  offered  to  fill  all  active  air- 
craft with  express  matter,  leaving  the  rates 
to  be  adjusted.  The  change  from  a  war  to 
a  peace  basis  in  aeronautics,  is  a  question 
merely  of  readjustment. 

Aeroplanes  as  Mail-Carriers 

The  first  commercial  service  of  the  aero- 
plane to  be  arranged  to  schedule  was  natural- 
ly in  mail-carrying.  The  mails  are  so  con- 
centrated a  form  of  freight,  and  the  time 
element  is  so  vital  in  their  transmission,  that 
the  aeroplane  seems  especially  adapted  to  this 
service.  For  several  years  isolated  attempts 
were  made  to  establish  air  service,  but  the 
aeroplanes  were  not  yet  sufficiently  depend- 
able. The  New  York-Washington  service, 
which  has  now  been  in  uninterrupted  opera- 
tion for  ten  months,  has  gained  public  con- 
fidence. In  good  weather  and  bad,  summer 
and  winter,  the  mail  aeroplanes  weave  back 
and  forth  with  the  certainty  of  a  railroad 
schedule.  In  the  first  six  months  68,892 
miles  were  flown,  and  the  time  for  carrying 
the  mails  advanced  from  twelve  to  six  hours. 

The  flying  records  established  in  this  serv- 
ice are  unequalled  in  the  history  of  aviation. 
In  100  consecutive  flights  there  were  but 
seven  forced  landings,  and  only  twice  did 
the  machines  fail  because  of  weather  condi- 
tions. A  letter  posted  in  Washington  as  late 
as  10.50  is  delivered  in  New  York  by  four 
o'clock.  In  half  a  year  7452  pounds  of  mail 
was  carried  between  the  two  cities  at  a  cost 
of  $75,165  allowing  for  depreciation  and 
interest,  while  the  revenue  was  $60,653 — 
certainly  a  most  reassuring  record. 

The  next  extension  of  the  aeroplane  mail 


LUXURY    OK    MODI-RN    TKAVKI.    15V    AUil'LANK 

(This   is   a   iJide   window   in    the   fuselaRe.   or   body,   of   a 
modern   Handlcy-Page  machine) 


From  the  Manufacturers  Aircraft  Association 

THE   AIRPLANE    MAIL   OVER    NEW    YORK 

(Making  daily  flights  between  New  York  and  Washington 
via  Philadelphia) 

service  will  probably  be  from  New  York  to 
Chicago.  Letters  will  then  be  posted  at  six 
in  the  morning  in  either  city  and  delivered 
before  three  in  the  afternoon.  The  air  mail 
time  across  the  continent  over  the  Woodrow 
Wilson  Airway  will  probably  be  less  than 
forty  hours,  while  secondary  routes  w^ill  ex- 
tend to  large  cities  north  and  south.  Plans 
have  also  been  completed  for  a  line  from  Bos- 
ton to  Atlanta.  From  the  experience  of  the 
Washington-New  York  line  it  is  assured 
that  such  routes  will  make  no  greater  claim 
upon  Government  mail  subsidies  than  the 
average  land  routes. 

The  economy  of  time  is  especially  remark- 
able in  remote  regions,  notably  in  Alaska, 
and  in  connecting  the  mainland  with  islands 
off  the  coasts.  There  are  seven  mail  routes 
in  Alaska,  for  instance,  from  200  to  300 
miles  in  length,  where  as  much  as  1000 
pounds  of  mail  matter  is  carried  twice  week- 
ly by  dog  sleds.  In  some  cases  100  hours 
is  required  to  cover  a  mail  route,  over  wliich 
the  aeroplane  could  travel  in  almost  as  many 
minutes,  and  maintain  a  more  regular  serv- 
ice.    Manv  Alaskan  problems  will  doubtless 


496 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


A  PLANE  SUITABLE   FOR   PLEASURE   TRIPS,  HUNTING.  TRAVEL.  OR  A 
HUNDRED  USEFUL   OCCUPATIONS 


be  solved  by  the  commercial  aeroplane.  It 
is  proposed  to  establish  air  services  between 
New  Bedford  and  Nantucket,  Massachu- 
setts. The  distance,  52  miles  by  air  route, 
which  now  requires  from  five  to  six  hours, 
will  be  reduced  by  aero  post  to  about  forty* 
minutes.  In  Europe  more  than  thirty  regu- 
lar mail  aeroplane  routes  are  being  operated 
in  ten  different  countries. 

The  Sportsman  s  Interest 

Flying  craft  of  every  form  makes  an  espe- 
cial appeal  to  the  sportsman.  The  "speed 
mania"  which  has  been  so  important  a  factor 
in  training  horses  or  building  yachts  or  au- 
tomobiles will  have  its  influence  upon  the 
development  of  aircraft.  A  special  type  of 
aeroplane  will  be  developed  in  which  every 
superfluous  part  will  be  sacrificed  to  speed. 
An  international  air  race  across  the  United 
States  has  been  definitely  planned  and  prizes 
offered  to  be  continued  annually  as  a  great 
national  aerial  derby.  Such  contests  will 
keep  alive  the  element  of  no\elty  in  flying, 
and  stimulate  by  healthful  rivalry,  the  con- 
struction of  better  machines  as  well  as  the 
skill  of  pilot.  The  wealthy  sportsman  al- 
ready demands  an  aeroplane  of  special  design. 
The  recent  aero  show  at  New  York  ex- 
hibited a  number  of  craft  built  for  such 
patronage. 

The  pleasure  flight  has  become  a  popular 
attraction.  A  single  qpmpany  flying  its 
planes  at  Atlantic  City  and  at  Florida  resorts 
last  year  carried  in  all  400D  (passengers 
without  a  single  accident.  The  popularity 
of  those  flights  and  the  fearlessness  of  the 
passengers  promised  well  for  the  future.  A 
variety  of  aircraft  are  thus  employed.  The 
flying    boats,    for    instance,    carried    fishing 


parties  far  out  to  sea  while 
many  enjoyed  the  novel  sen- 
sation of  shooting  birds 
upon  the  wing  from  a  craft 
which  could  overtake  them 
in  their  flight. 

Wide  Range  of  Usefulness 

Almost  daily  new  and 
unexpected  uses  are  being 
discovered  for  flying  craft. 
The  New  York  police  force 
has  established  an  aviation 
squad  and  other  cities  will 
doubtless  soon  follow.  The 
Government  is  planning  to 
use  aeroplanes  in  connection 
with  the  life-saving  stations 
along  the  coasts.  It  has  been  shown  during 
the  war  how  invaluable  is  aircraft  for  scout- 
ing. An  aircraft  which  could  do  a  hundred 
miles  an  hour  or  better  would  bring  relief  to 
many  otherwise  hopeless  wrecks.  Aeroplanes 
are  employed  to  herd  sheep  or  cattle. 

The  forest  patrols  can  cover  immense 
areas  by  aeroplane  on  their  lookout  for 
forest  fires.  The  State  Constabulary  in  re- 
mote sections  where  long  beats  must  be 
patrolled  find  the  aeroplane  invaluable,  en- 
abling one  man  to  do  the  work  of  twenty. 
The  list  might  be  lengthened  indefinitely. 
The  perfection  of  the  wireless  telephone 
renders  all  such  patrol  work  vastly  more  ef- 
fective. The  air  pilot  thus  equipped  can 
talk  readily  over  a  range  of  250  miles.     The 


A    LIMOUSINE    BODY    FOR    SHELTERING    THE    AVIATOR 
AND   HIS  PASSENGERS 


TRAVEL   BY  AIR   ROUTES    OVER   LAND   AND   SEA 


497 


aerial  police,  for  instance,  who  observes  an 
illicit  still  below  him,  or  the  forest  scout 
who  sees  the  smoke  of  a  fire,  can  communi- 
cate with  his  headquarters  instantaneously. 

The   Airman    as   Alap-Maker 

The  observation  work  of  aircraft  during 
the  war  and  the  detailed  mapping  of  enemy 
positions  worked  a  revolution  in  warfare. 
Aero  photography  has  been  so  perfected  that 
a  camera  operated  automatically  beneath  an 
aeroplane  will  take  thousands  of  photo- 
graphs, completely  reproducing  a  section  of 
land  in  a  few  minutes'  flight.  These  photo- 
graphs are  assembled  in  a  "mosaic  map" 
which  reproduces  every  detail  of  the  country. 
The  aero  map  is  invaluable  in  peace  as  well 
as  war.  An  aeroplane  flying  a  hundred,  per- 
haps a  hundred  and  fifty  miles  an  hour,  does 
the  work  of  a  surveyor  and  his  chain  dragged 
laboriously  over  the  same  territory.  Is  it 
realized  that  only  one-seventh  of  the  earth's 
surface  has  been  scientifically  mapped?  There 
are  30,000,000  square  miles  of  little  known 
territory  and  8,000,000  square  miles  wholly 
unsurveyed. 

Progress  of  the  Dirigible 

In  watching  the  amazing  progress  of  the 

aeroplane   the   public   has   lost   sight   of   the 

development,  scarcely  less  significant,  of  the 

air    ship.      Even    before    the    war    passenger 


(C)  O.  V.  Bucl^  WashiiiKtiHi 

A    NON-RIGID    ARMY    nUUCilHI.F.    OVKR    THI-:    UOMK 
THE  CAPITOL  IN    WASHINGTON 
May — 4 


OF 


WASHINGTON    MONUMENT    FROM    ABOVE 

(Illustrating  also  the  use  of  aircraft  in  map-making  and 
commercial  photography) 

Zeppelins  flew  on  regular  schedule  each 
carrying  a  score  of  tourists.  Course  dinners 
were  served  aloft,  and  the  passengers  en- 
joyed the  luxuries  of  a  Pullman  car,  with 
the  absence,  of  course,  of  the  smoking  room. 
One  of  these  ships  made  224  trips  about 
Berlin  in  two  j^ears,  remaining  aloft  in  all 
for  upwards  of  10,000  hours,  carrying  2286 
passengers  and  covering  15,000  miles. 

During  the  later  stages  of  the '  war  the 
dirigible  was  largely  discredited  because  of 
the  greater  speed  and  cheapness  of  the  aero- 
plane, but  the  growth  of  the  balloon  within 
its  limitations  is  full  of  promise.  The  present 
speed  of  the  air  ship  of  77.6  miles  an  hour  is 
only  relatively  slower  than  the  aeroplane, 
while  its  flying  radius  has  increased  to  nearly 
10,000  miles.  It  is  capable  of  remaining 
aloft  for  eight  days,  and  of  rising  to  an  alti- 
tude of  23,000  feet,  or  more  than  four  miles. 
During  the  war  dirigibles  of  the  warring 
coimtries    flew    more    than    2,500,000    miles. 

Airships  are  being  built  in  England  to-day 
800  feet  in  length  and  the  1000-foot  ships 
seem  assured.  Such  craft  have  a  lifting 
force  of  upwards  of  100  tons,  and  of  this 
58  per  cent,  is  available  for  merchandise  or 
passengers.  ^Ehere  is  no  question  in  the 
minds  of  aviators  to-day  that  the  dirigible 
balloon  can  cross  the  Atlantic  '\n  fifty  hours 
with   little  danger  of  serious  accident.      Sev- 


498 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


■v*;-s>     ^-^^T^ 


*'     -**<**li.^;7v4-— -;-.^ti». 


'  1  \,s,ar#-    V***  f*  '^^^  -»- 


AN  AMERICAN  DIRIGIBLE  AIRSHIP  ON  OBSERVATION  DUTY  AT  ROCKAWAY  BEACH.  OUTSIDE  THE  ENTRANCE  TO 

NEW  YORK.  HARBOR 


eral  large  airships  are  now  building  for  a 
regular  transatlantic  service.  There  seems 
to  be  no  limit  to  the  size  and  speed  of  these 
craft.  The  largest  of  them  carry  cabins  400 
feet  in  length,  which  will  afford  all  the  com- 
forts of  modern  travel,  and  the  use  of  helium 
may  even  introduce  the  smoking  room. 

Air  Travel  Not  Relatively  Hazardous 
There  is  a  very  general  misapprehension 
as  to  the  dangers  of  air  travel.  The  fre- 
quent accidents  of  the  early  days  of  'flying 
and  the  hazards  of  the  war  are  still  fresh  in 
the  public  mind.  The  actual  figures,  w^hich 
come  as  a  surprise  to  the  layman,  are  very 
reassuring.  After  the  United  States  entered 
the  war  8600  flyers  were  trained  at  home. 
The  students  made  flights  totalling  880,000 
hours  spent  in  the  air,  covering  66,000,000 
miles.  The  official  reports  show  that  there 
was  but  one  death  through  accident  for  every 
3200  hours  spent  in  the  air  or  for  every  240,- 
000  miles  flown,  and  even  these  accidents 
were  among  beginners,  while  the  licensed 
pilot  enjoyed  an  even  greater  degree  of  safety. 
The  motorist  who  drives  one  hour  a  day  for 
3200  days,  or  nearly  ten  years,  covering  240,- 
000  miles,  probably  faces  as  great  a  danger. 

What  Is  DeTuandcd  iri  CoTmjiercial  Aircraft? 

Throughout  the  war  the  aeroplane  re- 
mained exclusively  a  fighting  machine,  its 
form  being  determined  by  stern  necessity. 
The  commercial  aeroplane,  suited  for  en- 
tirely different  conditions,  is  n';w  rapidly 
taking  shape,  both  here  and  abroad.  The 
recent  Government  specifications  for  mail- 
carrying  aeroplanes  are  significant,  indicating 
as  they  do  the  requirements  of  commercial 
craft.  The  new  peace  aeroplanes  are  designed 


to  carry  three  men  or  more,  while  their 
freight  capacity  ranges  from  1500  to  5000 
pounds.  -All  such  machines  must  be  bi- 
motored,  that  is,  equipped  with  at  least  two 
motors  to  assure  continuous  flight  in  case  of 
engine  troubles.  In  these  aircraft  the 
mechanician  must  have  access  to  the  engines, 
so  that  minor  repairs  may  be  made  in  the  air 
without  coming  to  earth.  The  landing  speed 
of  such  craft  is  about  thirty  miles  an  hour, 
which  assures  increased  safety.  The  speed 
of  all  such  craft  must  be  from  90  to  100 
miles  an  hour  with  a  possible  110  if  required. 
In  the  commercial  craft  again  the  comfort 
of  the  pilots  and  passengers  is  carefully  con- 
sidered, in  striking  contrast  to  the  discom- 
forts of   the  war  pilot.      The   seats   of   the 


THE   SAFETY  OF    MODERN   AIRPLANE  TRAVEL 

(A  few  years  ago  an  aviator's  passenger  was  forbidden 
to  move  or  even  to  talk.  Recently  both  American  and 
British  have  demonstrated  the  practicability  of  walking  all 
over  planes  while  in  flight,  and  an  American  lieutenant 
actually  transferred  himself,  by  means  of  a  rope,  from 
one  machine  to  another  thousands  of  feet  in  the  air.  The 
photograph   was  taken    from   another   machine) 


TRAVEL   BY  AIR   ROUTES    OVER   LAND   AND   SEA 


499 


pilots  and  passengers  are 
often  enclosed  with  sheets 
of  isinglass,  offering  the 
protection  of  a  limousine 
body.  Complete  suites  are 
now  available  electrically 
heated  to  assure  a  com- 
fortable temperature  for 
the  passenger  at  all  alti- 
tudes. The  aeroplane  of  to- 
morrow will  carry  wire- 
less -  telephone  equipment 
which  serves  to  keep  the  air 
traveler  in  instant  commu- 
nication with  the  earth. 

Aircraft  Production 

The  great  war  plants 
built  to  supply  fighting 
craft  were  convenient  to 
the  Atlantic  ports,  but  the  industry  in  future 
will  be  widely  distributed.  The  demands 
for  aircraft  in  the  East  will  probably  make 
permanent  the  great  plants  already  estab- 
lished. The  Pacific  Coast,  however,  because 
of  its  convenience  to  the  spruce  supply,  so 
vital  in  aircraft  manufacture,  will  doubtless 
develop  great  industrial  plants.  The  variety 
of  accessories  demanded  by  the  new  industry 
is  surprisingly  large  and  varied  and  their  de- 
velopment may  equal  those  which  have 
sprung  up  about  the  automobile. 

The    opening    of    the    world    war    found 
aviation    largely    in    its    experimental    stage. 


ALUMINUM    FRAMEWORK  OF  THK 
DIRIGIBLES 


From  the  "Aircraft  Year  Book" 

THE  FAMOUS  MARTIN  BOMBER 
(Capable  of  carrying  heavy  loads  and  making  long  flights) 


In  the  five  years  which  followed,  the  em- 
battled nations  spent  $10,000,000,000  on 
aeronautics.  No  expense  was  spared,  no 
price  of  human  life  or  labor  was  considered 
too  high  to  purchase  a  valuable  improvement. 
Under  this  amazing  stimulus,  unprecedented 
in  all  history,  the  development  of  a  single 
year  equalled  that  of  a  decade  under  peace 
conditions.  To  the  war,  therefore,  the 
world  may  be  said  to  owe  half  a  century's 
advance. 

To-day  the  situation  is  highly  ^complicated. 
The  war  production  outdistanced  the  natural 
demand  of  peace  times.  The  great  factories 
quickly  assembled  for  quantitative  produc- 
tion, and  the  armies  of  hundreds  of  thou- 
sands of  skilled  employees,  were  distinctly 
a  war  product.  With  time,  perhaps  a  very 
brief  interval,  the  natural  growth  of  aero- 
nautics throughout  the  w^orld  will  again 
demand  the  output  of  these  plants  and  their 
workers. 

In  the  United  States  an  intelligent  effort 
is  being  exerted  to  educate  the  public  by 
aeronautical  exhibitions  to  the  possibilities 
of    commercial    aeronautics.  The    recent 

national  aero  exhibition  in  New  York  was  a 
revelation  to  the  layman.  During  the  entire 
month  of  May  an  open  air  exhibition  v/ill 
he  held  at  Atlantic  City  where  a  variety  of 
contests  will  be  held.  Movements  are  afoot 
to  establish  municipal  landing  places  for 
cities  large  and  small,  and  to  inaugurate  pas- 
senger-carrying schedules,  at  first  perhaps 
under  some  form  of  private  subsidy.  Upon 
America's  readiness  to  welcome  the  new 
order  and  prepare  for  it  will  depend  largely 
our  future  in  the  air. 


NEW  RRITISII 


WIRELESS  TELEPHONING 

BY  FRANK  B.  JEWETT 

[Dr.  Jeivett  is  Chief  Engineer  of  the  Western  Electric  Company.  He  served  during  the  ivar 
as  a  Lieutenant-Colonel  in  the  Signal  Corps,  and  tvas  last  month  awarded  the  Distinguished  Service 
Medal  "for-  exceptionally  meritorious  and  conspicuous  service  in  connection  nvith  the  development 
of  the  Radio  Telephone  and  the  development  and  production  of  other  technical  apparatus  for  the 
Army." — The  Editor] 


THE  great  public  interest  recently 
aroused  by  the  various  announcements 
that  have  been  made  of  radio  telephone  ex- 
periments have,  in  addition  to  stimulating 
the  imagination,  raised  a  number  of  general 
questions  as  to  the  present  and  prospective 
state  of  the  art  in  this  field  and  the  place 
which  radio  telephony  is  likely  to  have  in  the 
future  communication  system  of  the  world. 
In  this  article  will  be  given  a  short  explana- 
tion of  the  method  of  operation  of  wireless, 
as  contrasted  with  the  familiar  wire  tele- 
phony, and  an  eflfort  will  be  made  to  predict 
what  bearing  its  development  may  have  upon 
the  approach  toward  the  engineer's  goal  of 
absolutely  universal  service. 

There  is  an  undoubted  fascination  in  the 
thought  that  some  time  any  person,  any- 
where, may  communicate  instantly  and  inti- 
mately by  speech  with  another,  whether  he 
is  in  the  air,  under  the  water,  or  in  the  desert, 
and  it  is  hard  to  imagine  any  single  factor  of 
more  importance  in  the  unification  of  men 
and  of  nations.  But  realizing  the  immense 
value  of  such  an  achievement  is  not  sufficient ; 
it  is  still  necessary  to  count  the  cost  and 
weigh  the  physical  possibilities  before  a  ra- 
tional basis  for  prediction  can  be  reached.  In 
the  following  pages  the  main  features  of  this 
analysis  are  discussed  with  the  idea  of  mak- 
ing the  whole  situation  clearer  to  the  inter- 
ested, but  non-technical,  reader. 

In  order  to  transmit  intelligence  between 
two  points  it  is  first  necessary  to  have  a  con- 
necting link  between  them.  It  is  then  neces- 
sary to  transmit  along  this  link  changes 
which  may  be  translated  into  symbols  of 
ideas.  In  ordinary  conversation  the  link  is 
the  air  and  the  changes  are  changes  of  pres- 
sure which  affect  the  ear.  The  distance  over 
which  a  conversation  may  be  carried  on  is 
limited  by  the  effort  required  to  fill  the  sur- 
rounding air  with  sounds  and  also  by  the 
amount  of  undesirable  or  interfering  noises 
or  other  and  simultaneous  conversations.  It 
was  early  realized  that  both   the  effort   re- 

500 


quired  to  send  sound  in  all  directions  (rather 
than  in  one)  and  the  disturbance  due  to  for- 
eign noises  could  be  decreased  by  allowing 
only  a  small  tube  of  air,  extending  directly 
from  speaker  to  listener,  to  be  agitated.  The 
result  was  the  speaking  tube,  which,  for  com- 
municating over  moderately  great  distances, 
is  a  distinct  advance  over  broadcast  speaking. 
The  need  for  greater  distances  of  trans- 
mission was  met  by  the  ordinary  telephone, 
in  which  an  electric  link  is  maintained  be- 
tween speaker  and  listener  by  means  of  a 
wire.  The  function  of  this  wire  is  to  con- 
fine the  electrical  changes  to  a  narrow  chan- 
nel, and  thus  not  only  to  avoid  loss  of  energy 
in  undesired  directions,  but  to  prevent  over- 
lapping of  conversations  which  would  result 
in  confusion.  The  conductors  in  our  familiar 
system  of  telephony  so  well  serve  their  pur- 
pose that  a  million  conversations  may  go  on 
simultaneously  within  the  range  of  one 
speaker  without  the  slightest  inconvenience  to 
him.  Thus  by  constructing  material  connec- 
tions we  secure  secrecy,  direct  and  selective 
communication,  and  a  low  cost  of  power  for 
maintaining  the  connecting  link.  The  one 
disadvantage  of  this  otherwise  ideal  system 
is  that  we  must  have  a  wire,  fixed  and  to 
some  exient  accessible  for  repairs,  extending 
along  every  foot  of  the  speech  highway. 

Ether  Itself  as  a  Medium 

Radio  telephony  dispenses  with  the  wire, 
but  at  a  tremendous  cost.  It  is  a  reversion 
from  the  speaking-tube  to  the  broadcast 
method  of  communication,  which,  while 
simple,  direct  and  cheap,  becomes  impossible 
in  a  large  group  of  talkers,  in  a  noisy  room, 
or  if  secrecy  is  desired. 

In  radio  telephony  the  link  between 
speaker  and  listener  is  not  a  narrow  channel, 
but  the  same  medium  which  spreads  light 
from  a  lamp — energy  is  propagated  approxi- 
mately uniformly  in  all  directions  and  the 
whole  of  the  listening  world  within  range  is 
taken  into  the  speaker's  confidence. 


WIRELESS    TELEPHONING 


501 


This  light-carrying  medium,  or  ether, 
whose  uses  have  been  extended  to  include 
those  of  connecting  human  beings  for  con- 
versation can  be  disturbed,  or  varied  in  its 
properties,  by  electric  currents.  When  a 
strong  electric  current  varies  rapidly  in  a 
high  conductor,  or  antenna,  the  ether  in  its 
neighborhood  varies  its  states  correspond- 
ingly and  these  variations  then  spread  out  in 
all  directions  at  an  enormous  speed,  getting 
weaker  and  more  attenuated  as  they  extend 


ment  of  this  device  into  an  efficient  and 
powerful  instrument  has  undoubtedly  made 
radio  telephony  practical. 

Speaking  Across  the  Atlantic  (iQi^) 

The  first  attempt  to  use  this  method  of 
modulating  large  currents  for  very  long-dis- 
tance radio  telephone  communication  was 
made  in  1914,  the  attempt  resulting,  in  the 
summer  of  1915,  in  successful  radio  transmis- 
sion of  speech  from  the  Arlington  antenna  at 
to  greater  distances,  but  still  preserving  the  Washington,  D.  C,  to  Paris,  Darien,  San 
characteristics  impressed  upon  them  at  the  Francisco  and  Honolulu.  These  experiments 
transmitting  antenna.  A  similar  antenna  at  were  carried  on  by  the  American  Telephone 
a  distance  will  have  produced  in  it,  by  the  &  Telegraph  Co.  and  the  Western  Electric 
impinging  disturbances,  currents  similar  to,  Company  through  the  courtesy  of  the  United 
but   perhaps   a   million    times   smaller   than.      States  Navy  officers,  who  extended  the  use 


those  used  to  start  the  disturbance.  More- 
over, other  receiving  antennae,  at  an  equal 
distance  from  the  transmitter,  will  be  equally 
affected. 

Modulating  Currents 

We  now  have  a  link,  or  carrier,  for  our 
signals.  In  the  early  days  of  radio  teleg- 
raphy there  was  found  a  device  for  translat- 
ing the  currents  in  the  receiving  antenna  into 
displacements  of  a  telephone  diaphragm  in 
such  a  way  that  twice  the  sending  current. 


of  their  radio  stations,  and  of  French  Gov- 
ernment officials  through  whom  was  obtained 
permission  to  use  the  Eiffel  Tower  Station 
for  a  short  time  each  day.  These  experi- 
ments were  given  some  publicity  at  the  time 
(September  and  October,  1915)  and  for  the 
first  time  bridged  the  Atlantic  w^ith  speech. 

Communication  Between  Airplanes  in  Flight 

During  the  next  year  considerable  develop- 
ment work  was  done  and  at  the  time  of  the 
entry  of  this  country  into  the  war  the  Wast- 


for  example,  would  produce  twice  the  dis-      ern  Electric  Company,  at  least,  and  probably 


placement  in  the  telephone.  In  order  then 
to  telephone  by  means  of  this  carrier  it  is 
only  necessary  to  make  the  strength  of  the 
rapidly  varying  current  in  the  sending  an- 
tenna vary  in  the  same  way  as  does  the  air 
pressure  in  front  of  the  speaker's  mouth — 
the  telephone  diaphragm  at  the  receiving 
station  will  then  move  correspondingly  and 
will  reproduce  speech. 

Now  in  wire  telephony  this  modulating  of 
an  electric  current,  in  accordance  with  speech, 
is  not  difficult  because  the  current  at  the 
sending  end  is  not  very  much  larger  than  that 
small  current  required  at  the  receiving  end  to 
operate  the  telephone  receiver.  It  therefore 
does  not  represent  a  great  amount  of  energy 
and  the  familiar  carbon  microphone  type  of 
transmitter  is  sufficient.  But  in  radio  tele- 
phony the  power  required  at  the  sending  end 
may  be  millions  of  times  larger  and  cannot 
be  controlled  directly  in  this  way. 

Here  was  a  difficulty  which,  for  practical 
purposes,  remained  unsurmounted  until  a 
few  years  ago  when  there  was  found  and 
developed  a  device,  called  the  audion,  for 
magnifying  and  faithfully  reproducing  the 
very  small  currents  which  may  be  modulated 
by   a   telephone   transmitter.      The    develop- 


other  investigators  also,  had  made  large  ad- 
vances in  the  art  of  radio  telephony.  At  this 
time  attention  was  directed  toward  the  possi- 
bility of  holding  communication  by  speech 
with  and  between  airplanes  in  flight.  This 
work  proceeded  so  rapidly  that  when,  in 
May,  1917,  the  Chief  Signal  Officer  of  the 
Army  requested  the  Western  Electric  Com- 
pany to  attempt  the  solution  of  the  problem, 
an  experimental  airplane  telephone  set  was 
in  operation  in  their  laboratories  and  was 
soon  after  installed  on  an  airplane  at  Langley 
Field.  During  the  summer  strikingly  suc- 
cessful two-way  telephone  communication 
was  established  between  planes  and  from 
plane  to  ground  and  the  production  of  prac- 
tical sets  for  this  purpose  was  started.  Re- 
cently a  number  of  demonstrations  of  this 
type  of  apparatus,  usually  taking  the  form 
of  the  control  of  airplane  evolutions  from  the 
ground,  have  been  reported  and,  because  of 
their  rather  spectacular  nature,  have  given 
rise  to  very  natural  enthusiasm  and  bursts  of 
prophecy  in  the  newsjiaixMS.  Other  even 
more  useful,  if  less  spectacular  fields  of  ap- 
plication of  radio  telephony  in  war  have  been 
naval,  for  example  in  the  equipment  of  the 
submarine-chaser  fleets  with  direct  telephone 


502 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


facilities     for    intercommunicating    between 
vessels  by  speech. 

Will  Public   Use  Exhaust  the  Ether 

These  uses  of  radio  telephony,  and  the  es- 
tablished use  of  radio  telegraphy  and  other 
forms  of  transmission  through  the  ether, 
such  as  in  direction  finding  and  location  of 
ships  and  airplanes,  warnings,  news  broad- 
casting, time  and  weather  signals,  etc.,  will 
perhaps  suggest  to  the  reader,  in  view  of  the 
universal  nature  of  ether  transmission  al- 
ready explained,  that  government  and  inter- 
national demands  upon  the  ether  may  ex- 
haust its  possibilities,  leaving  no  ranges  for 
private  use.  This  condition  may  indeed  be- 
come less  serious  in  the  near  future  because 
of  recent  work  leading  to  a  more  economical 
use  of  the  ether,  but  congestion  is  certain  to 
occur  as  the  traffic  increases.     This  is  due 


further  complicated  by  the  fact  that  the  con- 
tinuous wave  train  which  would  serve  as  the 
basis  for  a  radio  telegraph  channel  is  re- 
quired to  perform  the  additional  task  of 
acting  as  the  carrier  for  the  voice  waves. 
Since  all  radio  communication  employs  the 
same  common  conductor  and  since  freedom 
from  interference  between  messages  is  de- 
pendent solely  upon  the  ability  to  use  a  dif- 
ferent range  of  frequencies  for  each  message, 
this  added  condition,  which  greatly  broadens 
the  band  of  frequencies  required  for  a  radio 
telephone  message,  as  distinguished  from  a 
radio  telegraph  message,  very  greatly  limits 
the  number  of  non-interfering  conversations 
to  be  sent  or  received  from  a  given  area. 

So  limited  is  the  number  of  non-interfer- 
ing radio  telephone  messages  from  a  given 
area  that  in  the  present  state  of  the  art  from 
this  cause  alone  it  would  be  possible  to  handle 


primarily  to  the  fact  that  the  only  practical      only  a  small  fraction  of  the  normal  telephone 
way  known  at  present  for  selecting  a  given 
station  and  avoiding  interference  with  other 
stations    is   by    tuning    the    two    stations    to 


gether,  exactly  as  two  tuning  forks  are  made 
responsive  to  one  another  by  properly  pro- 
portioning them  to  have  the  same  rate  of  vi- 
bration. It  is  obvious  that  the  range  of  fre- 
quencies over  which  resonant  systems  of  this 
kind  can  operate  would  soon  be  exhausted, 
since  different  pairs  must  be  set  at  a  suffi- 
ciently   large    frequency   difference    to    avoid      apparatus  can  easily  receive  the  messages  from 

any  desired  station.    This  is  particularly  true 
of  radio  telephony,  where  even  that  form  of 


business  of  a  city  like  New  York. 

Messages  Not  Secret 

More  important  even  than  interference 
from  other  radio  stations  are  the  questions  of 
natural  interference  and  non-secrecy.  Be- 
cause of  the  fact  that  all  radio  communica- 
tion employs  the  same  medium  of  trans- 
mission it  is,  of  necessity,  essentially  non- 
secret  and  anyone  possessed  of  the  requisite 


overlapping. 

Susceptible  to  Interference 

We  are  now  in  position  to  form  an  opinion 
as  to  the  future  of  this  new  art  in  relation 
to  the  older  one  of  wire  telephony. 

All  radio  communication  consists  in  send- 


secrecy  made  possible  by  the  use  of  codes  is 
difficult  to  obtain.  Further,  the  broad  band 
of  frequencies  required  for  speech  range 
makes  it  easy  to  tune  in  the  receiving  station. 
In  the  matter  of  natural  disturbances,  and 
ing  out  from  the  transmitting  station  a  large      without  attempting  to  judge  of  the  value  of 


amount  of  energy  in  the  form  of  electro-mag- 
netic waves  and  receiving  a  very  small 
amount  of  this  energy  on  the  wires  of  the 
receiving  station.  That  the  amount  of 
energy  available  at  the  receiving  station  is 
but  a  minute  fraction  of  the  energy  which 
starts  from  the  transmitting  station  can  be 
appreciated  when  it  is  realized  that  the  elec- 
tro-magnetic waves  radiate  from  the  trans- 
mitting station  in  all  directions  and  that  only 
that  part  of  the  initial  energy  which  can  be 
picked  up  by  the  wires  of  the  receiving  sta- 
tion is  available  there.  The  minuteness  of 
this  received  energy  renders  all  radio  com- 
munication very  susceptible  to  interference 
from  natural  electrical  disturbances  and  from 
other  radio  stations. 

In    radio    telephony    the    problem    is    still 


the  recent  static  eliminators  which  have  been 
announced,  it  is  sufficient  to  say  that  the  so- 
called  static  disturbances  have  thus  far 
proved  the  most  serious  bar  to  reliability  in 
all  radio  communication  and  that  great  dif- 
ficulties must  be  overcome  under  certain  con- 
ditions a  anything  like  the  continuous  service 
called  for  in  an  operating  telephone  plant  is 
to  be  obtained. 

IIoiu  Far  Can  Radio  Scj-vice  Be  Extended? 

From  a  physical  standpoint  the  state  of  the 
radio  telephone  art  since  1915  has  been  one 
in  which  it  was  possible  under  certain  condi- 
tions and  at  certain  times  to  telephone  be- 
tween two  ordinary  telephone  instruments 
located  at  widely  distant  points  on  the  earth's 
surface  and  to  do  this  either  wholly  by  radio 


WIRELESS    TELEPHONING 


503 


or  by  a  combination  of  any  number  of  wires 
and  radio  links.  Prior  to  the  middle  of  1917 
this  communication  would  have  been  limited 
to  telephone  stations  located  either  on  land 
or  sea.  Thanks  to  the  developments  of  air- 
plane radio,  however,  it  is  now  possible  to 
include  telephone  stations  located  above  the 
earth's  surface  in  the  communication  area. 

While,  as  stated,  it  has  for  some  time  been 
possible  to  hold  radio  telephone  conversations 
between  very  distant  points,  it  has  not  been 
and  is  not  now  possible  to  give  a  widely  ex- 
tended and  reliable  general  radio  telephone 
service.  As  matters  stand,  what,  then,  is  the 
probable  future  of  radio  telephony  and  to 
what  extent,  if  at  all,  is  it  likely  to  supersede 
wire  telephony?  At  a  time  when  epoch-mak- 
ing developments  in  physical  and  electrical 
science  are  succeeding  one  another  in  rapid 
succession  it  is  dangerous  to  prophesy  what 
can  and  what  cannot  be  accomplished  in  the 
future,  but  it  seems  clear  that,  except  for 
developments  so  radical  as  to  alter  completely 
the  scheme  of  radio  communication  as  we 
know  it  to-day,  there  will  probably  be  a  few 
clearly  defined  uses  for  radio  telephony. 

For  certain  classes  of  telephonic  communi- 
cation radio  telephony  at  present  offers  the 
sole  prospect  of  realization.  These  classes 
are  between  ships  at  sea,  from  ships  to  shore, 
to  and  between  airplanes  and  between  points 
on  land  which  are  separated  by  regions, 
whether  water  or  land,  across  which  it  is 
impossible  or  impracticable  to  erect  and 
maintain  telephone  circuits.  As  indicated 
above,  all  of  these  classes  of  service  could 
probably,  if  desired,  be  made  a  part  of  the 
general  wire  telephone  system.  All  of  these 
fields  of  utility  are  subject  to  the  limitations 
of  interference  from  natural  and  artificial 
causes,  which  were  noted  above,  and  for  this 


reason  there  is  considerable  uncertainty  as  to 
how  reliable  the  service  can  be  made.  Fur- 
ther, some  or  all  of  these  fields  are  in  the 
region  where  military  requirements  are  of  the 
utmost  importance  and  it  is  not  clear  as  yet 
how  far  these  requirements  will  re-act  in  the 
direction  of  limiting  the  use  of  radio  tele- 
phony for  purely  commercial  purposes. 

To  Supplement   Wire  Service 

In  view  of  all  the  data  now  available,  a 
reasonable  interpretation  of  the  future  of 
commercial  radio  telephony  would  seem  to 
be  one  in  which  its  use  was  confined  solely 
to  those  services  where  telephonic  communi- 
cation was  desired  and  where  such  service 
could  not  be  given  by  ordinary  telephonic 
means.  Certain  it  is  that  both  natural  and 
governmental  limitations  will  act  to  restrict 
the  indiscriminate  use  of  radio  telephony  on 
a  large  scale  betw^een  land  stations.  Even  if 
there  were  no  military  requirements  in- 
volved the  needs  of  prospective  services  at  sea 
and  in  the  air  are  sufficient  to  utilize  all  the 
non-interfering  channels  now  available  for 
radio  telephone  communication. 

The  existing  fundamental  conditions  dis- 
pose at  once  of  the  idea  of  everybody  having 
his  own  small  radio  telephone  plant  and  call- 
ing at  will  anyone  with  whom  he  or  she 
might  desire  to  talk. 

For  radio  telephony,  as  indeed  for  all 
forms  of  radio  communication  outside  the 
realm  of  war,  there  seems  to  be  little  doubt 
that  the  developments  of  the  future  will  be 
in  the  direction  of  apparatus  and  methods  to 
extend  and  supplement  the  existing  wire  serv- 
ice. There  is  no  present  indication  of  any 
radio  developments  w^hich  will  supplant  or 
even  curtail  the  use  of  wires  for  telephone 
and  telegraph  operation. 


©  Harris  &  Ewlng 


SECRETARY  DANIELS.  AT  WASHINGTON.  TALKING  WITH  PRESIDENT 
WILSON.  IN  MID  OCEAN.  BY  WIRELESS  TELEPHONE 


MENTAL  ENGINEERING 
DURING  THE  WAR 

BY  RAYMOND  DODGE 

[Jf'hile  it  is  i^enerally  knov:n  that  the  chemical  and  physical  laboratories  of  the  universities 
and  colleges  rendered  the  Government  a  vast  and  varied  service  during  the  War  period,  it  is 
not  so  v:ell  knoivn  that  the  professors  of  psychology  nvere  also  exceedingly  active  and  useful. 
Among  the  men  ivho  ivere  prominent  in  the  Psychology  Committee  of  the  National  Research 
Council,  Professor  Raymond  Dodge,  of  Wesleyan  University,  Middletovjn,  Conn.,  is  particularly 
ivell  qualified  to  speak  of  the  various  activities  of  the  committee.  He  ivas  a  member  of  the  Psy- 
chology Committee  from  its  beginning  and  a  chairman  of  several  of  its  subcommittees;  one  of  the 
original  members  of  the  Committee  on  the  Classification  of  Personnel  in  the  Army;  Psychologist 
member  of  the  Committee  on  Industrial  Fatigue;  Consulting  Psychologist  of  the  Chemical  Warfare 
Service,  and  the  Training  Section  of  the  Bureau  of  Navigation;  and  later  commissioned  Lieut.- 
Commander  U.  S.  N.  R.  F.,  assigned  to  scientific  duty.  This  article  by  Professor  Dodge  nvill  give 
some  indication  of  the  range  of  the  ivork  undertaken  for  ivar  purposes  in  the  field  that  has  been 
happily    characterized  as   that   of  "Mental  Engineering." — The  Editor] 


IN  an  address  at  the  Personnel  Officers' 
School  at  Camp  Meigs  less  than  a  year 
ago,  Major-General  Hutchinson,  C.  B.  D. 
S.  O.,  Director  of  Organization  of  the  Brit- 
ish Army,  spoke  very  frankly  of  the  serious 
mistake  of  Great  Britain  in  recruiting  her 
skilled  labor  indiscriminately  into  fighting 
units.  They  made  good  soldiers,  but  the 
plan  seriously  interfered  with  the  develop- 
ment of  technical  units  and  the  "output  of 
many  vital  things." 

No  one  has  computed  the  cost  of  bringing 
back  those  skilled  men  from  the  Western 
Front  after  they  had  been  trained  as  soldiers, 
or  of  having  the  vital  things  made  elsewhere 
that  might  have  been  made  at  home.  If  it 
had  not  been  for  the  great  American  reser- 
voir of  skilled  labor  it  would  probably  have 
cost  the  war.  That  the  United  States  did 
not  make  a  similar,  and  with  the  exhaustion 
of  the  reservoir,  a  disastrous  mistake  in  the 
military  distribution  of  our  skilled  labor  is 
due  primarily  to  the  Committee  on  the  Clas- 
sification of  Personnel  in  the  Army. 

The  work  of  this  committee  is  commonly 
regarded  as  one  of  the  great  contributions 
of  civilians  to  the  efficiency  of  the  Army.  It 
is  probably  the  greatest  single  piece  of  mental 
engineering  that  has  ever  been  attempted  in 
this  country.  But  it  is  by  no  means  the  only 
task  of  the  war  that  was  successfully  met  by 
an  application  of  the  principles  of  the  science 
of  human  behavior  to  war  conditions. 

Mental  engineering  as  an  organized  war 
service  of  American  psychologists  began  at 
an  informal  meeting  of  experimentalists  in 
the  spring  of  1917.     They  asked  themselves 

504 


the  universal  question,  what  they  could  do 
to  help  win  the  war.  The  answer  to  that 
question  as  it  finally  evolved,  has  come  to  be 
more  than  a  matter  of  historic  interest,  more 
than  a  war  measure,  more  than  practical  ap- 
plications of  a  single  science.  It  is  a  perma- 
nent contribution  to  the  organization  and 
utilization  of  human  forces.  It  inevitably 
projects  itself  into  the  great  reconstruction, 
and  supplies  at  once  a  prophecy  and  an  obli- 
gation. This  is  the  reason  that  the  editor 
of  the  Review  of  Reviews  has  invited  me 
to  tell  about  it. 

Mobilizing  Knowledge 

The  Committee  of  the  American  Psycho- 
logical Association  that  was  formed  for  mili- 
tary service  had  no  illusions  of  military  wis- 
dom. We  were  mere  students ;  but  we  were 
students  of  human  behavior.  We  realized 
better  than  most  of  those  in  the  service  that, 
if  we  were  to  win  in  the  life-and-death 
struggle  with  the  most  highly  organized  mili- 
tary nation  in  the  world,  we  must  mobilize 
for  military  purposes  not  only  our  material 
resources,  our  finances,  coal,  grain,  steel,  and 
human  bodies,  but  also  each  bit  of  knowledge, 
experience  and  skill  that  was  needed  by  our 
army. 

In  order  to  get  a  comprehensive  view  of  the 
scope  of  the  psychologists'  plans  for  war  serv- 
ice let  me  give  seriatim  a  list  of  the  various 
sub-committees  and  their  chairmen: 

1.  Psychological  Literature  relating  to  military 
affairs.  Madison  Bentley  (University  of 
Illinois). 


MENTAL    ENGINEERING    DURING    THE    WAR 


505 


2.  Psychological   examination  of   recruits.  Robert 

M.  Yerkes   (University  of  Minnesota). 

3.  Psychological    problems    of    aviation.     Harold 

E.  Burt  (Harvard)  ;  Geo.  M.  Stratton 
(California)  ;  E.  L.  Thorndike  (Teachers' 
College,    Columbia). 

4.  Selection   of  men    for    tasks   requiring   special 

aptitude.  Edward  L.  Thorndike  (Teach- 
ers' College,   Columbia). 

5.  Recreation    in   the   Army   and    Navy.     George 

A.  Coe    (Union  Theological  Seminary). 

6.  Problems    of    vision    that    have    military    sig- 

nificance. Raymond  Dodge  (Wesleyan 
University). 

7.  Pedagogical    and    psychological    problems    of 

military  training  and  discipline.  Chas.  H. 
Judd  (School  of  Education),  University  of 
Chicago)  ;  William  C.  Bagley  (Teachers' 
College,    Columbia). 

8.  Psychological   problems   of  incapacity.      Shep- 

herd Ivory  Franz  (Government  Hospital 
for  the  Insane). 

9.  Problems  of  emotional  characteristic.     Robert 

S.   Woodworth    (Columbia   University). 

10.  Propaganda  behind  the  German  Lines.   James 

R.  Angell    (University  of  Chicago). 

11.  Acoustic    problems     in     relation     to     military 

service.  Carl  E.  Seashore  (University  of 
Iowa). 

12.  Tests   of  deception.     John   F.   Shepard    (Uni- 

versity of  Michigan), 

13.  Adaptation    of    instruction    in    psychology    to 

military  educational  need.  Raymond  Dodge 
(Wesleyan   University). 

14.  Methods   of   selecting    and   training   observers 

for  the  Division  of  Military  Intelligence. 
John  B.  Watson  (Johns  Hopkins  Univer- 
sity) ;  Madison  Bentley  (University  of 
Illinois). 

15.  Problems   of  the   gas  mask   for   the    Chemical 

Warfare  Service.  Raymond  Dodge  (Wes- 
leyan) ;  John  W.  Baird  (Clark  Univer- 
sity) ;    Knight  Dunlap    (Johns   Hopkins). 

16.  Adaptation  of  the  army  intelligence  tests  for 

the  S.  A.  T.  C.  Louis  M.  Terman  (Leland 
Stanford    University). 

Classification   of  Personnel 

We  have  already  mentioned  the  Commit- 
tee on  the  Classification  of  Personnel  in  the 
Army.  It  was  organized  under  Sub-Com- 
mittee No.  4,  with  Walter  Dill  Scott  as 
director  and  W.  V.  Bingham  as  secretary, 
both  of  the  Carnegie  Institute  of  Technol- 
ogy. It  was  particularly  fortunate  in  its 
problems,  in  its  leaders,  and  in  its  contacts 
with  broad-minded  officers  and  officials  of 
the  War  Department.  The  original  task 
for  which  it  was  called  was  to  supply  a  uni- 
form rating  scale  for  grading  students  in 
the  Officers'  Training  Camps.  A  success 
from  the  start,  this  scale  rapidly  became  the 
official  means  of  expressing  the  military  fit- 
ness of  all  army  officers.  But  almost  imme- 
diately the  committee  discovered  the  vital 
need  of  its  broader  and  vastly  more  difficult 
task,  namely,  the  discovery  and  distribution 


of  the' specially  skilled  men  that  a  modern 
army  organization  needs. 

Rounding   up  Motor-Truck  Drivers 

Motor-truck  drivers,  for  example,  were  a 
vital  necessity  for  the  Army  Supply  Service. 
The  demand  greatly  exceeded  the  supply  and 
it  was  essential  that  every  drafted  man  who 
could  drive  a  truck  should  be  found  and  as- 
signed to  duty  at  the  earliest  practicable  mo- 
ment. Much  the  same  was  true  of  acetylene 
gas  workers,  cooks,  divers,  electricians,  fores- 
ters, gunsmiths,  horseshoers,  interpreters, 
locomotive  engineers,  mechanics,  pigeon  ex- 
perts, radio  operators,  stenographers,  tin- 
smiths, wagoners  and  hundreds  of  other 
skilled  workers. 

The  first  step  in  solving  this  gigantic  per- 
sonnel problem  was  to  devise  an  indexing 
system  that  would  classify  and  locate  every 
man  who  had  any  kind  of  special  skill  that 
the  Army  might  need.  With  the  invaluable 
cooperation  of  expert  employment  managers 
this  was  accomplished  by  means  of  an  enor- 
mous card  catalogue.  Each  of  the  four  mil- 
lion cards  contained  all  the  necessary  per- 
sonnel data  for  one  soldier.  On  it  were  en- 
tered from  personal  interview  the  details  of 
his  occupational  history,  including  the  names 
of  firms  worked  for,  his  wages,  and  length  of 
service.  It  stated  his  education,  linguistic 
ability,  previous  military  experience,  personal 
history,  the  results  of  medical,  mental,  and 
trade  tests ;  and  it  provided  spaces  for  record- 
ing his  successive  military  assignments. 

By  a  system  of  colored  celluloid  flags  stick- 
ing up  above  the  card  at  special  places,  these 
files  showed  at  a  glance  who  were  available 
in  each  cantonment  for  motor-truck  drivers 
as  well  as  for  forty-six  other  kinds  of  skill 
that  were  most  in  demand.  Over  500  other 
kinds  of  special  occupational  skill  could  be 
located  almost  as  quickly. 

Making  Civilian   Trades  Available  in  the 
Army 

But  this  was  only  the  beginning.  Horse- 
shoer,  in  the  modern  army,  does  not  always 
mean  a  shoer  of  animals.  If  the  unit  is  a  mo- 
tor unit  the  "horseshoer"  must  be  able  to  re- 
pair motor  trucks.  There  are  about  twenty 
distinct  kinds  of  "electrician."  But  a  "mas- 
ter signalman  electrician"  in  the  Army  may 
have  nothing  at  all  to  do  with  electricity.  In 
a  carrier-pigeon  company  he  is  in  charge  oi 
training  pigeons  and  is  responsible  for  their 
care  and  condition,  in  an  aero  squadron  he 
must  be  an  airplane  mechanic. 


506 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


These  are  extreme  cases,  but  military  duties 
practically  never  exactly  duplicate  civilian 
trades.  So  it  became  necessary  to  analyze  the 
various  army  tasks  and  to  determine  the  civil- 
ian occupations  that  most  directly  corre- 
sponded. A  parallel  necessity  was  to  list  the 
exact  specifications  of  each  civilian  trade  that 
was  catalogued,  so  that  personnel  officers  and 
requisitioning  officers  could  speak  the  same 
language.  These  trade  specifications  fill  a 
book  of  over  230  pages,  and  cover  565  civil- 
ian occupations. 

Applying   Trade   Tests 

To  the  Washington  office  of  the  Commit- 
tee on  the  Classification  of  Personnel  fell  the 
task  of  assigning  men  with  special  skill  to 
meet  the  requisitions.  It  supplied  the  skilled 
men  that  were  called  for  by  General  Per- 
shing, as  well  as  those  needed  by  the  grow- 
ing army  at  home.  Almost  a  million  men 
were  selected  in  this  way  for  technical  duty. 

Early  experience  showed  that  a  soldier's 
own  estimate  of  his  own  skill  could  not  be 
trusted,  even  when  he  had  the  best  inten- 
tions. To  meet  this  difficulty  the  Committee 
developed  a  series  of  trade  tests.  These  con- 
sisted of  verbal  questions ;  the  identification 
of  technical  drawings,  tools,  and  jobs;  the 
solution  of  trade  problems,  and  the  con- 
struction of  objects  from  working  drawings. 
These  tests  standardized  for  the  first  time  in 
America  the  classification  of  novices,  ap- 
prentices, journeymen,  and  experts  in  the 
most  important  trades.  The  scientific  care 
with  which  these  trade  tests  were  prepared 
may  be  indicated  by  the  fact  that  each  test 
before  it  was  adopted  passed  through  a  proc- 
ess of  development,  trial,  and  evaluation  con- 
sisting of  twelve  distinct  stages. 

The  Committee  on  the  Classification  of 
Personnel  in  the  Army  was  organized  by 
civilians  under  the  Adjutant  General.  It  is 
understandable  that  before  the  war  closed 
the  whole  organization  was  taken  over  by  the 
General  StalT  and  made  a  permanent  part  of 
the  Army. 

The  value  of  the  work  of  this  committee 
is  not  confined  to  war.  The  scientific  place- 
ment of  personnel  is  one  of  the  major  social 
and  industrial  problems.  Reliable  trade  tests 
are  in  constant  demand  by  employers,  both 
private  and  public.  It  is  not  impossible  that 
the  principles  that  underlie  the  table  of  trade 
Ispecifications  may  be  of  even  greater  social 
importance.  In  a  recent  address  Colonel 
W.  V.  Bingham  suggested  a  related  educa- 
tional   task.      He    pointed    out   the   boon    it 


would  be  to  both  teachers  and  students  if 
there  were  available  for  consultation  and 
comparison  a  careful  analysis  of  just  what 
kind  of  special  skill  each  trade  and  profes- 
sion demanded,  and  of  exactly  what  each 
phase  of  the  educational  program  was  ex- 
pected to  develop. 

Testing  the  Intelligence  of  Recruits 

The  work  of  the  Committee  on  the 
Psychological  Examination  of  Recruits  was 
another  of  the  notable  mental  engineering 
achievements  of  the  war.  Its  original  pur- 
pose was  to  help  to  eliminate  from  the  Army 
at  the  earliest  possible  moment  those  recruits 
whose  defective  intelligence  would  make  them 
a  menace  to  the  military  organization.  But 
the  military  value  of  an  early  and  reliable 
estimate  of  the  general  intelligence  of  each 
recruit  proved  enormously  greater  than  had 
been  anticipated.  Of  the  total  of  about  two 
million  men  who  were  psychologically  ex- 
amined, 3  per  cent,  were  rated  below  the 
mental  age  of  ten  years.  It  is  probable  that 
none  of  these  men  were  worth  to  the  Army 
what  it  cost  to  train  them.  One-half  of  1 
per  cent,  were  so  defective  as  to  be  recom- 
mended for  discharge.  Three-fifths  of  1  per 
cent,  were  recommended  for  development 
battalions  and  about  the  same  number  for 
limited  service  \n  tasks  that  required  a  mini- 
mum of  mental  activity. 

But  in  the  enormous  task  of  building  up 
an  efficient  army  organization  it  proved  im- 
portant to  discover  at  the  earliest  opportunity 
those  recruits  who  could  learn  the  new  duties 
that  were  required  of  them  as  soldiers  in  the 
shortest  time.  To  train  the  quick  learners 
and  the  slow  learners  together  in  the  same 
companies  was  an  intolerably  wasteful  proc- 
ess. Moreover,  the  army  needed  an  enor- 
mous number  of  men  with  superior  intelli- 
gence for  officers.  While  high  general  in- 
telligence did  not  guarantee  good  officer  ma- 
terial it  was  a  conspicuous  fact  that  good 
officers  regularly  ranked  high  in  the  intelli- 
gence tests.  In  the  selection  of  men  for  offi- 
cer training  camps  mental  tests  were  obvious- 
ly preferable  to  the  importunity  of  influen- 
tial friends.  They  proved  greatly  superior 
to  personal  impressions. 

Necessity  of  a  Scientific  Basis 

For  a  variety  of  reasons  mental  testing 
has  aroused  an  unusually  widespread  popu- 
lar interest.  It  was  initiated  and  first  de- 
veloped in  France  as  a  scientific  instrument 
for  educators.     It  has  become  an  important 


MENTAL    ENGINEERING    DURING    THE    WAR 


507 


adjunct  to  the  juvenile  court,  and  bids  fair  to 
become  a  valuable  instrument  for  social  re- 
search, and  a  practicable  device  for  solving 
a  considerable  number  of  perplexing  educa- 
tional and  industrial  problems. 

For  example,  the  various  trades  repre- 
sented in  the  draft  made  rather  insistent 
demands  not  only  on  physical  strength  and 
endurance  but  also  on  that  ability  to  meet 
new  and  complex  situations  which  we  call 
general  intelligence.  We  commonly  deplore 
spoiling  a  first-class  mechanic  to  make  a  poor 
executive.  Apparently  the  scientific  meas- 
urement of  general  intelligence  will  go  a 
long  way  in  estimating  whether  a  person  has 
the  general  intelligence  that  is  required  for 
average  success  in  any  given  trade  or  pro- 
fession. 

But  it  is  easily  possible  to  expect  too  much 
of  mental  tests.  Prophecy  of  the  future  is 
vastly  more  difficult  than  a  record  of  actual 
developments  even  in  such  relatively  simple 
matters  as  the  weather.  The  only  final  in- 
dicator of  the  inability  of  a  person  to  suc- 
ceed in  a  profession  is  failure ;  and  even  a 
failure  may  be  the  one  factor  in  the  complex 
conditions  of  the  mental  life  that  is  necessary 
for  success.  In  view  of  the  suddenly  devel- 
oped popular  interest  in  mental  tests,  it  is 
necessary  to  point  out  that  no  so-called  men- 
tal test  is  of  the  least  scientific  value  unless 
it  rests  on  a  scientific  analysis  of  the  process 
to  be  tested,  and  unless  it  has  been  thoroughly 
systematized  and  statistically  evaluated.  The 
preparation  of  the  army  tests  of  general  in- 
telligence was  a  notable  technical  achieve- 
ment of  far-reaching  importance. 

Other  Tasks  of  Mental  Engineering 

We  have  sketched  in  some  detail  the  two 
most  important  contributions  of  psychology 
to  the  military  organization ;  but  if  neither  of 
these  great  services  had  been  realized  the 
other  war  activities  of  the  Psychology  Com- 
mittee of  the  National  Research  Council 
would  have  been  properly  regarded  as  a  sub- 
stantial military  service.  We  have  space  only 
to  enumerate  a  partial  list  of  the  other  men- 
tal engineering  tasks  that  were  accepted  and 
satisfactorily  consummated  by  American  psy- 
chologists in  military  service. 

They  cooperated  with  the  Air  Service  by 
studying  the  effect  of  oxygen-lack  on  the 
mental  processes,  and  by  devising  test  indica- 
tors of  the  ability  to  resist  the  effects  of  high 
altitudes ;  by  studying  the  conditions  of  effect- 
ive aerial  observation,  and  by  elaborating 
test  indications  of  good  observers;  by  study- 


ing the  coordinations  of  aerial  combat  and 
by  devising  an  adequate  test  and  training  in- 
strument; by  analyzing  the  general  condi- 
tions of  efficient  flying,  and  developing  pre- 
sumptive indications  of  the  ability  to  become 
a  satisfactory  flier  with  normal  training. 

They  cooperated  with  the  Army  morale 
service  in  devising  and  carrying  out  under 
General  Munson  a  program  that  was  won- 
derfully successful  in  putting  recruits  into 
harmony  with  their  training-camp  environ- 
ment. This  program  also  helped  to  raise  the 
morale  of  the  civil  population. 

They  cooperated  with  the  Chemical  War- 
fare Service  by  a  systematic  investigation  of 
the  sources  of  discomfort  in  wearing  gas 
masks,  and  by  suggestions  for  eliminating 
them;  by  discovering  the  application  of  the 
law  of  adaptation  to  the  wearing  of  gas 
masks,  and  by  suggestions  for  the  develop- 
ment of  maximum  tolerance  in  minimum 
time ;  by  comparing  the  relative  tenability  of 
various  types  of  masks. 

They  cooperated  and  are  still  cooperating 
with  the  various  rehabilitation  agencies  by  a 
study  of  the  processes  of  re-education ;  by  de- 
veloping methods  for  re-educating  lost  neuro- 
muscular coordinations,  and  the  will  to  suc- 
ceed ;  by  active  participation  in  the  laborious 
and  exacting  re-education  program. 

They  cooperated  with  the  Navy  by  ana- 
lyzing the  mental  factors  that  were  involved 
in  a  considerable  number  of  naval  tasks ;  and 
by  devising  tests  for  the  selection  of  recruits 
who  could  be  trained  for  the  several  tasks  in 
minimum  time;  as  well  as  by  devising  a 
number  of  useful  training  instruments.  The 
most  productive  analyses  were  those  of  gun- 
pointing,  fire-control  plotting,  anti-submarine 
listening,  and  the  lookout  service. 

Selecting  Gun-Pointers 

Let  me  illustrate  this  kind  of  war  work 
by  a  single  concrete  instance  in  which  the 
details  are  not  military  secrets.  The  first 
problem  that  was  referred  to  the  sub-com- 
mittee on  vision  was  the  question  whether 
we  had  any  way  of  selecting  those  Naval  re- 
cruits  who  could  be  trained  most  quickly 
as  gun-pointers  for  the  armed  merchant  ships. 

The  first  step  was  to  learn  exactly  what  a 
gun-pointer  had  to  do.  The  next  was  to  re- 
duce the  more  or  les*^  complicated  processes 
of  gun-pointing  to  their  simplest  neuro-mus- 
cular  terms.  It  was  a  definite  problem  for 
analysis;  and,  because  of  the  perfect  system- 
atization  and  high  specialization  of  Naval 
tasks   it   was    rclativch'   simple.      The    third 


508 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


step  was  to  adapt  approved  scientific  technics 
to  the  study  of  this  particular  complex  of 
neuro-muscular  processes.  For  this  pur- 
pose an  instrument  was  devised  that  would 
show  all  the  following  facts  on  a  single 
record  line:  1,  the  time  that  it  took  a  sailor 
to  start  his  gun-pointing  reaction  after  the 
target  at  which  he  was  aiming  started  to 
move;  2,  the  accuracy  with  which  he  was 
able  to  "keep  on"  the  moving  target;  3,- the 
time  that  it  took  him  to  respond  to  a  change 
in  the  direction  of  motion  of  the  target;  4, 
the  ability  to  press  the  firing  key  when  he 
was  on ;  5,  the  eflfect  of  firing  on  his  pointing. 

All  these  data  were  so  simplified  that  they 
could  be  accurately  estimated  from  simple 
measurements  of  a  single  line  without  elabo- 
rate computations.  A  succession  of  records 
indicated  the  probable  quickness  with  which 
the  sailor  would  learn  the  new  coordinations. 
The  final  step  was  to  test  the  probable  mili- 
tary value  of  our  instrument  and  its  records 
by  performances  of  expert  and  inexpert  gun- 
pointers. 

The  first  trials  proved  the  usefulness  of 
the  device.  It  clearly  differentiated  between 
the  qualified  gun-pointers,  the  partially 
trained,  and  the  untrained.  It  picked  a  num- 
ber of  promising  novices  and  indicated  the 
faults  of  some  who  were,  slow  to  improve. 
Predictions  based  on  the  records  were  uni- 
formly corroborated  by  subsequent  experi- 
ence. Somewhat  later  it  was  possible  to  con- 
struct a  robust  training  instrument  along 
similar  lines  that  was  rather  enthusiastically 
reported  on  by  various  Naval  oflBcers,  and 
was  widely  reproduced  by  the  Navy  for  use 
in  the  Naval  Training  Stations. 

At  a  time  when  every  available  gun  was 
needed  for  service  afloat,  the  utility  of  our 
relatively  simple  and  inexpensive  training 
instrument  that  closely  reproduced  the  coor- 
dinations of  actual  service  needs  no  em- 
phasis. 

Value   of   Group   Cooperation 

The  list  of  incompleted  services  that  were 
cut  short  of  full  fruition  by  the  signing  of 
the  armistice  would  be  too  long  to  even  men- 
tion here,  though  it  would  include  some  of 
the  more  difficult  and  important  enterprises 
of  psychological  service. 

The  most  important  facts  that  appeared 
in  the  war  work  of  the  psychologists  were, 
first,  the  value  of  the  applications  of  the 
principles  of  psychology  to  concrete  military 
problems;  and,  second,  the  importance  of 
cooperation  in  practical  scientific  service.    To 


the  military  tasks  the  psychologists  brought 
their  appreciation  of  the  distinctly  human 
and  mental  aspects  of  the  problems  that  were 
involved,  their  training  in  the  technic  of 
mental  analysis,  their  laboratory  methods  for 
estimating  human  reactions,  and  their  in- 
genuity in  developing  new  instruments  for 
special  purposes. 

But  in  no  case  was  the  necessary  skill  and 
practical  experience  in  the  possession  of  any 
one  person.  The  best  work  of  the  psycholo- 
gists was  the  product  of  group  cooperation 
for  which  the  far-sighted  guidance  of  the 
chairman.  Major  R.  M.  Yerkes  and  his  col- 
leagues of  the  National  Research  Council 
was  an  important  condition.  Success  in  our 
undertakings  would  have  been  impossible 
without  the  will  to  cooperate  with  each 
other,  with  representatives  of  the  other  sci- 
ences, with  employment  managers,  industrial 
and  educational  experts,  as  well  as  with  offi- 
cers of  the  Army  and  Navy.  While  it  was 
not  always  easy  to  convince  responsible  per- 
sons that  we  could  help,  when  they  were  once 
convinced  the  only  limit  to  our  service  was 
the  limit  of  human  endurance.  At  the  end 
of  the  war,  avenues  were  opening  for  genu- 
ine cooperation  in  scientific  matters  between 
the  various  scientific  bodies  of  the  Allies. 

At  the  conclusion  of  our  war  work  two 
real  dangers  confront  us,  one  military  and 
the  other  social.  The  military  danger  is 
that  with  the  passing  of  the  military  crisis 
we  shall  stop  our  study  of  the  mental  fac- 
tors in  war.  If  some  other  country  with 
more  permanent  policies  should  take  up  the 
mental  analyses  where  we  have  left  them,  and 
develop  a  real  military  psychology,  they 
would  have  a  military  instrument  vastly 
more  ef^fective  than  42-cm.  guns. 

But  even  if  the  efforts  of  our  statesmen 
are  successful  and  war  is  forever  abolished, 
the  relative  importance  of  psychological  of- 
fensives will  not  be  diminished.  On  the  con- 
trary, when  mental  weapons  become  the  only 
legitimate  means  for  securing  national  ends 
they  will  become  increasingly  more  impor- 
tant. Whether  the  reconstruction  is  mili- 
tary or  non-military,  the  need  of  cooperative 
studies  of  vital  mental  problems  and  of 
cooperative  efforts  at  scientific  mental  engi- 
neering will  certainly  not  be  less  important 
for  society  than  the  scientific  and  engineering 
problems  that  concern  material  things.  In 
view  of  these  future  needs,  our  war-time 
activities,  however  interesting,  and  however 
successful  they  may  have  been,  seem  relatively 
trivial  and  insignificant. 


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IN  THE  HEART  OF  A  BROWN  PELICAN  COLONY— SHOWING  ADULTS  AND  YOUNG  (PASS  ALUTRE.  LOUISIANA) 


THE  CASE  OF  THE  BROWN 

PELICAN 

BY  T.  GILBERT  PEARSON 

(Secretary,  National  Association  of  Audubon  Societies) 


THOSE  whose  interest  it  is  to  watch 
closely  State  and  federal  legislation  af- 
fecting the  fortunes  of  our  wild  bird  life  are 
quite  familiar  with  the  sudden  outbursts 
which  every  now  and  then  take  place  against 
some  bird  hitherto  unsuspected  of  any  spe- 
cial w^rong  doing.  Usually  relief  is  sought 
at  the  hands  of  the  legislative  bodies,  and 
these  assemblies  are  asked  to  remove  the  ini- 
quitous laws  that  unwisely  protect  the  feath- 
ered pests. 

Thus  arose  the  momentous  fight  in  New 
Jersey  to  take  protection  from  the  robin, 
because  it  was  supposed  to  be  destroying  the 
cherry  crop.  Not  long  ago  it  was  declared 
that  in  Arkansas  and  Texas  wild  ducks  were 
creating  vast  ruin  in  the  rice  fields  and  the 
offending  wild  fowl  should  therefore  be  de- 
stroyed. Two  years  ago  a  great  cry  arose 
in  Arizona  that  the  gentle  mourning  dove 
was  eating  all  the  alfalfa,  and  about  the 
same  time  the  California  legislature  was 
thrown  into  turmoil  by  the  efforts  of  certain 
well-meaning  members  who  wanted  to  re- 
move protective  laws  from  the  meadow  lark 
on  the  absurd  charge  that  these  birds  were 
eating  grapes. 

The  Audubon  Societies  or  their  friends 
are  able  usually  to  produce  sufficient  evi- 
dence in  the  bird's  behalf  to  save  it  from 
legislative  condemnation.  Now  and  then 
some  such  measure  becomes  a  law,  however, 
and  much  mischief  is  wrought  before  its  re- 
peal can  be  secured.     For  example,  on  April 


30,  1917,  the  legislature  of  Alaska  declared 
a  bounty  of  fifty  cents  on  the  head,  or  in 
reality  the  feet,  of  every  American  eagle 
killed  within  its  boundaries  and  in  the  nine- 
teen months  following  the  territory  actually 
paid  for  the  killing  of  5100  of  these  emblems 
of  our  national  independence. 

CHARGED   WITH    THE   DESTRUCTION    OF    FOOD 
FISH 

A  year  ago  one  of  the  most  vicious  attacks 
ever  made  against  the  reputation  of  a  sup- 
posed well-behaved  bird  broke  out  at  various 
points  along  the  Gulf  Coast  of  the  United 
States.  The  object  against  which  the  vials 
of  wrath  were  so  furiously  poured  out  was 
the  brown  pelican.  It  was  declared  by  some 
high  officials  of  Texas,  and  echoed  in  the 
press,  that  these  birds  were  found  along  the 
coast  in  countless  thousands  and  "every  day 
they  consume  more  food  fish  than  the  people 
of  Texas  get  in  a  year."  The  fish  catch  in 
Texas  has  fallen  off  much  in  the  past  three 
seasons,  and  the  pelican  was  charged  with 
being  responsible  for  the  shortage. 

It  was  alleged  that  the  pelican  population 
of  Florida  (estimated  at  one  million)  de- 
stroyed $950,000  worth  of  food  fish  every 
day.  Certain  Florida  papers  took  up  the 
fight  and  denounced  the  (lovernment  for 
having  created  bird  reservations  along  the 
coast  where  pelicans  could  breed  in  safety. 
So  much  excitement  was  developed  in  that 
State  that  on   the   night  of   May    10,    1918, 

509 


510 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIETV    OE    REVIEWS 


>^i^o 


YOUNG  BROWN  PELICANS  ABOUT  TO  TAKE  A  PLUNGE 

some  man  landed  on  Pelican  Island,  a  gov- 
ernment bird  reservation  in  Indian  River, 
and  clubbed  to  death  400  young  pelicans  in 
their  nests. 

THE    GOVERNMENT    INVESTIGATES 

Florida's  supposed  grievance  was  laid  be- 
fore the  Federal  Food  Administration  at 
Washington.  Other  protests  poured  into 
the  capitol,  all  to  the  same  effect,  that  if  we 
were  going  to  have  enough  food  in  this  coun- 
try to  win  the  war  these  birds  must  be  ex- 
terminated. "Kill  the  pelican  or  the  Kaiser 
will  get  you,"  was  the  battle  cry  of  these 
campaigners. 

There  came  a  time  when  the  gentlemen 
of  the  Food  Administration  felt  that  they 
must  give  some  attention  to  these  ever-in- 
creasing complaints,  but  before  issuing  an 
edict  that  the  pelican  must  die  it  was  de- 
cided to  investigate  the  correctness  of  the 
reports.  The  writer  was  thereupon  asked  to 
visit  the  Gulf  Coast  and  after  personal  study 
report  on  these  three  points:  First,  how 
many  brown  pelicans  were  living  along  the 
coast;  second,  determine  the  character  of 
their  food ;  and  third,  recommend  to  the 
Federal  Food  Administration  what  should  be 
done. 

The  State  authorities  having  to  do  with 
conservation  matters  in  Texas,  Louisiana, 
and  Florida,  generously  agreed  in  each  case 
to  supply  a  vessel,  crew  and  provisions  for 
cruising  its  waters,  June  was  selected  for 
this  work  because  then  the  pelicans  would 
be  assembled  on  their  several  breeding 
islands.  Certain  precautionary  measures 
were    taken    to    insure    unquestioned    accept- 


ance of  the  report  when  made.  Each  pelican 
colony  was  visited  with  an  official  represen- 
tative of  the  State  in  whose  waters  the  colony 
was  situated,  and  all  counts  and  estimates 
of  birds  were  made  with  the  cooperation  of 
these  agents. 

Pelicans  both  old  and  young  readily  re- 
gurgitate their  food  when  alarmed  by  the 
approach  of  an  intruder.  This  food  was  in 
all  cases  collected  in  the  presence  of,  and 
often  with  the  help  of,  these  state  officers. 
While  they  looked  on,  the  pelican  food  thus 
taken  was  placed  in  tanks  of  formalin  and 
shipped  for  identification  to  the  United 
States  Bureau  of   Fisheries  at  Washington. 

NUMBERS  OF  BIRDS  HAD  BEEN  EXAGGERATED 

As  these  birds  usually  make  their  rude 
nests  on  the  ground  on  barren  islands  it 
was  easy  to  determine  closely  the  numbers 
of  breeding  birds  by  counting  their  nests. 
In  all  cases  30  per  cent,  was  added  to  this 
count  to  cover  the  non-breeding  birds,  viz., 
the  young  of  the  year  before,  old  bachelors, 
and  unmated  females.  Here  is  what  was 
found  as  to  numbers:  Of  the  seventeen 
islands  on  the  Texas  coast  said  to  contain 
colonies  of  pelicans,  we  were  able  to  visit 
all  but  one.  A  group  was  found  breeding 
on  only  one  of  these  and  here  we  found 
eighteen  eggs  and  thirty-two  young.  In  a 
cruise  of  abouty  eighty  miles  north  from 
Rockford,  through  the  heart  of  the  pelican 
countr)^  not  over  one  hundred  pelicans  were 
seen.  However,  to  be  generous,  we  credited 
Texas  with  5000  birds,  and  went  elsewhere. 
Every  foot  of  the  Louisiana  coast  was  cruised 


A   BROWN    PELICAN    NEST  ON    BIRD   ISLAND^   SAN 
ANTONIO  BAY,  TEXAS 


THE    CASE    OF    THE    BROWN    PELICAN 


511 


A  COMPANY  OF  YOUNG  BROWN  PELICANS  GATHERED  AS  IF  FOR  MUTUAL  PROTECTION 


and  the  colonies  all  visited.     Fifty  thousand 
we  recorded  for  that  State. 

On  the  west  coast  of  Florida  the  birds 
build  their  nests  in  the  low  mangrove  bushes 
of  small  keys,  but  it  was  not  difficult  even 
here  to  arrive  at  an  estimate  of  their  num- 
bers, on  which  my  host,  the  Shell  Fish  Com- 
missioner, and  I  could  readily  agree.  We 
found  in  this  territory  about  8000  pelicans, 
instead  of  the  reported  one  million.  In  Mis- 
sissippi and  Alabama  pelicans  do  not  breed, 
but  a  few  are  always  found  feeding  about 
the  larger  bays  and  harbors.  It  is  the 
writer's  opinion  that  in  June,  1918,  the 
brown  pelican  population  along  that  four- 
teen-hundred  mile  strip  of  coast  from  Mex- 
ico to  Key  West  did  not  exceed  65,000  adult 
birds. 

LIVE   ON   FISH    NOT   USED   FOR   HUMAN    FOOD 

Regarding  the  food  of  the  pelican  at  this 
season  Dr.  Hugh  M.  Smith,  Chief  of  the 
United  States  Fish  Commission,  reported 
that  every  specimen  sent  him  that  was  col- 
lected between  Rockford,  Texas,  and  Tampa, 
Florida,  was  the  Gulf  menhaden,  a  fish  never 
used  for  human  consumption.  Neither  the 
writer  nor  the   State's   representatives  with 


me  could  find  one  single  food  fish.  In  south 
Florida  menhaden  were  not  so  plentiful  as 
farther  west  and  this  may  account  for  the 
fact  that  the  fish  collected  were  of  seven 
varieties,  viz.,  common  mullet,  pigfish,  Gulf 
menhaden,  pinfish,  thread  herring,  top  min- 
now, and  crevalle. 

Of  the  3428  specimens  taken  in  Florida 
waters  only  twenty-seven  individual  fish 
were  of  a  kind  ever  sold  in  the  markets  for 
food,  and  not  a  single  specimen  of  the  high- 
ly prized  varieties,  such  as  trout,  mackerel, 
or  pompano,  could  be  discovered  in  the  pos- 
session of  any  pelican. 

These  large,  grotesque-looking  birds  af- 
ford winter  tourists  much  interest  as  they 
flop  about  the  docks  or  scramble  for  fishheads 
thrown  overboard,  and  many  postcards  bear- 
ing pictures  of  pelicans  are  sent  north  every 
year.  It  is  quite  possible  that  the  profits 
made  on  pelican  postcards  at  Florida  news- 
stands exceed  in  value  the  total  quantity  of 
food  fish  captured  by  the  pelicans  in  the 
waters  along  its  charming  coast. 

The  Federal  Food  Administration  has  felt 
constrained  to  say  that  the  charge  against 
the  brown  pelican  has  been  disproven. 

What  bird  will  next  be  indicted? 


AMERICANIZATION  AND 
IMMIGRATION 

BY  ROBERT  DE  C.  WARD 


THE  war  has  taught  us  a  lesson  which 
many  years  of  peace  failed  to  teach.  It 
has  shown  that,  in  many  parts  of  our  coun- 
try, our  "melting  pot,"  of  which  we  talk 
so  much,  does  not  melt;  that  millions  of  our 
foreign-born  are  in  no  way  assimilated,  and, 
as  the  late  Gen.  Francis  A.  Walker  ex- 
pressed it,  overload  our  national  digestion. 

That  is,  perhaps,  the  misfortune  rather 
than  the  fault  of  our  foreign  population. 
The  blame  is  partly,  but  not  altogether,  our 
own.  We  have  come  to  realize  that,  in 
spite  of  the  splendid  record  which  our 
soldiers  and  sailors  of  foreign  birth  or  parent- 
age made  in  the  war  there  is  still  a  real  and 
very  important  task  of  assimilation  remain- 
ing to  be  done.  The  Americanization  cam- 
paign deserves  and  should  receive  hearty  sup- 
port. It  requires  much  time,  and  vast  sums 
of  money,  and  the  services  of  all  who  love 
their  country  and  their  fellow-men. 

Four  Steps  to  Naturalization 

The  complete  Americanization  program 
involves  more  than  many  of  those  who  are 
at  present  engaged  in  it  yet  realize.  There 
are  four  phases  of  it:  First  comes  education; 
second,  assimilation  ;  third,  Americanization  ; 
and  fourth,  naturalization.  These  different 
steps  are  here  separated,  for  the  sake  of 
making  the  problem  clear,  although  all  four 
phases  are  naturally  and  inevitably  closely 
related.  The  dominant  notes  in  the  Amer- 
icanization campaign  at  present  are  educa- 
tion and  naturalization,  the  latter  imme- 
diately following  the  former.  Far  too  little 
attention  is  paid  to  the  logical  sequence  of 
the  four  stages  above  named,  every  one  of 
which  is  essential  to  the  complete  accomplish- 
ment of  our  purpose. 

The  first  step  is  obviously  education.  We 
have  suddenly  become  keenly  alive  to  the 
danger  of  having  large  numbers  of  aliens 
among  us  who  cannot  speak  or  read  our 
language,  and  we  realize  that  the  first  step 
must  be  to  give  them  all  a  knowledge  of 
English.  But  it  is  most  important  to  remem- 
ber  that  a  common   language   alone   cannot 

512 


immediately  and  completely  wipe  out  all 
discordant  racial  differences.  We  have  re- 
lied far  too  much  on  our  public  schools  to 
accomplish  Americanization  for  us.  We  have 
expected  too  much  of  flag  exercises  and  of 
compositions  on  George  Washington.  What 
is  necessarily  in  many  cases  often  a  rather 
thin  veneer  of  Americanization  has  been 
generally  thought  to  be  sufficient.  The  war 
has  shown  us  that  we  have  a  far  greater  re- 
sponsibility in  this  matter  than  simply  to  see 
that  our  alien  population  goes  to  school. 
A  common  language  is,  indeed,  an  implement 
of  Americanization,  but  it  is  only  one  imple- 
ment. It  by  no  means  completes  the 
structure. 

The  importation,  for  some  decades  past, 
of  several  hundred  thousand  non-English- 
speaking  alien  illiterates  annually  has  tre- 
mendously increased  and  complicated  the 
task  of  educating  the  millions  of  native- 
born  American  illiterates,  of  whose  presence 
in  the  United  States  many  of  us  have  lately 
for  the  first  time  become  aware.  It  surely 
does  not  decrease  our  national  burden  of 
illiteracy  when  millions  of  alien  illiterates  are 
added  to  millions  of  native-born  illiterates. 

The  second  step  is  assimilation.  This,  as 
the  term  is  here  employed,  means  the  adap- 
tation of  our  alien  population  to  the  general 
standards  of  living  which  we  designate  as 
American — standards  of  cleanliness;  of  hy- 
giene; of  public  order  and  safety,  and  the 
like.  Assimilation  is  not  Americanization, 
although  it  is  a  long  step  in  that  direction. 

The  third  stage  is  Americanization.  While 
assimilation  has  to  do  largely  with  the  phys- 
ical, Americanization  is  chiefly  concerned 
with  the  mental  and  spiritual.  It  is,  of 
course,  true  that  Americanization  to  some 
extent  begins  at  the  very  beginning,  with 
education,  and  continues  throughout  the 
process  of  assimilation.  But  what  is  here 
meant  by  Americanization  is  the  acquire- 
ment of  such  an  understanding  of  our  his- 
tory, our  institutions,  our  government  and 
our  ideals  as  will  give  all  of  our  foreign- 
born  so  deep  an  appreciation  of  and  love  for 


AMERICANIZATION   AND    IMMIGRATION 


513 


our  country  that  they  will  naturally  and  in- 
evitably wish  to  become  its  citizens. 

Both  assimilation  and  Americanization 
need  long,  close,  patient  and  unselfish  per- 
sonal contact  on  the  part  of  intelligent  and 
sympathetic  Americans  with  the  foreigners 
whom  it  is  sought  to  amalgamate  into  our 
body  politic.  This  is  no  "cheap"  and  "easy" 
thing.  Neither  lectures  on  American  states- 
men, nor  talks  on  municipal  sanitation,  can 
in  any  conceivable  way  replace  what  personal 
contact  alone  can  give.  As  Miss  Frances  A. 
Kellor  recently  pointed  out  in  the  Yale  Re- 
view :  "We  face  the  indisputable  fact  that  al- 
most without  exception  every  foreign-born 
male  adult  is  a  member  of  some  racial  organi- 
zation which  takes  precedence  in  his  mind 
over  every  other  form  of  association  of  which 
he  is  a  significant  part." 

The  Final  Stage — Naturalization 

Thus  we  come  naturally  to  the  fourth, 
and  final,  stage  in  the  process  of  complete 
Americanization,  that  of  naturalization. 
And  right  here  it  is  important  to  point  out 
that  naturalization  is  no  infallible  remedy 
for  the  evils  of  non-assimilation.  Normal 
naturalization,  which  is  the  result  of  an 
alien's  own  natural  desire  to  become  a  full- 
fledged  American  citizen,  is  a  sane  and 
healthy  process,  ft  is  good  evidence  of  his 
intention  to  become  thoroughly  assimilated. 
But  forced,  wholesale,  artificially  stimulated 
naturalization  is  undesirable.  It  does  not  tend 
to  produce  100  per  cent.  Americans.  It  may 
put  on  the  veneer,  but  by  no  means  necessar- 
ily involves  that  deep  and  lasting  appreciation 
of  our  institutions  which  is  vital  in  our 
democracy.  It  too  often  results  in  a  situa- 
tion which  is  already  far  too  common  in  this 
country,  in  which  the  "magic"  expected  of  a 
naturalization  court  does  not  work. 

When  aliens  do  not  of  themselves  ask  for 
naturalization,  they  are  not  very  likely  to  be 
desirable  citizens.  They  may  go  through  the 
motions  without  changing  their  racial  pre- 
judices, and  without  acquiring  either  our 
ideas  or  our  ideals.  To  quote  the  words 
of  another,  "When  you  persuade  a  man  to 
join  a  club  he  is  very  likely  not  to  pay  his 
dues  in  a  year  or  two,  and  if  you  persuade 
him  to  join  our  national  society  when  he 
does  not  care  much  about  it,  the  effect  is 
likely  to  be  similar."  The  Deputy  Commis- 
sioner of  Naturalization  has  recently  called 
attention  to  the  fact  that  there  are  at  present 
several  millions  of  foreign-born  in  this  coun- 
try who  have  not  become  naturalized. 

May — 5 


Colonel  Roosevelt's   ''Polyglot   Boarding 
House'' 

Far  better  that  the  remaining  unnatural- 
ized millions  should  remain  such  than  to 
force  them  through  the  naturalization  courts 
before  they  are  thoroughly  Americanized. 
The  movement  for  immediate  and  whole- 
sale naturalization  of  our  alien  population 
is  ill-advised,  even  dangerous,  unless  it  in- 
volves, as  a  preliminary,  complete  and  honest 
Americanization.  Common  citizenship  un- 
less it  be  of  the  right  kind  produces  the 
appearance  but  not  the  condition  of  unity. 
Theodore  Roosevelt's  last  public  words  ex- 
pressed his  views  on  this  matter  in  his  char- 
acteristically forceful  language : 

We  have  room  for  but  one  language  here,  and 
that  is  the  English  language,  for  we  intend  to 
see  that  the  crucible  turns  our  people  out  as 
Americans,  of  Americara  nationality,  and  not  as 
dwellers  in  a  polyglot  boarding  house;  and  we 
have  room  for  but  one  soul  loyalty,  and  that  is 
loyalty    to    the    American    people. 

No  American  wants  any  part  of  the 
United  States,  no  matter  how  small  a  sec- 
tion of  it,  to  be  a  "polyglot  boarding  house." 
Yet  that  expression  perfectly  describes  the 
situation  which  exists  to-day  in  many  places. 

Why   Immigration   Should  Be   Restricted 

There  is  one  further  step  which  is  an  abso- 
lutely essential  part  of  the  Americanization 
campaign.  The  problem  is  difficult  enough, 
at  best,  to  require  all  the  energy,  and  time, 
and  money  that  can  be  given  to  it.  But 
no  thorough  Americanization  can  possibly 
be  accomplished  unless  the  numbers  of  in- 
coming alien  immigrants  are  kept  within 
reasonable  limits.  It  is  an  absolutely  impos- 
sible task  properly  to  (1)  educate,  (2)  as- 
similate, (3)  Americanize  and  (4)  natural- 
ize our  foreign-born  population  if  millions 
forever  keep  pouring  in.  It  is  exactly  like 
trying  to  keep  a  leaking  boat  bailed  out  with- 
out stopping  the  leak.  To  expect  any 
reasonable  success  in  this  campaign,  immigra- 
tion must  be  restricted. 

The  balance  of  expert  opinion  on  the  ques- 
tion of  our  probable  immigration  in  the  years 
immediately  ahead  is  that,  as  soon  as  ocean 
transportation  is  again  fully  established,  there 
will  be  a  far  larger  immigration  than  ever 
before.  It  is  the  opinion  of  American  diplo- 
matic and  consular  officers  in  Europe,  and 
of  competent  correspondents  who  have  re- 
cently traveled  extensively  abroad,  that  there 
is  everywhere  a  more  widespread  desire  than 
ever  to  "go  to  America."     All  tin*  arguments 


514 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


which  may  be  urged  in  favor  of  a  decreased 
immigration,  based  on  the  need  of  labor  for 
reconstruction  and  for  agriculture  abroad, 
collapse  when  we  remember  that  the  great 
magnet  of  ''America"  will  continue  to  draw 
immigrants  to  this  "promised  land."  Our 
part  in  feeding  and  caring  for  vast  numbers 
of  people  abroad,  and  in  helping  to  win  the 
war  as  liberators  of  the  oppressed,  and  as 
ready  to  sacrifice,  if  necessary,  any  number 
of  lives  and  endless  sums  of  money  for  an 
ideal,  will  prove  new  incentives. 

Immigration  is  essentially  a  matter  of 
economic  conditions  here  and  abroad.  As  the 
late  Gen.  Francis  A.  Walker  so  well  put 
it,  "the  stream  of  immigration  will  flow  on 
as  long  as  there  is  any  difference  in  economic 
level  between  the  United  States  and  the  most 
degraded  communities  abroad."  A  recent 
writer,  after  considerable  study  of  the  sub- 
ject, has  put  the  probable  annual  number  of 
immigrants  who  will  soon  be  coming  here 
at  2,000,000.  Be  that  as  it  may,  the  most 
enthusiastic  believer  in  the  success  of  the 
Americanization  movement  can  hardly  face 
the  prospect  of  a  steady  annual  immigration 
of  even  only  several  hundred  thousands  with- 
out doubt  and  discouragement.  To  hope  to 
accomplish  successful  Americanization  when 
the  supply  of  aliens  keeps  up  is  to  have  an 
optimism  "beyond  all  bounds  of  reason." 
A  real  restriction  of  immigration  is  a  neces- 
sary and  a  logical  part  of  the  Americaniza- 
tion program. 

Temporary  Decrease  Due  to  the  War 

The  effect  of  the  war  in  temporarily  dim- 
inishing the  volume  of  immigration  to  the 
United  States  was,  of  course,  expected.  From 
an  annual  immigration  of  nearly  a  million 
and  a  half  during  the  fiscal  years  1913  and 
1914,  and  an  annual  net  increase  in  alien 
population  (/.  e.,  deducting  the  numbers  of 
those  who  returned  to  their  own  countries) 
of  800,000,  the  number  of  immigrant  aliens 
fell  to  a  little  over  325,000  during  the  year 
ending  June  30,  1915.  In  the  fiscal  years 
1916  and  1917,  about  300,000  came,  while 
in  the  year  ending  June  30  last  the  number 
of  immigrant  aliens  was  only   110,000. 

While  110,000  is  a  very  small  immigra- 
tion as  compared  with  the  very  much  larger 
numbers  in  the  years  preceding  the  war,  it 
is  worth  noting  that  these  alien  immigrants 
arrived  at  the  rate  of  more  than  2000  a 
week  and   nearly   10,000  a  month. 

From  July  to  November,  1918,  the  number 
of  imniigrant  aliens  was  45,909,  and  of  non- 


immigrant aliens  30,456.  How  all  these 
immigrants  have  managed  to  get  here  during 
wartime  is  a  mystery.  Obstacles  innumerable 
have  been  in  their  way,  yet  they  have  kept 
coming.  That  they  have  done  so,  in  spite 
of  the  difficulties,  shows  what  is  likely  to 
happen  on  a  vastly  greater  scale  in  the  next 
few  years,  when  transportation  by  rail  and 
steamship  is  once  more  fully  restored. 

It  has  always  been  held  by  those  who  are 
concerned  regarding  the  admission  into  the 
United  States  of  mentally  and  physically 
defective  aliens  that,  with  a  smaller  number 
of  alien  arrivals,  the  work  of  inspection  can 
be  more  effectively  done,  with  the  inevitable 
and  greatly  to  be  desired  result  that  fewer 
undesirables  will  escape  detection.  Our  ex- 
perience during  the  war  has  borne  out  this 
view.  The  increase  in  the  percentage  of 
rejections  during  the  past  four  years  is  to  be 
ascribed,  according  to  the  Commissioner- 
General  of  Immigration,  to  two  causes: 
first,  a  deterioration  in  the  quality  of  immi- 
gration itself;  and  second,  to  more  rigid  in- 
spection made  possible  by  decreased  numbers. 

In  the  earlier  days  of  the  war  there  was 
a  large  emigration  from  the  United  States 
of  men  belonging  to  the  various  belligerent 
countries  who  went  home  to  fight.  The  ma- 
jority of  these  will  naturally  come  back.  As 
soon  as  transportation  conditions  become 
more  normal,  there  will  be  a  further  con- 
siderable exodus  from  the  United  States  of 
both  men  and  women  belonging  to  the 
nations  which  have  been  at  war.  These 
recent  immigrants  will  go  home  to  ascertain 
the  fate  of  their  relatives  and  friends;  to  see 
what  has  become  of  their  family  property, 
and  to  bring  back  with  them  to  this  country 
as  many  as  possible  of  their  families  and 
friends  still  left  abroad. 

The  New  Immigration  Law 

Our  present  Immigration  Act,  after  hav- 
ing been  twice  vetoed  by  President  Wilson, 
was  passed  over  the  veto  by  both  Senate  and 
House,  and  became  law  on  February  5,  1917, 
about  two  months  before  this  country  de- 
clared war.  The  new  statute  became  effec- 
tive on  May  1,  1917.  It  is  by  far  the  most 
comprehensive  immigration  legislation  ever 
enacted  in  this  country,  and  //  properly  en- 
forced would  be  of  immense  benefit  to  our 
future  race. 

If  any  further  arguments  were  needed  to 
show  the  value  and  importance  of  this  new 
legislation  the  war  has  supplied  them.  This 
law  is  our  only  breakwater  against  the  ad- 


AMERICANIZATION   AND    IMMIGRATION 


515 


vancing  tide  of  alien  immigration,  which 
will  be  both  increased  in  quantity  and 
lowered  in  quality.  Everything  should  be 
done  to  secure  the  effective  administration 
of  the  new  law,  which  has  not  yet  had  to 
stand  the  test  of  a  large  immigration.  Its 
rigid  enforcement  will  unquestionably  result 
in  an  improvement  in  the  mental,  physical 
and  moral  qualities  of  immigrants  even  if 
not  designed  to  reduce  greatly  their  numbers. 
In  its  final  report  (1915)  the  National 
Commission  on  Industrial  Relations  reached 
the  following  conclusion: 

The  immigration  policy  of  the  United  States 
has  created  a  number  of  our  most  difficult  and 
serious  industrial  problems  and  has  been  re- 
sponsible, in  a  considerable  measure,  for  the 
existing  state  of  industrial  unrest.  The  enormous 
influx  of  immigrants  during  the  last  twenty-five 
years  has  already  undermined  the  American 
standard  of  living  for  all  workmen  except  those 
in  skilled  trades,  and  has  been  the  largest  single 
factor  in  preventing  the  wage  scale  from  rising 
as  fast  as  food  prices.  The  great  mass  of  non- 
English-speaking  workers  who  form  about  half 
the  labor  force  in  basic  industries,  has  done  much 
to  prevent  the  development  of  better  relations 
between    employer    and    employee. 

The  new  Immigration  Act,  while  a  great 
advance  on  previous  legislation,  goes  only 
a  very  little  way  toward  remedying  the  con- 
ditions here  referred  to.  This  act  is  qual- 
itatively selective,  not  quantitatively  restric- 
tive. It  will  not  greatly  reduce  the  numbers 
of  our  immigrants. 

Our  newspapers  have  lately  been  making 
much  of  the  deportation  of  alien  anarchists 
and  of  other  groups  of  agitators.  Such  de- 
portation, while  most  desirable  in  every  way 
for  the  internal  peace  and  safety  of  the  coun- 
try, is  not  a  large  or  important  factor  in 
our  immigration  policy.  It  concerns  a  few 
thousand  persons  only.  These  deportations 
arc  made  under  the  provisions  of  the  Immi- 
gration Act  of  1917,  as  expanded  and 
strengthened  by  a  supplementary  Act  of 
October  16,  1918.  Under  this  legislation, 
the  United  States  may  expel  and  deport  at 
any  time  after  their  landing,  anarchists  and 
similar  classes  of  aliens  who  preach  or  prac- 
tise the  use  of  violence  against  persons,  prop- 
erty or  organized  government. 

Proposed  Measures  of  Restriction 

The  almost  certain  prospect  of  a  greatly 
increased  immigration  closely  following  the 
ending  of  the  war;  the  manifest  injustice  of 
exposing  our  returning  soldiers  and  sail- 
ors to  competition  with  the  low-priced  labor 
of   Europe   and   of   Western   Asia,    and    the 


conviction  that  our  present  immigration  law 
is  selective  rather  than  numerically  restric- 
tive, have  naturally  resulted  in  a  widespread 
demand  for  immediate  further  legislation 
which  shall  really  limit  the  numbers  of  our 
alien  immigrants.  During  the  Short  Ses- 
sion of  the  Congress  which  ended  on  March 
4,  1919,  the  Immigration  Committee  of  the 
Hou^e  of  Representatives  reported  a  bill 
(H.  R.  15302,  Union  Calendar  No.  359; 
Report  No.  1015),  suspending  immigration 
•  for  four  years,  with  many  exceptions  in  the 
cases  of  certain  professional  classes ;  the  near 
relatives  of  aliens  now  in,  or  who  have  be- 
come citizens  of  the  United  States;  aliens 
from  Canada,  Newfoundland,  Cuba  and 
Mexico;  aliens  who  are  refugees  because  of 
various  kinds  of  persecution,  and  aliens  ad- 
mitted temporarily  under  regulations  to  be 
prescribed.    No  action  was  taken  on  this  bill. 

At  the  hearings  which  were  given  by  the 
House  Committee  on  Immigration,  the  bill 
was  strongly  advocated  by  the  American  Fed- 
eration of  Labor  and  by  other  organizations 
which  stand  for  the  maintenance  of  Ameri- 
can wages  and  of  American  standards  of  liv- 
ing, and  which,  especially  in  view  of  de- 
mobilization and  of  the  dangers  of  unemploy- 
ment, wish  to  prevent,  at  least  temporarily, 
the  influx  of  large  numbers  of  alien  workers. 

The  line-up  of  the  opponents  of  the  bill  was 
the  same  as  in  previous  years.  The  old  argu- 
ment was  used  that  there  is  already  enough 
restriction,  and  it  was  urged  that  there 
should  be  more  hearings,  and  further  delay. 
Organizations  from  whose  sympathies  the 
hyphen  has  by  no  means  been  eliminated,  and 
"interests"  directly  or  indirectly  concerned 
with  cheap  labor  and  with  transportation, 
were  represented  among  those  who  spoke 
against  the  pending  measure.  ,  One  of  the 
opponents,  representing  certain  labor  bodies 
composed  of  recent  immigrants,  maintained 
that  the  more  immigrants  and  the  more  other 
labor  we  have  in  this  country,  the  higher 
will  be  the  wages  of  the  workers,  and  the 
higher  will  be  the  general  standard  of  living! 

Another  bill,  which  was  not  reported 
(H.  R.  11280),  based  on  the  conviction  tliat 
one  of  the  best  tests  of  assimilation  is  the 
wish  to  become  naturalized,  limits  the  num- 
ber of  aliens  to  be  admitted  from  any  coun- 
try in  any  year  to  from  20  to  50  per  cent,  of 
the  persons  born  in  such  country  who  were 
naturalized  at  the  date  of  the  last  census. 
The  exact  per  cent,  is  to  be  fixed  annually 
by  the  Secretary  of  Labor,  with  reference 
to   existino:    labor   conditions    in    the    L^nited 


516 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


States.  The  percentage  plan  has  the  merits 
of  being  more  than  a  temporary  '*reconstruc- 
tion"  measure,  and  of  being  sufficiently  elastic 
to  respond  to  varying  economic  conditions. 
That  a  further  real  restriction  of  immigra- 
tion is  necessary  for  the  best  interests  of 
American  labor,  and  for  the  proper  assimila- 
tion and  Americanization  of  our  heterogen- 
eous population,  has  long  been  obvious  to  the 
large  majority  of  those,  both  Americans  and 
foreigners,  who  have  impartially  studied  our 
immigration  problems. 

Idealists  Have  Not  Solved  the  Problem 

Our  attitude  on  this  question  of  immigra- 
tion should  be  clearly  defined.  Sentiment 
will  never  solve  this,  or  any  other  great 
national  problem.  There  is  no  place  here 
for  the  idealist  who  shudders  at  the  mere 
thought  of  a  further  regulation  of  immigra- 
tion, and  who,  holding  fast  to  the  vision  of 
the  universal  brotherhood  of  man,  calls  "un- 
generous" and  "un-American"  anyone  who 
suggests  any  further  immigration  legislation. 

The  idealist  points  out  what  an  enormous 
debt  our  country  owes  to  its  foreign-born 
citizens.  He  is  constantly  reminding  us  of 
the  remarkable  achievements  of  foreign-born 
children  in  our  public  schools.  He  has  ab- 
solute confidence  in  our  capacity  to  assimilate 
all  people,  of  all  lands,  who  choose  to  come 
here.  He  believes  in  the  "melting  pot," 
where  race  hatred  and  race  differences  are 
to  be  forever  done  away  with.  He  produces 
such  endless  statistics  to  show  that  our  re- 
cent immigrants  are  far  ahead  of  the  native- 
born  in  all  that  pertains  to  good  citizenship 
that  the  rest  of  us  sometimes  cannot  help 
wondering  how  our  ancestors,  of  Anglo- 
Saxon  stock,  who  originally  settled  the 
United-  States,  ever  had  the  genius  and  the 
wisdom  and  the  courage  to  fight  the  Revolu- 
tionary War,  or  to  develop  our  American 
democratic  government. 

Yet  the  idealist  is  obviously  inconsistent 
when  he  says  that  he  believes  in  keeping  the 
United  States  forever  the  "asylum  and  the 
refuge  for  the  down-trodden  and  oppressed 
of  all  nations."  He  does  not  really  believe 
in  a  "haven"  open,  unrestrictedly,  to  all 
comers.  He  does  not  want  to  admit,  unre- 
servedly, the  insane,  the  idiot,  the  criminal, 
the  prostitute,  or  those  who  have  "loath- 
some or  dangerous  contagious  disease."  Few 
of  his  group  want  our  doors  wide  open,  for 
all  time,  to  the  incoming  of  millions  upon 
millions  of  Chinese,  Japanese  and  Hindus. 
He  is  beginning  to  realize  that,  owing  chiefly 


to  his  persistent  opposition  to  the  enactment 
of  adequate  immigration  laws,  his  "asylum," 
of  which  he  has  said  so  much,  is  becoming 
an  insane  asylum,  and  his  "refuge"  is  turn- 
ing  into   an    almshouse   and    a    penitentiary. 

Open-Door  Policies  ''Ungenerous'^  and 
"Un-American" 

Not  immigration  restriction  but  indiscrim- 
inate hospitality  to  immigrants  is  the  "un- 
generous" and  "un-American  policy."  To 
grant  free  admission  to  all  who  want  to  come 
may  give  us,  for  the  moment,  a  comfortable 
feeling  that  we  are  providing  a  "refuge  for 
the  oppressed."  But  it  is  in  the  highest 
degree  "ungenerous"  in  us,  the  custodians 
of  the  future  heritage  of  our  race,  to  permit 
to  land  on  our  shores  mental,  physical  and 
moral  defectives,  who,  themselves  and 
through  their  descendants,  will  not  only 
lower  the  standards  of  our  own  people,  but 
will  tremendously  increase  all  future  prob- 
lems of  public  and  private  philanthropy.  It 
is  in  the  highest  degree  "un-American"  for 
us  to  permit  any  such  influx  of  alien  immi- 
grants as  will  make  the  process  of  American- 
ization any  more  difficult  than  it  already  is. 

Again,  our  so-called  "traditional"  policy 
of  admitting  practically  all  who  have  wished 
to  come  has  not  helped  the  introduction  of 
political,  social,  economic,  and  educational 
reforms  abroad,  but  has  rather  delayed  the 
progress  of  these  very  movements,  in  which 
we  Americans  are  so  interested.  Had  some 
of  the  millions  of  European  immigrants  re- 
mained at  home,  they  would  have  insisted  on 
reforms  in  their  own  countries  which  have 
been  delayed,  decade  after  decade,  because 
the  discontent  of  Europe  found  a  safety-valve 
by  flying  to  America.  Have  we,  in  any  way, 
helped  the  progress  of  all  these  reforms 
abroad  by  keeping  the  safety-valve  open? 

By  encouraging  the  discontented  millions 
of  Europe  and  Asia  to  come  here  after  the 
war,  are  we  likely  to  hasten,  or  to  delay, 
the  development  of  enlightened  social  democ- 
racies in  Armenia,  in  Syria,  in  Hungary,  in 
Poland,  in  Russia,  in  Turkey?  Our  duty 
as  Americans,  interested  in  the  world-wide 
progress  of  education,  of  religious  liberty, 
and  of  democratic  institutions,  is  to  do  every- 
thing in  our  power  to  help  the  discontented 
millions  of  Europe  and  Asia  to  work  out,  in 
their  own  countries,  for  themselves,  what  our 
forefathers  worked  out  here,  for  us.  That 
would  be  the  greatest  contribution  we  could 
make  to  the  progress  and  preservation  of 
American  ideals. 


AMERICANIZING  NEW  YORK 


BY  EDWARD  A.  STEINER 

[In  the  sympathetic  interpretation  of  America  to  immigrants,  and  of  the  ne^uo  Americans  to  those 
of  older  stock,  Dr.  Edivard  A.  Steiner  holds  someivhat  the  same  place  to-day  that  the  late  Jacob  A. 
Riis  occupied  a  number  of  years  ago.  Dr.  Steiner  is  a  Professor  at  Grinnell  College,  loiva,  ivho 
spends  a  considerable  part  of  each  year  in  addressing  audiences,  and  keeping  in  close  touch  ivith 
the  trends  of  life  in  the  America  no<w  building  out  of  the  blending  of  old  and  neiv  population  ele- 
ments. He  has  ^written  admirable  books  and  is  himself  a  master  of  the  English  language,  though 
born  and  educated  in  Central  Europe.  He  has  spent  the  past  ^winter  in  Nenv  York,  in  close  contact 
every  day  <zvith  the  hopeful,  though   croivded,  masses  of  the  East  Side. — The  Editor] 


DR.  WALTER  LAIDLAW,  who  has  a 
passion  for  statistics  and  a  picturesque 
way  of  presenting  them,  claims  that  New 
York  City  is  the  youngest  city  in  the  world, 
in  that  it  has  the  largest  number  of  people 
between  the  ages  of  one  and  forty.  An  ob- 
server who  feels  the  spirit  of  things  rather 
than  the  letter,  who  is  impressed  by  quality 
rather  than  by  quantity — let  us  call  such 
a  man  a  poet — would  come  to  the  same  con- 
clusion. Stretching  her  limbs,  sore  from 
growing  pains  as  she  expands  upward  and 
downward,  knowing  no  limits  in  any  direc- 
tion, drowning  her  melancholy  periods  of  in- 
decision in  mild  riots  of  pleasure,  unheed- 
ing the  warning  voices  of  her  elder  sisters, 
who  have  become  one  with  Nineveh  and  Tyre; 
learning  her  lessons  only  because  she  must, 
and  not  because  she  will,  forgetting  the  yes- 
terdays and  heedless  of  the  morrow,  she  is  by 
every  nervous  movement  of  her  slender  body, 
by  the  exultant  note  of  her  strident  voice, 
by  the  swiftly  flowing  blood  in  her  veins  a 
young  city,  the  youngest  in  the  world. 

Chicago  and  Denver,  San  Francisco  and 
Tulsa,  Oklahoma,  will  no  doubt  object  to 
Doctor  Laidlaw's  diagrams  and  challenge 
them,  but  if  they  will  come  to  New  York 
City,  and  walk  with  me  (who  am  neither  a 
poet  nor  a  statistician)  from  the  Battery  to 
Bronx  Park,  say  on  a  sunny  Saturday,  a 
glance  at  the  horizontal  avenues  and  perpen- 
dicular streets  crowded  to  overflowing  by 
children  will  convince  them,  reluctantly  of 
course,  that  New  York  is  ahead  in  children. 
I  shall  be  careful,  however,  not  to  take  them 
to  the  so-called  residential  section,  where  the 
birth  rate  is  somewhat  checked  by  the  care 
and  expense  necessary  for  the  welfare  of 
Pekinese  dogs.  Even  deducting  the  less  pop- 
ulous West  Side,  or  certain  select  sections 
of  it,  the  voice  of  New  York  is  the  voice  of 


children,  and  though  they  are  of  every  breed 
and  race  and  tongue,  they  are  American  in 
their  reckless  darting  between  moving  ve- 
hicles, in  their  disrespect  for  the  rights  of 
their  elders,  in  their  knowledge  of  the  times 
and  seasons  for  skipping  rope  and  playing 
marbles,  for  baseball  and  football;  also, 
thank  God,  in  their  happiness,  they  are 
American  children,  speaking  the  language  of 
their  adopted  country,  singing  her  songs, 
knowing  and  loving  her  history. 

T.he  Language   of  the   Children 

I  have  walked  the  streets  of  New  York 
City  the  last  four  months,  I  have  listened  to 
the  young,  vibrant  voices  of  her  children 
which  I  hear  from  six  in  the  morning  till 
eleven  at  night,  and  I  have  not  heard  a  sin- 
gle word  spoken  in  any  other  than  the  Eng- 
lish language.  What  is  true  of  New  York 
is  true  of  the  United  States  as  a  whole.  It 
is  a  young  nation,  its  voice  is  the  voice  of 
children,  the  language  they  speak  is  the  Eng- 
lish language,  and  their  children  and  chil- 
dren's children  will  speak  no  other  tongue. 
With  the  possible  exception  of  out-of-the-way 
rural  regions,  and  of  those  States  which 
were  once  Mexican,  this  assertion  holds  good 
of  the  entire  country;  the  language  of  the 
children   is   English. 

Those  of  us  who  are  of  foreign  birth, 
who  have  tried  to  maintain  another  lan- 
guage in  our  homes  for  sentimental  or  cul- 
tural reasons,  have  found  it  impossible,  ex- 
cept perhaps  in  a  cruelly  mutilated  form, 
where  the  mothers  have  not  learned  to  speak 
English  correctly,  as  by  their  domestic  cares 
they  have  been  kept  from  contact  with 
Americans.  Yet  even  m  these  homes  the 
war  has  helped  put  an  end  to  bi-lingualism, 
although  not  witliout  tragcch'es  which  the 
native-born    cannot    understand.        Recently 

517 


518 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


1  took  dinner  at  one  of  these  homes,  and  the 
mother  in  an  unguarded  moment  lapsed  into 
German.  Immediately  the  oldest  son  of  the 
family  rose  and  made  protest,  threatening  to 
leave  the  house  if  that  should  happen  again. 
The  foreign-language  press,  which  has 
been  indiscriminately  denounced,  for  it  is 
not  an  unmixed  evil,  is  rarely  if  ever  read  by 
children;  and  the  churches,  transplanted 
from  the  Old  World,  have  had  to  add  oc- 
casional services  in  English  to  hold  the  young 
people.  One  would  have  to  go  among  those 
far  above  twenty  to  find  any  considerable 
number  who  do  not  speak  English,  and  they 
would  be  found  only  among  those  who  work 
at  hard,  manual  labor,  and  live  among  con- 
gested, groups  of  their  own  countrymen, 
where  contact  with  Americans  is  reduced  to 
a  minimum.  But,  even  there,  sad  havoc  is 
wrought  with  the  imported  language,  for 
English  words  and  phrases  creep  in  and 
gradually  maintain  a  place  in  their  vocabu- 
lary. The  following  complaint  was  made  to 
me  by  a  young  man  who  could  not  speak 
English :  "Der  landlord  hat  die  rent  ge- 
raist."  This  is  pretty  nearly  good  Ameri- 
can English.  I  listened  one  day  to  some 
Chinese  who  were  discussing  something 
which  was  absolutely  Chinese  to  me,  but 
there  were  three  words  frequently  used  which 
I  could  understand — "sure"  and  "you  bet!" 
They  are  the  first  breach  in  the  "Chinese 
Wall"  and  more  words  will  follow. 

Aliens   Fightirg   for    the    Stars   and   Stripes 

It  is  true  that  the  draft  disclosed  a  la- 
mentably large  number  of  foreigners  who 
could  not  speak  English,  and  who  belong  to 
this  category.  It  does  not  excuse  our  neg- 
lect of  this  class  to  say  that  the  draft  net  was 
very  large,  and  that  it  drew  in  a  great  num- 
ber of  newcomers  not  yet  citizens.  That 
fact  did  not  interfere  with  discipline,  or  willi 
their  loyalty.  Major-General  Crowder,  in 
his  report  to  Congress,  cites  an  instance  in 
which  1500  of  these  aliens  were  told  that 
the  Government  had  no  legal  right  to  hold 
them  to  the  colors.  The  doors  to  life  and 
freedom  swung  open ;  but  only  200  passed 
through  them,  more  than  1300  remaining  to 
^ght  for  the  flag  which  was  not  yet  theirs, 
and  to  which  they  swore  fealty,  in  the  face  of 
death.  Never  before  have  foreigners  as- 
sumed the  responsibility  of  citizenship  under 
severer  test.  A  letter  from  one  of  these, 
written  in  Croatian,  reads  in  part  as  follows: 

My  Dear  Brother: 

I   am  young  and   life   seenns   very   attractive.     I 


love  my  home,  and  the  temptation  to  go  home 
is  great;  but  none  of  my  Fathers  ever  had  a 
chance  to  fight  for  democracy.  I  am  going  to 
take  that  chance.  I  have  sold  the  civilian  suit 
you  sent  me  to  another  fellow  who  does  not 
think  the  way  I   do. 

Native  Speech  as  a  Bulwark  of  Nationalism 

I  do  not  wish  to  stress  this  point  of  the 
loyalty  of  the  foreign-born  youth,  even  though 
they  could  not  speak  English  like  this  young 
hero,  because  an  inflamed  public  mind  does 
not  wish  to  be  reminded  of  the  fact.  It  is 
among  the  older  adults,  especially  among  the 
women,  that  English  is  an  unknown  tongue, 
and  they  have  not  only  the  desire  but  the 
need  to  preserve  their  native  speech.  Here, 
again,  I  fear  I  am  striking  the  inability  of 
the  American  to  understand  the  situation. 

Many  of  these,  especially  the  Poles,  Slo- 
vaks and  Magyars,  have  come  to  America 
from  countries  in  which  the  struggle  to  pre- 
serve their  nationality  revolved  wholly  arOund 
the  question  of  language.  Bohemia's  heroic 
fight  against  Germanization  is  the  great  epic 
of  modern  nationalism.  Poland,  though  po- 
litically severed,  has  maintained  unity 
through  its  language.  The  cruelty  of  their 
oppressors  was  the  continued  compulsion 
exercised  upon  language,  and  it  became  to 
the  Poles  a  bulwark  to  be  defended,  a  sacred 
symbol  and  a  strong  fortress. 

Moreover,  the  more  intimate  relationships 
in  life,  the  aspirations  of  the  soul,  cannot  be 
easily  translated  or  readily  understood  in  any 
other  than  one's  native  language.  The 
action  of  certain  governors  of  Western  States 
in  prohibiting  worship  in  any  other  language 
than  English  was  to  those  involved  a  sad  re- 
minder of  oppression  which  they  did  not  ex- 
pect to  experience  in  the  land  of  the  free.  By 
that  action  many  were  driven  into  radical 
camps,  and  the  learning  of  the  English  lan- 
guage was  made  obnoxious. 

America   a   Nation     of  One  Language 

There  are  certain  things  which  need  to  be 
remembered.  First  of  all  the  United  States 
is  a  uno-lingual  nation.  If  America  remains 
a  nation  a  thousand  years — and  may  it  be 
deathless — the  language  of  Congress  will  be 
English,  the  language  of  commerce  and  edu- 
cation, of  literature  and  social  expression 
will  be  the  same.     It  holds  undisputed  sway. 

The  languages  of  the  early  conquerors 
and  colonizers,  French  and  Spanish,  are  near- 
ly gone,  with  exceptions  in  the  case  of  Span- 
ish. German  remains  as  a  corrupt  dialect 
in    Pennsylvania,    though    eaten    through    by 


AMERICANIZING    NEIT    YORK 


519 


English  phrases  wherever  it  is  found.  The 
scholars  and  authors  who  were  sent  over  on 
their  propagandist  mission  found  no  under- 
standing among  the  German  masses,  and  had 
to  confine  themselves  to  colleges  and  universi- 
ties, where  the  intensive  students  and  teachers 
of  German  philosophy  and  literature  were 
mostly  Americans. 

Should  the  Use  of  English  Be  Compulsory  f 

Yiddish,  Italian  and  Slavic  will  vanish 
with  the  cessation  of  immigration  from 
Southern  and  Eastern  Europe,  and  there  is 
no  indication  that  these  languages  will  cor- 
rupt or  influence  our  English  speech.  To 
me,  born  and  reared  as  I  was  in  the  center  of 
the  European  language  struggle,  the  achieve- 
ment of  America  in  keeping  its  language 
dominant  is  as  remarkable  as  it  is  rare,  and 
is  due  to  many  reasons — among  them  the  fact 
that  there  was  no  governmental  pressure  to 
achieve  it.  I  am  a  frequent  visitor  of  for- 
eign-speaking lodges  and  societies,  and  I  find 
that  fully  90  per  cent,  of  them  have  for- 
saken the  use  of  their  vernacular,  and  have 
adopted  Engb'sh,  poor  English  in  most  cases, 
but  English  nevertheless. 

On  the  twelfth  day  of  February  I  was 
asked  by  a  lodge  whose  membership  is  made 
up  entirely  of  foreign-born  men  and  women, 
to  speak  on  Abraham  Lincoln  (and  wonders 
can  be  wrought  among  them  with  that 
name).  This  lodge  has  a  service  flag  of  over 
thirty  stars  and  four  of  them  have  turned 
into  gold.  It  was  also  left  to  me,  for  I  was 
the  guest  of  honor,  to  present  a  gold  watch 
in  the  name  of  the  lodge  to  a  returned  and 
wounded  soldier,  one  of  their  members.  The 
exercises  were  remarkable  for  their  fervor 
and  sense  of  devotion  to  the  United  States, 
and  for  the  fact  that  the  lodge  members  made 
their  present  to  an  Austrian,  who  had  been 
fighting  Austrians  on  the  Italian  front.  It 
is  easy  to  imagine  that  if  there  were  a  law 
to  compel  these  societies  to  conduct  their 
ritual  in  English,  the  sense  of  spontaneity 
would  be  gone,  and  no  such  fine  exhibition 
of  loyalty  w^ould  have  taken  place. 

It  is  urged  that  the  study  of  English 
should  be  made  compulsory  in  order  to  stamp 
out  sedition  and  radicalism.  I  do  not  know 
just  how  many  extreme  radicals  there  are 
in  this  country,  but  I  am  safe  in  saying  that 
most  of  them  speak  the  English  language, 
while  many  of  them  are  native  Americans 
springing  from  the  oldest  of  that  stock. 
Those  who  were  convicted  of  obstructing 
the  draft  were  able  to  speak  English.     The 


curbstone  orator  speaks  English,  and  most 
of  the  radical  press  is  printed  in  the  same 
language.  Evidently,  knowing  English  has 
not  prevented  Americans  and  foreigners 
from  becoming  disaffected  and  dangerous. 

My  own  conviction  is  that  the  illiterate 
foreigner  is  not  the  most  menacing  element 
in  our  population,  and  that  a  little  English, 
which  is  all  that  most  of  them  could  learn, 
may  be  "a  dangerous  thing."  The  English 
have  succeeded  in  making  the  Irish  speak 
their  language  to  the  point  of  almost  losing 
their  Gaelic  speech ;  yet  knowing  English  has 
not  made  the  Irish  loyal  to  England. 

English  Can  Be  Better  Taught  Without 
Compulsion 

The  people  of  Alsace-Lorraine  predomi- 
nantly speak  German,  it  is  the  language  of 
their  literature;  but  that  has  not  prevented 
them  from  feeling  French,  though  most  of 
them  do  not  know  that  Latin  tongue.  Com- 
pulsions have  nearly  always  bred  opposition 
and  disloyalty,  and  I  can  imagine  all  the 
foreign-born  people  in  the  United  States 
speaking  English  as  eloquently  as  Daniel 
Webster,  and  spelling  it  as  correctly  as  that 
other  Webster  of  dictionary  fame,  and  yet 
the  sum  of  loyalty  not  being  increased. 
There  is  a  naive  belief  here  that  if  a  for- 
eigner should  learn  to  read  the  Constitution 
it  would  be  his  and  our  salvation. 

We  are  incurable  worshippers  of  the  let- 
ter, especially  of  pretty  phrases,  and  seeming- 
ly have  forgotten  that  "It  is  the  spirit  that 
quickeneth."  However,  I  have  always  urged 
the  teaching  of  English  to  foreigners.  In 
fact,  my  American  critics  have  been  rather 
hard  on  me  when  I  have  emphasized  that 
point,  and  suggested  that  we  have  Grand 
Opera  sung  in  English.  We  have  always 
taught  too  little  of  it,  and  not  too  much ; 
we  have  done  it  poorly  rather  than  well,  and 
my  protest  is  not  against  its  being  taught, 
but  against  its  being  taught  by  compulsion 
of  law,  believing  as  I  do  that  economic  and 
social  impulsions  which  are  operative  will 
accomplish  better  results. 

Teach  One  Foreigner  to  Speak  English.' 

I  am  heartily  in  favor  of  making  the  move- 
ment national,  the  State  creating  the  oppor- 
tunity and  providing  the  means.  If  there  is 
to  be  any  kind  of  legal  coercion,  I  would 
compel  every  native  American  citizen,  who 
is  the  kind  of  citizen  he  ought  to  be,  to  teacli 
at  least  one  foreigner  to  speak  English.  Even 
if   he   docs   not  succeed    in   teachinji   liiin   to 


520 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


read  and  understand  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  he  will  by  projecting  himself 
into  the  life  of  the  alien,  create  contact,  and 
a  sense  of  neighborliness  which,  in  the  last 
analysis,  is  the  essential  thing  for  his  Ameri- 
canization. It  would  also  serve  to  enlarge  the 
vision  of  the  American  people,  which  they 
need,  and  compel  them  to  be  a  good  example. 

Good  Work  iTi  Schools,  Settlements^ 
y.  M.  C.  A.  and  Y.  W.  C.  A. 

The  best  work  of  Americanization  has 
been  done  by  the  public  schools.  The  under- 
paid, overworked  American  teachers  have 
been  the  high  priests  or  rather  the  high 
priestesses  of  the  American  spirit,  and  rather 
tardily  we  have  awakened  to  that  fact.  Their 
work,  of  course,  has  been  preponderantly 
with  the  children.  The  Settlements  come 
next.  They  have  made  whole  neighborhoods 
American ;  they  radiate  Americanism  at  its 
best  and  our  great  cities  owe  them  a  larger 
obligation  than  they  realize.  They  are  the 
"House  of  the  Interpreter." 

The  Y.  M.  C.  A.  is  facing  the  most  diffi- 
cult situation,  for  its  deals  with  groups  which 
are  the  center  of  economic  disturbance  and 
social  unrest.  Its  work  is  excellent,  even 
though  circumscribed. 

The  International  Institute,  an  organiza- 
tion under  the  auspices  of  the  Y.  W.  C.  A., 
is  somewhat  more  fortunately  situated  and  its 
plan  appeals  to  me  as  more  effective.  In 
every  community  where  the  International  In- 
stitute operates,  the  work  is  supervised  by  a 
fair-minded  American  w^oman,  who  has  under 
her  charge  interpreters,  who  visit  in  the 
homes  and  Americanize  the  women,  by  not 
only  teaching  them  English,  but  by  perform- 
ing services  of  friendship,  which  can  be  un- 
derstood in  all  languages. 

Attitude  of  the  Churches 

The  churches  which  the  immigrant  im- 
ports yield  themselves  reluctantly  to  this 
task,  and  have  frequently  opposed  Ameri- 
canization. They  are  often  nationalistic 
churches  and  until  lately  were  supported  by 
their  respective  governments.  This  menace 
has  been  removed  by  the  war,  and  in  many 
instances  the  immigrants  themselves  are  op- 
posing the  resumption  of  such  control. 

A  leader  among  the  Hungarian  people  of 
New  York  confessed  to  me  that  his  influence 
among  his  own  people  is  gone,  and  that  they 
demand  American  guidance  and  leadership. 
Contrary  to  the  general  belief,  Roman  Cath- 
olic priests   are  helping  in  the  endeavor  to 


Americanize  their  people,  and  I  know  of 
many  Y.  M.  C.  A.  secretaries  who  are  con- 
ducting classes  in   parochial  halls. 

American  Protestant  churches  have"  at- 
tempted the  task  of  Americanization  without 
satisfactory  numerical  results,  because  they 
are  under  suspicion  of  proselyting.  They 
would  be  more  successful  if  Christianizing 
and  Americanizing  were  not  used  by  them 
as  interchangeable  terms.  The  foreigner  is 
usually  not  a  heathen,  and  while  his  brand 
of  Christianity  may  not  be  "our  kind,"  it 
tends  toward  loyalty  and  respect  for  law 
and  order. 

Sane  and  Wise  Educational  Ca?npaigns 

The  Bureau  of  Education  under  the  De- 
partment of  the  Interior  is  doing  good  work 
in  enlightening  public  opinion,  and  while  it 
sometimes  touches  the  alarmistic  pedal,  it  is 
on  the  whole,  sane.  Secretary  Lane  and 
Commissioner  of  Education  Claxton  are  both 
Americans  of  the  best  type — men  of  vision 
and  of  purpose. 

The  State  of  New  York,  under  the  guid- 
ance of  the  Department  of  Education,  is 
"tackling  the  job"  in  a  very  fundamental 
way.  It  is  training  teachers  to  instruct  for- 
eigners in  English.  At  the  same  time  it  at- 
tempts to  give  these  teachers  a  knowledge  of 
the  background  of  the  different  groups  which 
differ  widely  from  one  another  and  need 
different  methods  of  approach. 

It  is  an  interesting  fact  that  wherever  the 
task  has  been  attempted  in  a  sane  way,  it 
has  dispelled  fear  and  has  led  to  the  realiza- 
tion that  while  English  is  necessary  as  a  tool, 
it  must  not  be  used  like  a  steam-roller. 

It  should  be  a  key  to  open  the  doors  of 
human  hearts  which  are  locked  because  of 
past  experiences  in  an  atmosphere  of  sus- 
picion and  fear.  In  more  than  one  respect 
are  we  in  danger  of  catching  the  disease  of 
the  Old  World  which  we  have  tried  to  cure 
by  our  entrance  into  the  war.  It  may  be 
wise  for  us  to  remember  that  Germany  as- 
similated millions  of  Slavs  while  she  was 
still  wise,  and  that  she  added  nothing  but 
doom  to  her  domain  when  she  began  to  be 
silly.  The  cracks  in  the  structure  of  the 
empires  which  were  wrecked  by  the  war 
were  caused  by  undue  pressure  from  above. 
While  the  situation  in  the  United  States  is 
not,  perhaps,  analogous,  a  word  to  the  wise 
may  not  be  out  of  place,  spoken  as  it  is  by  one 
who  has  faith  to  believe  that  the  wise  are 
still  m  the  majority  in  this  country,  which 
is  the  hope  of  the  human  race. 


If 


WAITING  IN  LINE  FOR  BREAD  AND  COFFEE  AT  "THE  STEPPING  STONE"  IN  NEW  YORK  CITY 


SOLVING  THE  PROBLEM  OF 
THE  UNEMPLOYED 

BY  GEORGE  W.  KIRCHWEY 

(Director,   U.   S.   Employment   Service,   for  the  State  of  New  York) 


THE  incongruity  of  war  with  civilized 
life  is  most  keenly  realized  when  one 
turns  from  the  cheering  crowds  that  welcome 
our  home-coming  heroes  to  the  industrial 
conditions  which  confront  and  daunt  those 
heroes  when  the  tumult  and  the  shouting 
have  died  away.  It  is  true  that  in  America, 
as  compared  with  Belgium,  France,  Great 
Britain,  and  the  other  countries  whose  fate 
it  was  to  bear  the  brunt  of  the  conflict,  the 
war  has  only  scratched  the  surface  of  the 
every-day  life  of  the  people.  Here  the  war 
period  took  on  the  form  of  an  era  of  unex- 
ampled prosperity.  But  even  if  the  war 
brought  no  destruction  to  our  doors,  its 
unique  modern  character  of  a  gigantic  indus- 
trial conflict  interwoven  with  the  military 
struggle  of  a  world  in  arms,  resulted  in  a 
serious  dislocation  of  industrial  life.  With 
nearly  four  millions  of  men  under  arms  and 
at  least  twice  that  number  of  men  and 
women  engaged  in  the  production  of  muni- 
tions and  other  war  material — more  than  a 
third  of  the  man  power  of  the  country  up- 
rooted from  peace-time  activities — no  other 
result  was  possible. 

If  to  this  is  added  the  transfer  of  an 
equivalent  amount  of  capital  and  credit  with- 
drawn from  ordinary  industry  and  tied  up  in 
the  industries  devoted  to  war  production,  it 
is  easy  to  see  that  the  transition  back  to  a 
normal  industrial  basis  could  not  be  accom- 
plished without  painful  delay  and  confusion. 
In  short,  there  was  bound  to  be  a  consider- 


able condition  of  unemployment  pending  the 
time  when  the  ordinary  industries,  which  had 
been  suspended  or  crippled  by  the  war, 
should  revive  and  get  back  to  a  normal  ba- 
sis. This  process  is  now  under  way,  but  is 
proceeding  slowly  and  irregularly.  The  con- 
fidence which  is  essential  to  a  quick  revival  is 
still  lacking  and  this  condition  of  doubt  and 
indecison  in  the  business  world  is  kept  alive 
by  the  continued  high  cost  of  labor,  ma- 
chinery, and  raw  material,  as  well  as  by  the 
embargo  which  continues  to  hamper  foreign 
trade. 

A  Labor  Surplus 

Meanwhile  the  condition  of  unemploy- 
ment which  set  in  almost  immediately  upon 
the  conclusion  of  the  armistice  has  been 
steadily  increasing.  The  rapid  demobiliza- 
tion of  the  army  and  of  the  war  workers  has 
thrown  men  and  women  on  the  labor  mar- 
ket at  a  rate  far  in  excess  of  the  capacity  of 
our  slowly  reviving  industry  to  absorb  them. 
The  actual  amount  of  unemployment  cannot 
be  determined  except  by  an  exhaustive  census, 
but  the  weekly  reports  of  the  labor  market 
gathered  by  the  United  States  Kniployment 
Service  show  an  ascending  curve  from  the 
first  week  in  December  to  and  including  the 
second  week  in  April,  which  is  certainly  dis- 
quieting. At  present  such  reports  are  re- 
ceived regularly  from  about  7000  plants  in 
122  cities,  with  a  combined  payroll  of  nearly 
3,500,000  employees.     Though  these  reports 

5-M 


522 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


are  still  fragmentary,  they  furnish  a  reliable 
barometer  of  the  tendency,  still  unchecked, 
toward  an  increasing  labor  surplus. 

Labor's  Restlessness 

The  seriousness  of  this  condition  of  affairs 
is  not  to  be  measured  by  actual  statistics  of 
unemployment,  even  where  these  are  avail- 
able, but  rather  by  such  facts  as  the  lengthen- 
ing of  the  bread-lines  in  New  York  and  other 
centers  of  population,  by  th-e  rapid  increase 
in  the  last  few  weeks  of  thefts,  burglaries, 
and  robberies  in  our  larger  cities,  and  by 
the  reports  of  "acute  unrest"  which  mark 
the  rising  tide  of  unemployment  in  many 
parts  of  the  country.  The  term  unrest  may 
mean  anything  from  conditions  breeding  a 
strike  or  lockout  to  processions  of  the  un- 
employed or  riotous  demonstrations,  such 
as  occurred  in  the  city  of  Buffalo  a  few 
weeks  ago.  Nowhere  in  the  country  have 
these  demonstrations  taken  on  a  serious 
form,  but  they  are  the  surface  indications  of 
a  widespread  condition  of  restlessness  and  re- 
sentment which  have  not  to  the  same  extent 
manifested  themselves  in  previous  periods 
of  unemployment. 

The  dull  resignation  which  is  usually 
characteristic  of  the  army  of  unemployed  is 
conspicuously  lacking  in  the  returning  sol- 
diers and  war  workers  who  were  drafted 
from  permanent  industry  to  serve  their  coun- 
try in  the  emergency  of  war  and  who  see 
in  the  attitude  of  the  ordinary  employer, 
as  in  that  of  the  community  at  large,  no  sub- 
stantial recognition  of  their  services  or  needs. 
It  is  true  that  most  employers  who  are  able 
to  do  so  are  willing  to  take  back  their  old 
employees  who  went  into  the  military  or 
naval  service  of  the  Government,  but  this 
leaves  many  still  unaccounted  for  and  the  pa- 
triotic impulse  is  too  feeble  to  extend  to  war 
workers  other  than  soldiers  or  even  to  sol- 
diers— and  their  name  is  legion — who  desire 
something  better  than  the  old  job. 

This  condition  of  affairs  is  aggravated  by 
the  disposition  of  many  employers  to  take 
advantage  of  a  congested  labor  market  by 
reducing  wages  to  a  "normal"  before-war 
basis — an  attitude  which  is  as  bitterly  re- 
sented by  the  highly  paid  war  worker  as  by 
the  soldier  fresh  from  the  hardships  and 
heroisms  of  war  service. 

Back  of  all  these  obvious  facts  lie  the 
deeper  springs  of  the  spirit  of  unrest  which 
permeates  the  army  of  the  unemployed — the 
reaction  from  the  war-psychology  and  the 
contagion  of  European  example.     Which  of 


us,  even  in  this  isle  of  safety,  have  not  felt 
something  of  the  relaxation  of  civic  disci- 
pline, a  touch  of  the  spirit  of  recklessness 
and  some  of  the  unrest  which  the  war  must 
have  brought  in  fuller  measure  to  the  boys 
who  committed  themselves  to  the  great  ad- 
venture, or  to  the  men  who  became  knights- 
errant  of  industry  during  the  last  two  years? 
And  if  we  have  not  been  shaken  by  the  spec- 
tacle of  a  Europe  dissolving  into  chaos,  let 
us  not  forget  that  unemployment  and  desti- 
tution furnish  a  congenial  soil  for  the  growth 
of  discontent  such  as  has  borne  such  evil 
fruit  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic. 

No  Bolshevism  Here 

Bolshevism,  as  that  term  is  commonly  un- 
derstood, is  as  alien  to  American  habits  of 
thought  as  it  is  to  our  institutions.  The 
governmental  drives  at  this  monster,  whether 
emanating  from  Washington  or  from  Al- 
bany, seem  to  most  thinking  men  to  be  no 
more  than  panic-stricken  attempts  to  deal 
with  the  symptoms  rather  than  the  causes  of 
social  unrest.  Bolshevism  is  only  another 
name  for  desperation,  the  desperation  of  hun- 
ger and  the  denial  of  the  most  elem.entary 
satisfactions  of  human  life.  Those  who  fear 
its  appearance  in  free  America  would  better 
concern  themselves  with  devising  means  of 
employment  for  those  who  lack  that  anchor 
of  stability  and  contentment. 

But  the  fear  is  groundless.  The  figures 
are  against  us,  but  "the  imponderables"  are 
fighting  for  us.  The  curve  of  unemploy- 
ment is  still  slowly  rising,  but  the  tide  of 
public  interest  and  cooperation  is  rising 
faster.  Through  numberless  public  and  pri- 
vate  agencies   the   problem   is   being   solved. 

Public  and  Private  Agencies 

The  most  effective  of  these  agencies,  the 
United  States  Employment  Service,  neglected 
by  Congress  and  almost  destroyed  through 
that  neglect,  has  by  an  uprising  of  public 
spirit  not  only  been  preserved  to  carry  on  its 
beneficent  work,  but  has  been  reinforced  by 
State  and  municipal  aid  and  by  the  coopera- 
tion of  Chambers  of  Commerce  and  of  the 
numerous  and  devoted  war-welfare  agencies 
like  the  Red  Cross,  the  Knights  of  Colum- 
bus, the  Y.  M.  C.  A.,  the  War  Camp  Com- 
munity Service,  and  many  others.  In  addi- 
tion to  the  regular  employment  offices  of  the 
Federal  Service,  nearly  500  in  number,  there 
are  special  offices  of  the  service  in  the  78 
demobilization  camps  and  over  2000  soldiers' 
bureaus  in  active  operation.     At  every  Em- 


THE  "SOCIAL   UNIT'  IN  CINCINNATI 


523 


barkation  Camp  on  the  other  side  and  on 
every  returning  transport,  the  men  are  in- 
terviewed and  listed  and  the  cards  of  those 
needing  the  aid  of  the  service  transmitted 
to  the  employers  of  labor.  There  is  no  lon- 
ger any   doubt   that   the   returning  soldiers, 


sailors  and  marines  will  be  promptly  put 
back  into  industrial  life  and  that  the  labor 
surplus  will  soon  be  a  thing  of  the  past.  And 
just  beyond,  a  few  months  further  on,  there 
shines  the  promise  of  a  new  era  of  industrial 
prosperity,  when  there  will  be  work  for  all. 


THE  "SOCIAL  UNIT" 
IN  CINCINNATI 

BY  CHARLES  A.  L.  REED 

(Former  President  American  Medical  Association) 


A  LABORATORY  experiment  in  prac- 
tical democracy  is  now  in  progress  in  the 
United  States.  It  may  be  described  in  more 
explanatory  terms  as  an  effort  to  ascertain,  by 
strictly  scientific  methods,  some  way  by  which 
the  people  may  come  to  govern  their  own 
municipalities.  It  may  also  be  spoken  of  as 
an  effort  to  make  democracy  safe  for  itself 
and  safe  for  the  world.  The  experiment  is 
staged  and  promoted  by  the  National  Social 
Unit  Organization,  of  which  Mr.  Gifford 
Pinchot  is  president,  and  of  which  Mrs. 
Charles  L.  Tiffany,  Mrs.  J.  Borden  Harri- 
man,  Mr.  John  Jay  Edison,  Mrs.  Daniel 
Guggenheim,  Mr.  Wm.  J.  Loeb,  Jr.,  Mr. 
Charles  Edison,  and  many  other  equally  well- 
known  men  and  women  of  all  shades  of  po- 
litical opinion,  scattered  from  Boston  to  San 
Diego,  are  active  and  deeply  interested  mem- 
bers and  substantial  supporters. 

The  Atmosphere 

This  organization,  having  adopted  a  defi- 
nite plan,  naturally  sought  a  congenial  at- 
mosphere in  which  to  try  it  out.  Several 
cities  were  Investigated  with  this  object  in 
view.  It  so  happened,  however,,  that  the 
people  of  Cincinnati,  many  years  ago,  after 
having  been  supplied  with  water  by  a  private 
company,  revoked  the  franchise,  built  their 
own  works,  and  laid  their  own  mains.  This 
was  their  first  step  In  the  public  ownership  of 
public  utilities.  Other  similar  steps  have 
since  been  taken.  They,  the  people  of  Cincin- 
nati, have  built  and  now  own  a  railroad  to 
the  profit  of  their  public  exchequer  and  the 
enrichment  of  their  commerce. 

They  have  built  and  now  own  and  operate 
a  strictly  municipal  university  with  some  four 
thousand  students.  They  own  and  operate 
therewith  a  really  phenomenal  school  of  en- 


gineering with  the  great  manufacturing 
plants  of  the  city  as  cooperative  laboratories. 
They  own  a  Class  A  medical  school  which 
they  operate  In  connection  with  their  own 
new  four-mllllon-dollar  hospital.  Schools, 
playgrounds,  parks,  milk  service,  nursing 
service,  health  service,  and  medical  service 
are  among  their  other  cooperative  municipal 
activities.  Certain  of  the  largest  Industries 
of  the  city,  among  the  largest  and  best  in  the 
whole  country,  have  been  for  years  on  the 
profit-sharing  basis,  and  now  one  of  the  very 
largest  has  announced  the  policy  of  elective 
representation  of  the  employees  in  its  direc- 
torate. These  facts,  with  the  habit  of  Cin- 
cinnati to  attend  to  its  own  business  in  its 
own  very  Independent  way,  indicated  pre- 
cisely the  ''atmosphere"  that  was  being 
sought  by  the  National  Social  Unit  Organi- 
zation. 

The   Plan 

The  plan  was  submitted ;  a  certain  definite 
area  was  to  be  set  aside — as  it  proved  to  be, 
thirty-one  city  blocks,  with  about  15,000 
average  American  citizens  of  mixed  national 
antecedents  and  diverse  occupations.  The 
people,  about  500  In  each  block,  were  to  meet 
en  bloc  and  elect  a  "block  worker"  who  lived 
in  the  block  and  knew  the  people.  She — the 
block  workers  are  all  women — was  to  hunt 
up  possible  tuberculosis  cases,  find  expectant 
mothers,  new-born  babies,  sickness,  dependen- 
cies, unsanitary  conditions — in  short,  hunt 
around  generally,  find  people  who  ought  to 
be  helped,  conditions  that  ought  to  be  better, 
and  report  them  to  headquarters. 

There  was  to  be  a  medical  organization 
embracing  all  the  physicians  of  the  district, 
who  were  thereby  to  come  into  control  of  the 
h\'gienic,     sanitar\',     and     medical     situation 


524 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


among  the  people  for  whom  they  lived  and 
labored  and  with  whom  they  had  their  being. 
Adequate  nursing  service  was  to  be  installed 
quite  on  the  district  plan.  Records  of  the 
most  scientific  kind  were  to  be  kept. 

The  block  workers  were  to  meet  in  a  Citi- 
zens' Council — and  elect  an  executive;  the 
physicians  in  a  Medical  Council — and  elect 
an  executive ;  the  nurses  in  a  Nurses'  Council 
— and  elect  an  executive ;  and  persons  in  the 
various  occupations  in  the  district  were  to 
elect  representatives  to  the  Occupational 
Council — ^which  also  was  to  elect  an  execu- 
tive. These  Councils  were  to  meet,  consider 
the  welfare  of  the  district,  plan  cooperation, 
but  above  all  to  effect  a  100  per  cent,  contact 
of  the  movement  with  the  people  and  of  the 
people  with  themselves — a  most  important 
and  much-needed  thing  in  a  democracy. 
Everything  in  the  experiment  was  to  be  elec- 
tive, of  record,  scientific,  but  above  all  to  be 
frank  and  wide  open  for  inspection  and  study. 

The  Experiment  in  Progress 

Cincinnati,  through  its  civic  bodies,  exam- 
ined the  plan,  liked  its  scientific  spirit,  invited 
the  organization  to  come,  set  aside  the  se- 
lected "laboratory"  district,  and  turned  over, 
as  far  as  it  could,  its  own  activities  in  the 
area;  for  Cincinnati,  through  several  hundred 
of  its  citizens  acting  for  it,  felt  that,  appar- 
ently, the  whole  project  was  based  on  the 
natural  law  that  is  inherent  in  society  and 
that  makes  for  broader  life,  larger  liberty, 
and  the  readier  pursuit  of  happiness.  So  the 
Social  Unit  was  established  in  the  district  in 
January,  1917,  but  it  was  well  on  to  mid- 
summer before  the  working  organization  was 
perfected.  Headquarters  were  established, 
offices  and  clinics  were  opened ;  each  block 
was  organized ;  the  physicians  responded  with 
encouraging  unanimity;  nurses  were  in- 
stalled ;  and  representations  from  social  cen- 
ters, social  workers,  business  men,  public 
schools,  trade  unions,  nurses,  physicians,  and 
ministers,  all  of  the  district,  were  elected  to 
the  Occupational  Council.     Each  individual 


and  each  group  proceeded  to  functionate 
smoothly  and  effectively  in  their  respective 
capacities. 

Some  of  the  Results 

A  year  later,  after  several  of  the  leaders  in 
the  movement  had  been  criticized  because  of 
their  supposed  radical  and  "Bolshevist"  tend- 
encies, the  group  of  600  or  700  citizens  who 
had  been  responsible  for  starting  the  work  in 
Cincinnati  proceeded  to  investigate.  They 
found  that  the  experiment  had  really  been 
carried  on  in  good  faith  and  on  the  precise 
lines  that  had  been  submitted  in  print  and 
agreed  to  before  anything  had  been  done. 
Much  had  been  accomplished.  Three  hun- 
dred per  cent,  more  of  tuberculosis  had  been 
ferreted  out  than  had  been  at  first  reported 
to  the  unit;  the  mortality  from  influenza  had 
been  many  per  cent,  less  in  the  district  than 
in  the  immediately  adjacent  territory;  infant 
mortality  had  been  lessened;  accidents  of 
childbirth  diminished,  hygiene  of  habitations 
vastly  improved,  and  the  people  themselves 
had  been  educated  by  example  and  practise  to 
at  least  some  better  observance  of  the  natural 
law  which,  in  the  last  analysis,  is  the  arbiter 
of  their  destinies. 

But  above  all  they  found  the  people  happy 
over  the  work  of  the  Social  Unit ;  all  had 
heard  of  it ;  many  had  participated ;  some  had 
been  its  beneficiaries — and  none  had  forfeited 
his  or  her  self-respect  in  giving  or  accepting 
help — help,  not  charity.  A  committee  of  the 
Academy  of  Medicine  declared  that  much 
good  had  been  done  and  advised  that  the  ex- 
periment be  continued. 

On  April  10  the  question  whether  or  not 
the  experiment  should  be  continued  was  sub- 
mitted to  a  vote  of  the  people  of  the  district. 
Out  of  a  total  of  4154  votes  there  were  only 
120  against  continuance.  It  was  estimated 
that  at  least  two-thirds  of  the  total  number 
of  persons  entitled  to  take  part  in  the  election 
actually  voted,  so  that  the  declared  result  may 
be  regarded  as  a  clear  indication  of  public 
sentiment  in  the  district. 


LEADING  ARTICLES  OF  THE 

MONTH 


APPRENTICE   "EXECUTIVES"    FOR   THE 

LEAGUE 


THE  political  career  of  the  future  will, 
more  than  ever  before,  assume  an  inter- 
national aspect,  since  the  League  of  Nations 
must  have  standing  committees,  secretaries, 
and  other  officers,  of  international  represen- 
tation and  powers;  and  politics  will  be  more 
a  matter  of  economics  and  sociology  than  of 
law.  It  is  interesting,  in  this  connection,  to 
learn  that  there  are,  ready  to  hand,  inter- 
national bodies  already  organized  and  func- 
tioning to  secure  joint  international  control 
of  basic  materials.  Chandler  P.  Anderson, 
Esq.,  in  a  signed  editorial  published  in  the 
American  Journal  of  International  Law, 
discusses  the  work  of  these  committees,  and 
says: 

These  Executives,  as  they  were  called,  were  in- 
ternational joint  committees  organized  by  agree- 
ments between  the  United  States  and  the  prin- 
cipal Allied  Governments,  each  committee  being 
vested  with  certain  well-defined  executive  pow- 
ers relating  to  the  procurement  and  distribution 
of  some  one  or  more  of  the  materials  mentioned 
(nitrate  of  soda,  tin,  hides  and  leather,  miscel- 
laneous raw  materials,  and  some  food  supplies) 
to  the  best  advantage  of  all  the  participating 
countries.  .  .  . 

The  general  plan  upon  which  all  of  these 
Executives  were  formed  was  for  the  appropriate 
governmental  agency  in  each  country  to  enter 
into  a  special  agreement  with  the  others,  estab- 
lishing the  particular  Executive  created  thereby 
and  stipulating  that  it  should  be  composed  of  an 
agreed  number  of  representatives  of  each  par- 
ticipating country  with  authority  to  carry  out 
the  specified  arrangements  agreed  upon,  with  the 
proviso  that  these  arrangements  must  be  modified 
and  readjusted  from  time  to  time  by  such  further 
agreements  as  might  be  necessary  in  order  to 
serve  the  best  interests  of  all  concerned.  These 
special  agreements  further  provided  for  and  de- 
fined, subject  to  the  aforesaid  reservation  as  to 
modifications  and  readjustments,  the  specific 
powers  and  duties  of  the  Executives  thereby  es- 
tablished. 

Perhaps  the  most  difficult  problem  taken 
up  by  these  Executives,  or  committees,  was 
the  control  of  production,  purchase  and  dis- 
tribution of  nitrate  of  soda  to  the  best  ad- 


vantage of  all  the  Allied  countries  at  the 
lowest  possible  price.  Practically  the  entire 
world  supply  came  from  a  single  source — 
Chile,  a  neutral  country.  It  was  provided 
that  all  nitrate  should  be  purchased  when 
and  as  authorized  by  the  Committee  at  the 
prices  fixed  by  them,  under  a  Director  of 
Purchases  appointed  by  the  Executive.  All 
purchases  of  this  valuable  commodity  were 
thereupon  to  be  pooled  in  price  and  quantity 
for  the  common  interest ;  and  imported  to  the 
several  countries  determined  by  the  commit- 
tee in  accordance  with  the  allocations  speci- 
fied in  the  agreement. 

Where  part  of  the  output  came  from  neu- 
tral countries  and  a  fairly  large  percentage 
was  produced  in  the  United  States  or  some 
one  of  the  Allied  countries,  a  different  situ- 
ation was  presented ;  and  here  several  direc- 
tors of  purchases,  acting  under  the  direction 
of  the  Executive,  bought  in  conjunction  with 
each  other  and  to  mutual  advantage.  In 
other  cases  markets  were  allotted  exclusively 
to  certain  countries  and  in  addition  they  re- 
ceived their  proportionate  share  of  the  bulk 
common  purchases  of  the  group.  The  Ex- 
ecutive then  covered  price  differences  by 
monthly  readjustments,  so  that  each  country 
paid  the  same  average  price  for  its  respective 
share.  Each  country,  however,  reserved  the 
right  to  select  its  own  purchasing  agents. 

Studies  and  reports  of  methods  for  the 
economical  domestic  distribution  and  use  of 
the  raw  material  after  it  passed  from  the 
hands  of  the  Executive  were  an  important 
phase  of  the  work ;  and  each  country  was 
required  to  give  full  information  to  the  Ex- 
ecutive of  the  supplies  on  hand,  and  of  all 
purchases  from  all  sources  for  its  own  use. 
Mr.  Anderson  says: 

The  underlying  condition,  which  was  essential 
to  the  success  of  these  arrangements  and  which 
entered  into  all  of  them,  was  the  governmental 
control  exercised  during  the  war  in  each  of  the 
participating  countries  over   imports   and   exports, 

5J5 


526 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


because  it  was  necessary  to  agree,  with  reference 
to  the  materials  under  the  control  of  each  Execu- 
tive, that  the  respective  governments  would  ex- 
ercise such  control  over  their  respective  na- 
tionals as  would  prevent  them  from  buying  these 
materials  through  any  channels  except  those  pro- 
vided for  under  the  direction  of  the  respective 
Executives. 

What  will   be  the  ultimate   development 
of  this  cooperation  among  the  governments 


of  the  world  is  to  be  revealed  only  by  events ; 
but  the  importance  of  the  results  secured 
cannot  be  overestimated.  It  would  be  an 
ironical  turn  of  the  wheel  of  Fate  should  the 
Thirteenth  Century  Hanseatic  League  in- 
vented by  the  Germans  be  revived  in  the 
Twentieth  Century  in  a  League  of  Nations 
assuming  practically  worldwide  economic 
control. 


INTERNATIONAL  ASSOCIATIONS  IN 

THE  NEW  ERA 


THE  proposed  political  League  of  Na- 
tions has  been  prefigured  in  non-polit- 
ical organizations  whose  name  is  legion. 
M.  Paul  Otlet,  secretary-general  of  the 
Union  of  International  Associations,  tells  us 
in  the  Revue  generale  des  sciences  (Paris) 
that  the  first  international  congress  (non- 
political)  met  in  1840,  and  that  about  2000 
international  gatherings,  of  one  sort  or 
another  have  been  held  since  that  time.  There 
have  been  formed  a  great  many  permanent 
international  associations  and  bureaus,  de- 
voted to  the  promotion  of  a  wide  range  of 
scientific,  technological,  industrial,  social  and 
other  objects.  Some  of  these  are  strictly 
official,  with  members  appointed  by  the  var- 
ious governments ;  others  are  entirely  un- 
official ;  and  still  others  are  of  a  mixed  char- 
acter. 

In  the  year  1910  the  need  of  coordinating 
the  activities  of  these  various  bodies  led  to 
the  convocation  of  a  World  Congress  of  In- 
ternational Associations,  and  this  meeting 
gave  birth  to  the  permanent  Union  of  Inter- 
national Associations.  A  second  congress  met 
in  1913,  and  the  third,  but  for  the  war, 
would  have  held  its  sessions  in  the  United 
States  in  the  year  1915. 

The  situation  following  the  war  marks  a 
new  era  in  the  history  of  international  organ- 
izations, making  it  opportune  for  us  to  set 
down  a  few  facts .  from  M.  Otlet's  long 
retrospect  and  forecast  on  this  subject.  The 
League  of  Nations,  if  it  is  consummated, 
will  undoubtedly  give  new  vigor  and  coher- 
ence to  international  movements  in  general. 
IVI.  Otlet  cites  a  plan  that  has  been  proposed 
whereby  the  League  would  directly  main- 
tain a  variety  of  international  establish- 
ments, including  academies,  museums,  labora- 
tories, archives,  etc.,  and  provide  funds  for 
the  various  international  associations. 


Apart  from  the  Union  above  mentioned, 
there  is  an  International  Association  of 
Academies,  under  the  auspices  of  which  there 
have  recently  been  held  '*inter-allied"  con- 
ferences to  consider  the  means  of  carrying 
forward  collaboration  in  the  different 
branches  of  science.  For  the  time  being,  at 
least,  the  Teutonic  countries  find  themselves 
excluded  from  the  international  scientific 
bodies  now  undergoing  reorganization,  but 
future  policy  on  this  subject  cannot  yet  be 
determined.  This  is  one  of  the  questions  to 
be  discussed  at  a  forthcoming  Congress  of 
International  Associations,  to  be  held  in 
Brussels  as  soon  as  circumstances  permit. 

Some  of  the  problems  awaiting  considera- 
tion by  the  various  international  bodies  are 
summarized  in  M.  Otlet's  article.  These 
include  the  question  of  appropriate  standards 
and  units  of  measurement  for  universal  use; 
the  subject  of  uniform  scientific  terminology 
and  an  international  auxiliary  language;  the 
question  of  an  improved  and  uniform  calen- 
dar ;  and  numerous  other  problems  to  which 
much  attention  has  already  been  given. 
Under  the  head  of  "documentation"  M.  Ot- 
let outlines  a  project  that  will  arouse  much 
interest  in  scientific  and  educational  circles. 
This  plan,  which  has  been  urged  by  the  Con- 
gresses of  International  Associations,  contem- 
plates a  system  of  publications  whereby  the 
latest  advances  in  every  branch  of  knowledge 
would  be  presented  in  convenient  form.  We 
should,  have  an  encyclopedia  kept  constantly 
up  to  date ;  abstracts  and  reprints  of  current 
literature;  scientific  directories;  chronicles  of 
scientific  events;  digests  of  data,  etc.;  a  com- 
plete programme  of  digesting  and  cumulating 
knowledge,  instead  of  the  fragmentary  ef- 
forts in  this  direction  that  have  hitherto  been 
put  forth  (chiefly,  be  it  remarked,  by  the 
Germans). 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE    MONTH 


527 


Lastly,  we  are  glad  to  be  reminded  by  the 
article  under  consideration  of  the  substantial 
work  that  had  already  been  done  at  Brussels, 
before  the  year  1914,  toward  the  creation  of 
an  intellectual  center  and  clearing-house  for 
the  world  at  large.  This  appears  to  be  in- 
tact and  ready  to  resume  operations.  In  a 
building  provided  by  the  Belgian  Govern- 
ment many  of  the  international  associations 


have  their  permanent  headquarters ;  there  is 
a  collective  library,  formed  from  the  libraries 
of  sixty-eight  associations ;  there  is  the  vast 
International  Institute  of  Bibliography,  with 
a  collection  of  eleven  million  cards  arranged 
by  author  and  subject;  there  is  an  interna- 
tional museum,  occupying  seventeen  large 
halls — in  short,  an  impressive  focus  of  inter- 
nationalism.   . 


RATIONAL  DESIRES  OF  WORKINGMEN 


OUR  text-books  of  political  economy  have 
encouraged  the  belief  that  among  all 
who  toil  with  the  hands  money  is  the  only 
thing  sought  after.  Artists  and  scientists,  it 
may  be  conceded,  find  their  reward  in  the 
joy  of  achievement — not  so  the  workingman. 
A  few  brave  souls  venture  to  claim  for  him 
the  same  power  (though  often  latent)  of  en- 
joying self-expression.  He  seldom  claims 
this  power  for  himself. 

Even  the  proceedings  of  the  learned  so- 
cieties are  invaded,  from  time  to  time,  by  the 
humanist,  the  man  who  believes  that  how- 
ever materialistic  the  age  there  is  still  pos- 
sible for  the  individual  a  certain  joy  in  living 
and  creating.  Thus,  in  the  Annals  of  the 
American  Academy  of  Political  and  Social 
Science  (Philadelphia)  for  March,  Prof.  Ir- 
ving Fisher,  of  Yale,  offers  some  highly  in- 
teresting suggestions  on  "Humanizing  In- 
dustry." 

Among  the  many  rights  which  the  work- 
ingman has  heretofore  only  partially  enjoyed 
Professor  Fisher  regards  the  right  to  health- 
ful conditions  as  preeminent.  Many,  it  is 
true,  do  not  yet  recognize  the  importance  of 
this  right.  The  labor  leaders  themselves  do 
not  seem  to  have  attached  the  first  importance 
to  it,  but,  as  Professor  Fisher  points  out, 
health  is  the  workingman's  capital,  his  only 
important  asset.  When  he  loses  if,  he  loses 
the  power  to  earn  his  living. 

Some  people  say  that  if  his  wages  were  raised, 
his  health  would  be  improved.  This  is  doubtless 
true,  but  it  is  still  truer  that  if  his  health  were 
improved,  his  wages  would  be  increased.  To 
improve  slightly  an  individual's  health  will  not 
necessarily,  it  is  true,  nor  always,  increase  that 
individual's  wages;  but  if  we  increase,  even 
slightly,  the  health,  and  thereby  the  working 
power  of  the  nation  as  a  whole,  the  general  wage 
level  will  rise.  In  the  last  analysis  wages  de- 
pend on  productive  power,  and  the  working- 
man's  power  to  produce  is  dependent  on  his 
muscle  and  brain,  /.  e.,  his  health. 


The  Rockefeller  Hookworm  Commission, 
by  spending  about  65  cents  per  capita,  has 
made  over  thousands  of  Southern  whites  into 
able-bodied  laborers.  Great  returns  may  be 
expected  from  investments  in  factory  sanita- 
tion, lighting  and  ventilation,  in  better  food, 
housing,  clothing,  sports  and  amusements  for 
workingmen,  and  in  various  forms  of  health 
insurance,  labor  legislation,  school  hygiene, 
etc. 

Professor  Fisher  proceeds  to  show  that  the 
workingman  should  have  not  only  physical 
health,  but  also  mental  health,  and  mental 
health  depends  on  the  satisfaction  of  certain 
fundamental  instincts.  A  human  being 
whose  instincts  are  thwarted  becomes  an 
enemy  of  society.  This  has  been  assigned  as 
the  real  reason  for  the  I.  W.  W.  "They 
rebelled,  like  the  small  boys  of  a  large  city 
without  playgrounds,  who  break  windows 
for  excitement."  In  other  words,  the  I.  W. 
W.  workingman  is  the  "naughty  boy  of  in- 
dustry." If  the  energy  which  makes  him 
destructive  had  been  enlisted  for  construc- 
tive work,  he  might  have  made  a  more  useful 
workingman  than  his  more  docile  and  less 
energetic  brother.  Professor  Fisher  admits 
that  it  may  be  too  late  to  reclaim  him  now, 
but  he  holds  that  we  can  at  least  prevent  the 
making  of  more  of  his  kind. 

Professor  Fisher  proceeds  to  name  seven 
major  instincts  which  apparently  must  be 
satisfied  to  make  a  normal  life: 

First,  there  is  the  instinct  of  self-preservation. 
The  securing  of  a  living  wage  must  always  be 
the  first  concern  of  a  workingman.  This  has  al- 
ways been  recognized  as  basic,  and  I  need  not 
therefore  dilate  upon  it.  Furthermore,  self- 
preservation  demands  the  maintenance  of  healthv 
working  conditions,  the  prevention  of  over-fatigue 
and  the  provision  of  safety  devices.  No  man  can 
do  his  work  well  if  he  feels  that  it  is  fitting  him 
only  for  the  scrap  heap.  Finally,  every  emplove 
should  be  assured  of  a  steady  job  so  long  as  he 
does  his  part.     If  he  has  to  be  "laid  off"  without 


528 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


any  fault  of  his  own,  he  should  have  due  notice 
or  a  suitable  dismissal  wage.  Fear  of  unemploy- 
ment dissipates  energy. 

Secondly,  there  is  the  instinct  of  self-expres- 
sion, or  workmanship.  Until  modern  industry 
contrives  to  satisfy  this  instinct  in  the  ordinary 
workman,  our  labor  problem  will  not  be  solved. 
I  shall  consider  this  below  in  greater  detail. 

Thirdly,  there  is  the  instinct  of  self-respect. 
Unless  the  workman  is  made  to  feel  that  "A  man's 
a  man,  for  a'  that,"^he  will  be  our  enemy,  will 
cherish  a  grievance,  and  will  become  anti-social. 

The  employer  should,  so  far  as  possible,  use 
praise  for  incentive  rather  than  blame.  If  it  is 
really  necessary  to  call  a  man  down,  the  rebuke 
need  not  be  administered  before  his  fellow- 
workers.  The  workman  should  be  considered 
trustworthy  until  he  has  proven  himself  untrust- 
worthy. Rivalry  in  production  involves  the  satis- 
faction of  the  instinct  of  self-respect. 

Fourthly,  there  is  the  instinct  of  loyalty.  The 
universality  of  this  instinct  is  strikingly  illustrated 
in  this  war.  Devotion  to  a  cause,  sacrifice  for 
this  cause,  heroism  if  you  like,  have  been  shown 
by  soldiers  whose  whole  training  has  been  one 
of  monotonous  industry.  The  instinct  of  loyalty 
should  be  satisfied  in  industry,  as  it  is  in  the 
trenches.  The  employer  often  misses  a  great  op- 
portunity to  be  his  workingmen's  hero  or  hon- 
ored general   instead   of  their  task  master. 

If  the  men  can  organize,  a  team  spirit  will 
develop.  Collective  bargaining  and  other  forms 
of  control  of  the  industry  by  the  men  will  fore- 
stall useless  "knocking"  and  discontent  and  will 
develop  loyalty  instead.  Mass  activities,  group 
singing,  marching  in  a  parade,  wearing  a  button 
or  cheering  a  baseball  team  will  develop  and 
foster   a   united  feeling. 

Pride  is  an  important  constituent  of  loyalty. 
Workers  have  a  right  to  expect  that  their  plant 
is  one  worth  being  proud  of.  Fundamentally, 
loyalty  is  based  on  justice  and  mutual  considera- 
tion. The  employer  who  can  best  put  himself  in 
the  place  of  his  men  best  secures  their  loyalty. 
Extra  work  or  overtime  can,  by  loyal   workman, 


be  "volunteered"  with  pleasure  where  "conscrip- 
tion"  might   arouse   ill-feeling. 

The  great  instinct  of  love,  or  of  home-making, 
is  a  fifth  instinct,  and  one  vital  for  society.  The 
homeless,  migratory  I.  W.  W.  is  an  example  of 
what  occurs  when  life  is  deprived  of  its  satis- 
faction. A  man  thinks  of  his  own  family  as  part 
of  himself.  His  success  means  their  happiness. 
Any  action  on  the  employer's  part  which  affects 
family  welfare  immediately  arouses  resentment. 
The  unrest  caused  by  inability  to  enjoy  family  life 
or  by  bad  instinctive  life  outside  the  plant  is  de- 
moralizing. In  a  word,  conditions  of  employ- 
ment should,  in  every  way,  conduce  to  a  happy 
family  life. 

The  workingman's  instinct  of  worship,  if  we 
may  properly  speak  of  such  a  faculty  as  a  sixth 
instinct,  hungers  and  thirsts  for  righteousness 
and  often  is  not  filled.  If  his  daily  work  appeals 
to  his  whole  nature  and  not  merely  to  a  portion 
of  it,  the  task  will  be  exalted  to  become  really  a 
part  of  his  religion.  No  man  should  have  to  do 
work  which  is  degrading  or  which  will  tend  to 
crush  idealism  or  warp  the  spirit  of  humanity  and 
service. 

Finally,  the  play  impulse  must  be  satisfied  to 
produce  mental  health.  The  saying,  "All  work 
and  no  play  makes  Jack  a  dull  boy,"  is  true  of 
the  laboring  man. 

Some  instincts  are  almost  inevitably  repressed, 
and,  deprived  of  a  wise  outlet,  are  in  danger 
of  an  unrestrained  outburst.  Play  provides  a 
safety  valve.  This  play  should  not  be  frivolity, 
still  less  dissipation,  but  entertainment  which 
will  develop  physical  and  mental  health  and  a 
broadened  outlook  on  life.  A  long  workday 
makes  proper  play  impossible,  and  is  largely  re- 
sponsible for  a  man's  resort  to  drink  and  other 
perversions   of   play. 

Of  the  seven  mentioned,  only  the  instinct  of 
self-preservation  is  even  fairly  well  satisfied  by 
the  majority  of  workers.  We  thrum  too  con- 
tinually on  this  one  string.  Human  nature  is  a 
harp  of  many  strings.  We  must  use  the  rest  of 
the  octave. 


THE  EASTERN  BARRIER 


COMMENTING  on  the  terms  which 
Marshal  Foch  will  present  to  the  Ger- 
mans, the  London  Times  says  that  France 
has  a  right  to  extra  military  guarantees  on 
her  frontier  towards  Germany,  and  these 
guarantees  may  well  have  to  take  the  form 
of  special  territorial  readjustments. 

But  the  chief  weakness  in  the  future  [observes 
the  Times]  will  be  in  Eastern  Europe,  and  that 
is  why  a  barrier  of  new  states,  to  be  erected  be- 
tween the  Baltic  and  the  Adriatic,  will  need 
strengthening  by  every  means  in  our  power.  Al- 
though France  has  a  particular  interest  in  the 
west  front,  the  defection  of  Bolshevist  Russia 
makes  it  desirable  that  she  should  find  some 
substitute  on  the  East  for  her  old  Russian  alliance, 
and  it  must  be  a  great  joy  to  her  people  that  this 
substitute  should  take  the  form  of  a  barrier  line 
of  free  peoples. 


Our  own  position  has  many  points  of  resem- 
blance to  that  of  France.  The  main  avenues  of 
the  League  of  Nations'  communication  with  free 
peoples  between  the  Baltic  and  Adriatic  will  be 
over  the  sea,  and,  therefore,  we  are  anxious  about 
free  passage  into  the  Baltic,  and  also  that  there 
should  be  at  its  eastern  end  friendly  powers  to 
provide  the  navies  of  the  League,  after  they  have 
entered  the  Baltic,  with  repairs  and  facilities  of 
operation. 

On  the  occasion  of  the  presentation  of 
colors  to  the  Czech  army  in  France  on  June 
30,  last  year,  President  Poincaire,  the  French 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  Pichon,  and  the 
British  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  Balfour, 
each  expressed  to  the  Czechs  wishes  for  their 
national  independence  and  for  the  close  union 
of  Bohemia  with  Poland  and  Jugo-Slavia, 
and   Minister   Pichon   declared   in   addition 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE    MONTH 


529 


that  those  three  states  are  to  constitute  a  de- 
fensive rampart  restraining  German  invasions 
in  the  East. 

The  close  of  the  war  sees  at  length  the 
recognition  of  the  truth  that  the  three  states 
of  true  Slavonians,  united  closely,  constitute 
the  best  assurance  of  universal  peace.  When 
this  opinion  was  expressed  two  years  ago, 
when  the  war  was  at  its  height,  In  the 
columns  of  a  Paris  periodical,  it  was  the 
isolated  utterance  of  the  thought  of  only  a 
single  writer.  A  remarkable  passage  In  one 
of  a  series  of  articles  (that  of  August  5, 
1916)  on  the  Polish  national  policy  from  the 
pen  of  the  eminent  Polish  philosopher,  Prof. 
Vincent  Lutoslawski,  In  the  French  section 
of  the  Paris  Polonia,  read  as  follows: 

The  true  Slavonians  constitute  three  groups: 
In  the  north,  the  Poles  and  Ruthenians,  united 
for  five  hundred  years.  They  conjointly  pro- 
duced the  original  constitution  of  the  Polish  Re- 
public. In  the  center,  the  Czechs,  Moravians, 
Lusatians,  and  Slovaks,  who  are  beginning  to 
form  a  homogeneous  nation,  the  nearest  geo- 
graphically and  psychologically  to  Poland.  Final- 
ly, in  the  south,  the  Jugo-Slavs,  formed  through 
the  union  of  the  Slovenians,  Croatians,  Dalma- 
tians,  and   Bosniaks   with   the    Serbians. 

These  three  Slavonic  nations,  together  with  the 
Rumanians,  who  also  have  Slavonic  elements  in 
their  blood  and  in  their  language,  will  form  an 
impregnable  rampart  about  the  Germans.  None 
of  these  nations  could  alone  resist  the  German 
pressure.  The  Bohemians  particularly,  to  be  in- 
dependent, absolutely  need  as  a  neighbor  a  great 
Poland,  restored  in  its  boundaries  of  1772,  with 
the  addition  of  Silesia  and  East  Prussia,  which 
were  lost  by  Poland  prior  to  that  date.  The 
three  Slavonic  states,  with  Rumania,  would  have 
about  a  hundred  million  inhabitants  and  could 
furnish  the  Western  alliance  of  Great  Britain, 
France,  and  Italy  with  more  than  ten  million 
soldiers  for  the  defense  of  European  liberty 
against  all  German  aggression  and  against  all 
oriental   invasion. 

When  this  opinion  was  expressed  in  1916, 
it  was  a  very  bold  assertion,  remote  from 
universal  recognition.  To-day  the  program 
of  a  Slavonic  union  is  penetrating  the  convic- 
tions of  the  Western  governments.  For  this 
there  were  required  nearly  four  years  of  the 
war — so  long  did  we  have  to  wait  for  a 
clear  enunciation  of  the  governments  as  to 
the  future  of  Poland.  During  the  first  three 
years  of  the  war  the  Poles  were  entrusted  to 
the  care  of  the  Czar,  and  only  a  year  after 
his  fall  did  France  and  England  recognize 
that  Independent  Poland,  with  Bohemia  and 
Serbia,  will  constitute  the  most  effective  de- 
fense of  Europe  from  German  dominion  In 
Asia. 

The  dispute  between  the  Czechs  and   the 

May — 6 


Poles  about  the  district  of  Cieszyn  in  Aus- 
trian Silesia  is  on  the  eve  of  a  satisfactory 
settlement  by  the  Peace  Conference,  and 
friendship  will  be  restored  between  the 
chief  Slavonic  nations.  And  among  the 
Ukrainians  (Ruthenians),  when  they  shall 
be  thoroughly  rid  of  German  influences,  there 
may  arise  the  desire  for  a  close  alliance  with 
Poland.  Thus,  there  is  outlining  as  a  reality 
the  union  of  the  true  Slavonians,  with  the 
exclusion  of  the  Muscovites  and  Bulgarians, 
on  whom  nobody  any  longer  relies.  This 
union,  says  Professor  Lutoslawski  in  the 
Chicago  Dziennik  Zwaizkowy,  Is  really  a  con- 
dition not  only  of  the  security  of  Europe  and 
of  the  conversion  to  true  Christianity  of  the 
renegade  Germans,  but  also  a  necessary  con- 
dition of  the  independence  of  those  peoples 
who  are  neighbors  of  the  Germans  on  the 
east.  Only  a  very  close  alliance  among  these 
peoples  can  assure  their  independence  and 
show  the  Germans  that  even  little  nations 
can  defend  themselves,  when  they  are  united. 

The  example  of  the  ancient  Union  of  Poland 
with  Lithuania  and  Ruthenia  [observes  Professor 
Lutoslawski]  is  a  model  for  the  broader  union 
joining  Poland,  restored  in  her  former  boun- 
daries, with  Bohemia  and  Jugo-Slavia,  It  is 
not  a  question  here  of  the  domination  of  some 
over  others,  but  of  an  understanding  and  of  a 
common  defense  of  the  liberty  common  to  all 
of  them.  It  is  necessary  at  last  to  understand 
once  for  all  that  political  liberty  is  such  a 
treasure  as  can  only  be  kept  together  with  one's 
neighbors,  helping  them  sincerely;  whereas  every 
nation  that  should  want  to  secure  its  own  liberty 
at  the  expense  of  its  neighbors,  would  expose 
itself   to   slavery. 

Free  people  should  be  fair  in  relations  with 
their  neighbors  and  not  aim  to  abuse  their  free- 
dorri  for  the  restriction  of  the  liberty  of  their 
fellow-men.  This  lies  at  the  very  heart  of  the 
question — that  he  cannot  be  free  who  oppresses 
others,  nor  even  he  who  passively  acquiesces  in 
others'  injury,  when  he  can  prevent  it.  A  free 
nation  should  have  the  willingness  to  perform 
the  greatest  sacrifices  to  save  the  liberty  of  everv 
oppressed  nation,  as  every  act  of  oppression,  if 
it  do  not  meet  with  opposition,  becomes  a  menace 
to  those  who  themselves  do  not  yet  suffer  oppres- 
sion and  look  indifferently  on  the  oppression 
suffered   by   others. 

The  v^orld  war  has  revealed  on  a  gigantic 
scale  the  solidarity  of  the  peoples  prizing  their 
freedom.  It  has  been  recognized  in  England  that 
the  independent  existence  of  France  is  an  indis- 
pensable condition  of  English  freedom.  It  has 
been  recognized  even  in  America,  Australia,  and 
South  Africa  that  if  freedom  should  be  stified 
in  Europe,  it  would  not  be  able  to  hold  out  any- 
where. But  nowhere  is  this  solidarity  of  the 
nations  thirsting  for  liberty  so  necessary  as  among 
the  Slavonic  peoples,  who  separate  the  Musco- 
vites and  Germans.  For  these  peoples  there  can- 
not   be     liberty     without     the    closest     solidarity. 


530 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


PRICE-FIXING  AS  SEEN  BY  A  PRICE 

FIXER 


PROF.   F.   W.   TAUSSIG 
(Chairman  of  the  Tariff  Commission) 

IN  the  Price-Fixing  Committee  of  the  War 
Industries  Board,  created  in  March, 
1918,  Prof.  Frank  W.  Taussig,  of  Harvard, 
Chairman  of  the  United  States  Tariff  Com- 
mission, served  as  a  member.  This  commit- 
tee was  one  of  the  three  governmental 
agencies  that  attempted  to  regulate  prices 
during  the  war,  the  other  two  being  the  Fuel 
Administration  and  the  Food  Administration. 
Professor  Taussig  contributes  to  the  Quar- 
terly Journal  of  Economics  (Harvard)  an 
interesting  account  of  the  Government's  ex- 
periments in  price-fixing,  as  conducted  by 
these  three  agencies. 

It  appears  from  his  survey  that  Govern- 
ment price-fixing  during  the  war  was  not 
uniform  in  its  objects,  and,  instead  of  being 
guided  by  established  policies,  was  in  the 
main  opportunist,  "feeling  its  way  from 
case  to  case."  Of  the  three  agencies.  Pro- 
fessor Taussig  finds  that  the  Fuel  Adminis- 
tration, dealing  with  a  single  commodity,  was 
able  to  proceed  with  most  system  and 
method.  The  Price-Fixing  Committee  had 
a  wide  range  of  operations  and  was  slowest 
in  developing  a  general  policy.     In  fact,  the 


Committee  never  did  more  than  approach  a 
principle  of  action  gradually  and  tentatively, 
and  it  is  pointed  out  that  this  self-restraint 
was  on  the  whole  most  wise,  since  new  situa- 
tions and  problems  were  sure  to  arise,  for 
whose  disposal  no  rule  could  be  laid  down  in 
advance. 

As  it  turned  out,  regulation  came  to  an 
end  almost  immediately  after  the  conclusion 
of  the  armistice.  No  new  price  agreements 
were  made  and  those  in  effect  were  per- 
mitted to  lapse  as  they  expired.  In  almost 
all  cases  prices  had  been  fixed  for  periods  of 
three  months,  and  as  each  period  came  to  its 
close,  no  further  action  was  taken,  and 
thereafter  the  free  play  of  market  dealings 
again  set  in.  Most  of  the  agreements  termi- 
nated late  in  December,  1918,  or  on  Janu- 
ary 1,  1919;  a  few  held  over  for  a  month 
or  two  in  1919. 

Since  the  experiment  was  not  carried 
through  to  the  end,  or  with  system  or  con- 
sistency. Professor  Taussig  considers  the  les- 
sons to  be  drawn  from  it  far  from  conclusive, 
as  regards  fundamentals,  and  qualified  even 
within  the  limited  range  to  which  they  apply. 
He  says  in  concluding  his  article : 

So  far  as  the  experiment  went,  and  so  long  as 
it  lasted,  the  outcome  seems  to  me  to  have  been 
good.  The  rise  of  prices  to  be  expected  from 
inflation  of  the  circulating  medium  was  not  pre- 
vented ;  but  then  no  endeavor  was  made  to 
achieve  this  sweeping  object.  There  is  nothing  in 
all  the  price  experiences  to  prove  or  disprove  the 
contention  that,  irrespective  of  legislative  or  ad- 
ministrative fiat,  general  economic  forces  must 
work  out  their  general  effects.  But  that  the  im- 
pinging of  the  forces  was  in  some  degree  affected 
and  curbed  seems  undeniable.  Food  and  fuel 
prices  were  prevented  from  fluctuating  as  widely 
and  soaring  as  high  as  they  would  have  done  in 
the  absence  of  regulation.  A  result  of  the  same 
kind,  and  apparently  not  less  in  extent,  was 
secured  for  other  price-regulated  articles. 

The  traditional  statement  of  economic  formulae 
gives  them  an  appearance  of  greater  rigidity  and 
sharpness  than  is  warranted  by  the  premises  on 
which  they  rest.  Supply  and  demand,  monetary 
principles  and  monetary  laws,  are  customarily 
formulated  in  exact  terms,  with  an  appearance  of 
mathematical  sharpness.  The  qualifications  which 
must  attach  to  these  "laws"  in  any  concrete  ap- 
plication or  predication,  familiar  to  the  well- 
trained  economist,  leave  abundant  room  for  some 
exercise  of  restraining  and  deliberated  action. 
No  doubt  there  are  limits  to  which  such  action 
must  be  confined;  but  they  are  not  narrow  limits, 
and  within  them  much  was  done  which  proved 
of  advantage  to  the  country. 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE    MONTH 


531 


THE  FUTURE  OF  TRIESTE  AS  A   PORT 


WHAT  should  be  done  for  the  port  of 
Trieste,  one  of  Italy's  chief  rewards 
for  her  participation  in  the  great  war,  is  fully 
and  satisfactorily  discussed  by  Signor  Vittorio 
Serge  in  Nuova  Antologia  (Rome). 

The  writer  is  firmly  convinced  that  we 
must  start  with  the  supposition  that  the  re- 
demption of  Trieste  shall  be  conjoined  with 
that  of  Fiume,  "since  the  commercial  and 
economic  existence  of  Trieste  is  indissolubly 
connected  with  that  of  Fiume,  with  that 
patriotic  city  which  is  already  ideally  united 
with  the  Mother  Country." 

The  po^ssession  of  the  one  without  that  of 
the  other  would  reduce  the  Italian  triumph 
to  a  merely  military  exploit,  a  glorious  one, 
indeed,  but  ineffective  and  unproductive. 
Neither  geographical  position,  the  efforts  of 
rulers  and  people,  nor  the  creation  of  indus- 
tries and  of  steamship  lines,  would  avail  to 
save  Trieste  from  the  loss  of  its  traffic  to  the 
other  port,  through  which  would  pass  the 
main  tide  of  commerce  from  the  Levant  to 
the  Occident,  and  which  would  become  for 
the  exports  and  imports  of  Central  Europe, 
to  and  from  the  Mediterranean,  the  great 
port  of  exit  and  entry,  drawing  to  itself  the 
trade  of  the  hinterland  which  has  formerly 
gravitated,  and  still  gravitates  toward 
Trieste,  and  thus  causing  the  complete  deca- 
dence of  this  emporium. 

An  important  question  to  be  settled  when 
the  possession  of  both  ports  by  Italy  shall 
have  been  granted,  concerns  what  special  ad- 
vantages are  to  be  accorded  to  Trieste  in  re- 
gard to  its  coffee  imports.  For  Austria,  the 
concession  of  a  preferential  tariff  on  coffee 
was  an  easy  matter,  considering  that  the  only 
means  of  introducing  that  staple  was  either 
by  way  of  Trieste  or  Fiume.  If  Italy  should 
decide  to  adopt  the  policy  of  monopolies,  all 
discussion  is  idle,  but  if  this  policy  is  not 
carried  out,  the  writer  strongly  questions 
whether  Italy,  which  has  so  many  ports, 
could  concede  the  sole  benefit  to  Trieste,  and 
not  make  similar  concessions  to  other  ports. 

It  should,  however,  be  remembered  that  if 
for  Trieste,  which  already  has  an  extensive 
commercial  organization  in  every  direction, 
this  privilege  would  add  the  crowning  bene- 
fit of  maintaining  the  greatest  element  of  its 
traffic,  for  the  other  ports  such  an  innovation 
would  only  possess  a  very  relative  value. 
Moreover,  the  preferential  tariff  on  coffee 
would    not    only    enable    the    merchants    of 


Trieste  to  import  it  into  Austria  and  Hun- 
gary by  the  help  of  the  lower  rates  they 
would  enjoy,  but  this  benefit  would  act  as  a 
powerful  expansive  force  for  the  trade  with 
many  different  countries,  especially  on  the 
Mediterranean. 

Trieste,  which  has  suffered  so  much  from 
the  disturbance  of  its  marine  traffic  since  the 
outbreak  of  the  war,  certainly  deserves  the 
accordance  of  this  privilege,  at  least  for  a 
decade,  either  exclusively  or  shared  with 
Genoa,  which  since  the  war  has  been  a  mar- 
ket for  coffee.  However,  Signor  Segre  fully 
recognizes  that  the  problem  is  a  difficult  one, 
requiring  for  its  just  solution  the  greatest 
circumspection,  combined  with  the  greatest 
tact  and  sympathy. 

The  program  for  the  definite  assurance 
of  Trieste's  position  is  thus  presented  by 
Signor  Segre: 

(1)  The  maintenance  of  the  two  ports,  Trieste 
and  Fiume,  in  free  zones,  dedicating  the  one  to 
the  traffic  of  the  main  national  lines,  and  to  the 
exportation  of  the  merchandise  most  rapidly  ex- 
changed, the  other  to  the  bulky  raw  materials, 
such   as  cotton   and   ores. 

(2)  The  concentration  of  the  authority  over 
all  the  administrations  in  a  single  hand,  that  is 
to  say,  under  the  control  of  the  General  Royal 
Warehouses,  an  institution  which  must  be  man- 
aged by  the  state,  the  latter  having  in  its  turn  to 
preserve  for  the  institution  a  complete  monopoly 
as  to  unloading  and  loading,  in  perfect  accord 
with  the  administration  controlling  the   railways. 

(3)  No  combination  of  enterprises  to  be  per- 
mitted, and  no  competitive  privileges  as  against 
private  undertakings,  but  the  cooperative  man- 
agement connected  with  the  state  to  be  main- 
tained, coordinated  and  developed. 

(4)  The  appointment,  within  a  brief  time,  of 
two  commissions  of  experts  and  practical  men, 
one  for  the  study  of  the  Austrian  laws  and  cus- 
toms regulations  in  their  relation  to  those  of 
Italy,  with  the  especial  task  of  removing  any 
obstacles  which  may  be  noted  in  the  regulations 
of  the  Italian  ports;  the  other  commission  for  the 
study  of  the  railway  rules  and  rates,  and  also 
concerning  the  establishment  of  new  railway 
connections,  factors  of  prime  importance  for  the 
economic  future  of  the  great  port  of  Trieste. 

(5)  On  the  basis  of  the  "Commission  of  Traf- 
fic" already  existing,  there  should  be  created  a 
council  of  experts  in  finance,  navigation,  insur- 
ance and  traffic,  chosen  from  among  the  members 
of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce,  and  the  great  in- 
dustrials and  merchants,  so  that  they  may  give 
to  the  ministry,  in  view  of  the  future  commercial 
treaties  which  will  /ill  so  large  a  place  in  the 
peace  transactions,  the  information  and  advice 
necessary  for  the  development  of  the  entire  traffic 
of  Trieste  in  connection  with  that  of  the  Mother 
Country. 


532 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


THE   PROBLEM  OF  DANZIG— POLISH  ? 
GERMAN?     NEUTRAL? 


STREET   IN   DANZIG 


A  TIMELY  and  interesting  article  on 
the  much-discussed  question  of  Dan- 
zig's future  appears  in  the  Bibliotheque  Uni- 
verselle  (Switzerland) — the  writer  signing 
himself  "A  Pole." 

(1)  The  Poles  (for  whom  it  is  the  sole 
access  to  the  sea)  demand  that  the  city 
should  be  reunited  with  Poland,  to  whom  it 
belonged  before   the  partition  of  the  latter. 

(2)  The  Germans  demand  that  Danzig, 
being  an  almost  wholly  German  city,  should 
remain  a  German  possession,  invoking  Presi- 
dent Wilson's  declaration  that  only  popula- 
tions incontestably  Polish  should  form  a  part 
of  reconstructed  Poland. 

(3)  The  third  solution  is  a  compromise: 
to  neutralize  the  lower  reaches  of  the  Vistula 
and  proclaim  Danzig  a  free  port. 

Which  of  these  solutions  is  the  most  just, 
and  offers  the  best  guarantees  for  the  future  ? 

Let  us  first  establish  the  historic  facts:  Is 
the  city  of  Danzig  German  or  Polish? 

Since  the  partition  of  Poland  it  has  be- 
longed to  Prussia.  If  we  consider  4:he  city 
alone,  the  majority  of  the  population  is  Ger- 
man. But  before  the  partition  the  city  was 
Polish,  not  alone  because  it  voluntarily 
formed  an  integral  part  of  Poland,  but  be- 


cause its  inhabitants  had  always  been 
Polish  in  sentiment — so  ardently  so  that  it 
was  the  last  place  in  the  dismembered  coun- 
try to  take  up  arms  in  1795  against  Prussian 
annexation. 

Having  no  German  neighbors,  the  city  of 
Danzig,  from  the  lOth  century  on,  was  in 
conflict  with  the  Swedes,  Danes,  etc.  It 
was  only  in  the  r4th  century  that  the  Teu- 
tonic Knights  became  its  neighbors,  when, 
entering  into  negotiations  with  it,  they  in- 
vited its  most  noted  men  and  hospitably 
strangled  them  all.  But  their  §way  was 
short-lived.  After  the  battle  of  Griinwald, 
in  1410,  where  they  were  defeated  by  the 
Poles,  West  Prussia,  including  Danzig,  de- 
clared itself  independent  of  the  Germans  and 
voluntarily  demanded  to  be  united  to  Poland ; 
the  union  took  place  in  1454,  and  the  inhabi- 
tants, suffering  no  constraint  from  the  Poles, 
became  devoted  adherents  of  the  country. 

After  the  partition  of  Poland,  Danzig,  in- 
corporated with  Prussia,  became  in  greater 
part  German.  The  Prussian  methods  being 
the  opposite  of  those  of  Poland,  one  can  not 
but  wonder  that  the  Polish  element,  after 
123  years  of  Prussian  rule,  has  not  been  ex- 
terminated. That  regime  is  too  well  known 
to  need  exposition.  Let  us  merely  mention 
that  the  Polish  language  has  been  rigorously 
excluded ;  that  Polish  workmen  were  com- 
pelled to  belong  to  German  societies. 

If  we  add  that  under  Polish  rule  Danzig 
attained  its  highest  degree  of  economic  de- 
velopment, we  may  enter  upon  a  discussion 
of  the  three  suggested  solutions. 

Should  the  first  solution  be  adopted — the 
city  assigned  to  Poland — its  future  may  be 
clearly  outlined.  Danzig  would  become 
what  it  was  when  a  Polish  city ;  reunited  to 
its  ancient  and  real  home,  it  would  again 
enjoy  perfect  freedom,  national  and  religious, 
with  opportunities  for  a  truly  marvelous  eco- 
nomic development.  Despite  the  rigor  of 
Russian  domination,  Poland  has  greatly  de- 
veloped her  industries,  which  sought  outlets 
in  Russia,  and,  through  Russia,  to  the  East. 
It  is  towards  Danzig  that  Polish  industry, 
regenerated  and  unhampered,  will  send  its 
products ;  towards  Danzig  that  the  Polish 
streams  will  carry  to  the  Vistula  the  produce 
of  Polish  soil ;  towards  Danzig  that  all  the 
canals  to  be  constructed  will  run. 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE    MONTH 


533 


We  shall  not  discuss  the  second  solution — to  as- 
sign Danzig  to  Germany:  an  absurd  solution, 
because  it  would  in  advance  destroy  the  pros- 
perity of  resuscitated  Poland;  an  immoral  solu- 
tion, because  it  would  sanction  the  crime  of  the 
partition  of  Poland  by  recognizing  the  rights  ac- 
quired by  that  criminal  proceeding. 

As  for  the  third  solution — to  neutralize  the 
lower  Vistula  and  proclaim  Danzig  a  free  city 
— it  may  be  said  that  it  would  practically  amount 
to  an  incorporation  of  Danzig  with  Germany. 
After  being  compelled  to  abandon  the  rosy  dream 
of  the  Berlin  to  Bagdad  railway,  Danzig  would 
form  a  new,  important  economic  center,  with  the 
Orient  as  an  objective.     It  is  easy  to  foresee  the 


result  of  the  competition  between  Poland  and 
Germany.  The  Germans  have  totally  destroyed 
Polish  industry;  a  Polish  marine  is  yet  to  be 
created;  while  Germany  has  all  its  economic  re- 
sources in   a  highly  perfected   state. 

Danzig  a  free  city  means  German  Danzig — 
a  new,  powerful  station  of  the  millennial  German 
expansion   towards   the  East. 

There  is — the  writer  concludes — but  one 
equitable,  satisfactory  solution,  offering 
every  guarantee  for  the  future:  to  restore 
Danzig  to  Poland,  its  country  inherently  and 
by  adoption. 


THE  REFORESTING  OF  FRANCE 


THE  all-important  question  of  an  ade- 
quate supply  of  timber  in  France  is  fully 
discussed  by  Paul  Descombes  in  a  recent 
number  of  La  Revue  de  Paris. 

Speaking  of  forest  regeneration,  the  writer 
says  it  would  be  all  the  more  fatal  to  delay 
that  indispensable  work,  since  even  in  peace 
times  the  French  forests  yielded  less  than  half 
of  the  timber  used  in  the  industries  of  the 
country.  France  ought,  then,  first  of  all, 
to  double  its  wood  production.  It  is  thus 
confronted  by  two  problems:  to  double  per- 
manently the  national  output  of  timber;  to 
procure  for  the  next  fixe  years  an  annual 
supplement  of  six  million  cubic  meters. 

After  the  war — -  M.  Descombes  continues 
— France  will  be  obliged  to  import  annually 
over  ten  million  cubic  meters  of  lumber,  a 
quantity  representing  more  than  a  billion 
francs  ($200,000,000).  Since  it  can  obtain 
the  greater  part  of  that  quantity  in  its 
colonies,  it  is  of  prime  importance  that  it 
should  utilize  their  resources,  instead  of  pur- 
chasing lumber  in  foreign  lands,  and  enhance 
by  that  much  the  value  of  its  colonies. 

Although  colonial  lumber  —  traffic  in 
which  was  in  great  part  monopolized  by  the 
port  of  Hamburg — has  hitherto  been  im- 
ported in  but  small  quantities,  and  that  gen- 
erally confined  to  rare  species,  men  with 
foresight  have  turned  their  attention  to  de- 
veloping that  industry,  without  exhausting 
its  source.  Even  before  the  war  the  Min- 
ister for  the  Colonies  organized  several  for- 
estry missions,  while  the  ''Paris  Society  of 
Commercial  Geography"  published  a  study 
dealing  with  forest  preservation  in  its  bulle- 
tin of  December,  1912;  and  the  Government 
sent  out,  during  the  war,  the  Bertin  mission 
to  Africa,   whose   reports   were   summarized 


at  a  Congress  of  Civil  Engineers  by  M.  Gil- 
let  and  M.  Rouget.  The  object  of  the  mis- 
sion was  to  substitute  in  great  measure  col- 
onial lumber  for  the  ordinary  lumber 
purchased  abroad.  It  is,  doubtless,  a  great 
undertaking  to  organize  a  vast  exploitation 
which  shall,  on  the  resumption  of  labor,  fur- 
nish ample  material ;  to  familiarize  the  com- 
mercial world  with  these  new  products  by 
circulating  samples  as  rapidly  as  possible.  And 
the  mission  has  carefully  studied  all  the  de- 
tails of  the  necessary  steps,  indicating  the 
part  to  be  taken  by  the  government  and  by 
private  initiative. 

Certain  portions  of  this  organization 
should  be  realized  at  once.  No  time  should 
be  lost  in  installing  in  every  colony  a  forestry 
service,  lest  the  French  overseas  dominions  be 
exposed  to  the  danger  of  excessive  exploita- 
tion, such  as  in  the  beginning  of  the  war — 
before  the  establishment  of  the  military 
forestry  service — ruined  so  many  French 
forests. 

It  is  generally  estimated  that  the  French 
colonies  possess  over  a  billion  cubic  meters  of 
timber,  so  that  if  an  annual  exploitation  of 
ten  million  cubic  meters  is  accompanied  by 
the  requisite  reforestation  they  will  be  able 
to  maintain  that  figure  for  centuries  to  come. 
The  importation  on  a  large  scale  of  timber 
from  the  colonies,  indispensable  for  Franco 
to  tide  over  the  present  critical  period,  will 
run  no  risk  whatever  of  interruption  when 
the  forests  of  the  mother-country  shall  fur- 
nish their  normal  output,  for  industrial  prog- 
ress is  always  accompanied  by  an  increase  of 
timber  consumption.  In  the  United  States 
it  has  doubled,  per  capita,  in  thirty  years,  in 
England  in  forty  years,  and  a  similar  in- 
crease is  taking  place  in  France. 


534 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


THE  ALSATIAN  PROTESTANTS 


IN  Ln  Revue  (Paris)  of  March  1-15  L. 
M.  Dumas  writes  in  simple,  clear  style, 
and  with  intimate  psychological  sympathy,  of 
"Alsatian  Protestantism  and  French  Senti- 
ment." The  writer  seems  to  be  an  officer  of 
the  Army  of  Occupation,  whose  unit  has 
been  shifted  from  one  to  another  Alsatian 
city.  One  surmises  that  he  is  a  very  liberal- 
minded  man  theologically,  bred  in  Roman 
Catholic  environment,  like  the  educated 
French  generally. 

On  the  first  day  of  our  entrance  into  Alsace, 
I  heard  an  officer  let  fall,  concerning  the  Alsa- 
tian Protestants,  the  sweeping  declaration: 
"They're  all  Boches."  Again,  in  a  railway  car- 
riage a  pair  of  native  civilians  sat  among  French 
officers.  One  of  the  two  remarked:  " 'Tis  the 
Jews  here  who  know  French  best;  in  fact,  they're 
generally  right  good  Frenchmen."  An  officer 
retorted:  "They're  not  like  the  Protestants,  then." 
The  civilian  made  the  frank  reply,  such  as  he 
would  never  have  ventured  to  a  German  in 
uniform,  "I'm  a  Protestant  myself,  and  I  don't 
wish  it  said  the  other  Protestants  aren't  French." 

This  reveals  a  widespread,  mistaken,  but 
excusable  impression  (especially  prevalent 
among  French  military  men)  which  the 
writer  proceeds  most  tactfully  to  efface. 

In  the  capital,  Strasburg,  the  venerable 
M.  Ceroid  is  the  senior  and  leading  Protes- 
tant clerg5'man.  For  his  pro-French  utter- 
ances in  war-time  the  German  rulers  silenced 
him,  and  also  imposed  a  prison  sentence — 
which  they  never  dared  execute.  On  Nov- 
ember 24,  1918,  when  he  entered  his  church 
again  to  preach  his  first  French  sermon,  the 
whole  congregation  stood  up,  as  solemn 
homage  to  him  and  to  France.  On  Decem- 
ber 9  the  President  and  Prime  Minister  were 
formally  welcomed,  in  the  same  edifice.  One 
of  a  group  of  officers,  visiting  the  church 
next  day,  complained  to  the  author  of  its 
"icy  coldness,"  the  utter  lack  of  special  dec- 
orations; yet  the  pastor  had  personally  wel- 
comed the  two  great  French  statesmen  to 
the  city,  as  he  was  the  accepted  head  of  the 
entire  Protestant  clergy. 

Many  austere  churchmen  have  scruples 
against  any  secular  display  in  the  Hou^  of 
God.  But  far  more  than  that,  mere  joyous 
welcome  is  not  the  whole  attitude  of  Alsace. 
There  is  worry,  some  fear,  occasionally  even 
terror. 

A  Catholic  priest  talked  frankly  of  his 
own  people.  The  peasants  are  deeply  re- 
ligious.    France  is  accounted  irreligious.    She 


promises  freely  now.  At  first  changes  will 
be  in  minor  matters  only.  But  the  enforce- 
ment of  her  own  standards  will  increase. 
"Eventually  religion  will  be  rendered  ane- 
mic. The  soul  of  Alsace  will  have  vanished 
with  its  fervor  and  its  faith."  Yet  the  over- 
whelming majority  of  Catholics  still  believe 
that  they  are  regaining  both  a  political  and 
a  religious  fatherland. 

The  Germans,  while  merely  coquetting 
with  Catholicism,  have  impressed  on  the 
Protestants  that  their  fate  was  absolutely 
bound  up  with  Protestant  Germany  and  its 
Lutheran  Kaiser.  "If  France  revives  re- 
ligion at  all" — said  the  German  immigrants 
and  propagandists — "she  will  remain  Roman 
Catholic.  She  will  persecute  all  dissent, 
as  she  did  of  old  the  Huguenots.  Only  with 
us  are  you  safe!" 

So,  when  France  came,  some  Protestants 
imagined  themselves  isolated,  a  hopeless  mi- 
nority in  a  Catholic  nation,  even  political 
suspects,  as  the  followers  of  a  German  re- 
former. That  is,  not  all  the  seeds  of  the 
propaganda  had  fallen  on  stony  ground.  One 
pastor  said  frankly:  "But  our  preaching 
will  be  forbidden,  our  liturgy  altogether  sup- 
pressed." 

Such  a  lie  has  some  kernel  of  excuse  or 
foundation,  usually.  And  in  1914,  when  the 
French  overran  the  valley  of  Miinster,  one 
village  pastor,  a  German  by  birth,  was  for- 
bidden to  preach,  but  suffered  to  carry  on 
the  regular  service  otherwise.  And  after  a 
very  brief  time,  the  commandant  went  in 
person  to  announce  to  him  the  lifting  of  the 
ban.  Yet  the  incident  was  skilfully  exag- 
gerated to  appear  but  part  of  a  general  and 
settled  policy. 

Alsace  never  was  Germanized  at  all.  Teu- 
ton officialdom,  Teuton  militarism,  the  cry 
of  "Deutschland  iiber  Alles!"  remained  as 
hateful  as  the  personal  insolence  of  the  Ger- 
man lieutenant.  To  the  gruff  "You  are 
Germans!"  the  peasantry  always  replied: 
"No,  we  are  Alsatians!"  If  the  desire  took 
shape,  never  again  to  be  the  football  or  the 
booty  of  contending  nations,  but  to  stand 
safely  aloof  and  independent  like  PloUand  or 
Switzerland — that  was  but  human. 

In  the  study  of  one  pastor,  criticized  for 
his  "coldness"  this  last  autumn,  the  writer 
read  an  ante-bellum  sermon,  written  just 
after  the  murderous  Zabern  incident.  "He 
had  felt  it  as  a  whiplash  on  Alsace,  and  he, 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE    MONTH 


535 


too,  reared  and  plunged."  He  had  written, 
e.  g.,  "This  junior  lieutenant  is  part  of  an 
organism  whose  spirit  is  bad,  whose  attitude 
disturbs  us, — and  that  spirit  should  vanish." 
The  author  sees  no  fault  in  pastors  of  such 
courage  and  sincerity.  When  all  dreams  of 
independence  fade,  when  Alsace  actually  is 
French,  their  unquestioning  loyalty  will  still 
be  gladly  shown  to  her.  The  rest  is  for  time, 
tact,  patience,  and  wise  liberalism  of  legisla- 
tive treatment,  to  bring  about. 

But  (as  readers  of  the  famous  story  La 
dernier e  ecole  will  recall)  the  language  has 
always  been  more  German  than  French.  The 
more  stolid  peasant  temper  does  not  react 
easily  to  Gallic  gaiety  and  effervescence.  Ger- 
man rule  is  a  half -century  old,  and  not  a  few 
born  Alsatians  are  frankly  Germanic  in  their 
political,  social  and  intellectual  life. 

A  really  pathetic  confession  by  a  young 
school-mistress  is  a  fine  human  document,  to 
be  appreciated  only  if  perused  in  full. 

While  the  village  Protestants  generally  are  only 
wondering  what  measures  will  be  enforced  under 
French   occupation,    my    heart    is    sad    over    Ger- 


many's defeat.  I  love  the  German  literature. 
I  could  not  help  it.  I  was  so  educated,  and  in 
our  own  schools.  I  feel  that  Alsace  has  found 
happiness  on  the  German  track  ("in  the  German 
furrow").  I  wish  she  could  have  followed  it. 
I  did  not  wish  her  to  become  French.  It  pains 
me.  I  do  not  conceal  it,  nor  am  I  ashamed  of  it. 
But  I  cannot  break  with  my  own  Alsace,  and 
wish  to  follow  her — in   sadness  but  in  loyalty. 

To  a  reminder  how  difficult  her  task  must 
thus  become,  she  answered,  after  silence,  with 
suppressed  tears: 

Yes,  I  realize.  What  will  become  of  me  later 
I  do  not  know,  I  am  conscious  only  of  the 
moment's  crisis.  But  could  not  trust  be  felt  in 
my  loyalty,  in  my  feelings  of  honor  and  duty? 

The  French  writer,  deeply  versed  in 
psychology,  believes  such  elements  as  he  has 
pointed  out  to  be  among  the  most  valuable 
for  the  creation  of  an  ideal  future  Alsace, 
which  he  believes  to  be  already  indissolubly 
merged  in  France.  One  might  go  yet  fur- 
ther, and  propose  to  leave  such  an  Alsace,  in 
absolute  freedom  and  peace,  to  see  some  day, 
perhaps,  for  herself  the  value  of  French 
citizenship,  and  to  beg  for  it  as  a  privilege. 


THE  PART  PLAYED  BY  RAILROADS 

IN  THE  WAR 


THE  paper  in  the  Revue  des  Deux 
Mondes  (Paris)  for  March  15,  by  Gen- 
eral de  Lacroix,  on  ''Railroads  during  the 
War"  certainly  opens  in  a  way  to  arrest  the 
attention  of  an  American  reader: 

The  application  of  railway  service  to  war  dates 
from  the  campaign  of  ,1859  in  Lombardy,  In 
July,  1861,  on  the  plateau  of  Manassas  Junction, 
the  Confederate  General  Johnston  brought  up 
8000  men,  by  train,  to  reinforce  General  Beaure- 
gard, .  .  .  This  unexpected  arrival,  in  the  heat 
of  the  battle,  just  when  the  superior  Federal 
forces  thought  the  fight  was  won,  turned  the  tide 
and  assured  victory  for  the  Confederates.  This 
was  the  first  example  of  the  actual  use  of  rail- 
roads for  rapid  transit  from  a  great  distance  to 
the  field  of  battle  itself. 

The  Germans,  as  usual,  made  prompt  and 
efficient  use  of  the  means  invented  and  first 
applied  by  others.  When  the  "eight  days' 
campaign"  of  '66  enabled  Prussia  to  shoulder 
Austria  out  of  the  Diet,  redraw  the  map  of 
North  Germany,  and  slip  into  the  position  of 
foremost  military  power  in  Western  Europe, 
it  is  evident  that  masterful  use  of  transpor- 
tation, hardly  less  than  the  detested  conscrip- 
tion laws  of  the  previous  years,  had  made  all 
this  seem  so  easy  and  inevitable. 


General  Lamarque's  prophecy  was  ful- 
filled: "It  may  be  that  steam  will  one  day 
work  a  revolution  (in  methods  of  warfare) 
as  complete  as  did  the  invention  of  gun- 
powder." 

In  new  factors,  the  old  maxim  was  to  be 
emphatically  restated : 

It  is  not  enough  to  have  an  abundance  of  ef- 
fectives; they  must  be  brought  to  bear,  betimes, 
at  the  desired  point.  The  game  is  a  continuous, 
played,  in  time  and  space,  with  reserves.  It  is 
a  directive  and  regulative  activity  for  the  High 
Command,  throughout  the  entire  course  of  the 
battle  or  series  of  battles:  it  is  maneuvering,  un- 
der control  of  the  commander's  brain   and  hand. 

Railroads  make  possible  the  instant  mobil- 
izing and  concentration  of  the  army.  Then 
begins  their  sefvice,  planned  in  detail  long 
beforehand,  up  to  the  very  firing-line  and 
through  the  whole  region  behind  it.  Pro- 
visioning, munitioning,  removal  of  the  in- 
valided, wounded,  and  prisoners,  transport 
of  men  on  furlough  or  en  route  to  outposts, 
the  speedy  conveyance  of  the  daily  couriers, 
etc.,  etc.,  must  always  depend  on  the  rail- 
ways. Always  overburdened,  they  must  be 
kept  in  continuous  service   and  constant  res 


536 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


pair,  and  flexibly  extended  at  the  shortest 
notice  wherever  and  whenever  the  army 
moves. 

On  the  stroke  of  midnight,  August  2d, 
1914,  all  the  railroads  of  France  passed  from 
civil  into  military  control.  Henceforth 
every  change  of  time-table,  every  movement 
of  rolling  stock,  was  dictated  by  the  need  of 
winning  the  war.  So  the  connected  sketch 
of  railway  activity  in  1914-18  is  virtually  a 
rapid  review  of  the  war  itself.  This  is 
almost  wholly  from  the  French  point  of 
view,  because  only  on  this  side  are  statistics, 
and  data  generally,  as  yet  accessible  for  the 
w^riter. 

Only  a  rapid  glance  can  be  thrown  at  one 
or  two  picturesque  incidents.  Thus  in  1915 
a  fleet  of  fifty-two  steamers  arrived  at 
Marseilles  from  India.  It  brought  what, 
until  this  war,  might  have  been  considered 
a  great  foreign  army  of  invasion :  70,000 
Gourkas  and  Sikhs,  with  their  peculiar  per- 
sonal baggage,  ammunition,  artillery,  etc.  All 
these  had  to  be  promptly  disembarked,  en- 
trained, and  transported  across  France  to  the 
British  trenches  on  the  Flanders  front.  And 
this  was  a  minor  task. 

There  was  perhaps  no  moment  when  the 
Council  of  Allies  was  nearer  to  panic  than 
when  they  were  threatened  with  a  debacle 
in  Northern  Italy,  on  the  heels  of  Russia's 
collapse  and  withdrawal   from  the  struggle. 

On  October  23,  1917,  the  very  day  when  the 
Germans  penetrated  to  the  South  of  Plezzo,  the 
(Railway)  Company  was  called  upon  by  the 
military  authorities  to  bring  together,  within 
twenty-four  hours,  the  means  of  transportation, 
including,  of  course,  the  train  crews,  sufficient  to 
take  across  the  Alps,  by  express,  120,000  British 
or  French  troops,  with  their  artillery  and  mili- 
tary  stores   of   every   description. 

This  miracle  was  successfully  wrought.  In 
less  than  the  required  time,  500  locomotives  and 
12,000  cars  were  speeding  from  all  parts  of  the 
national  system  toward  the  zone  of  embarkation. 
Next  day  the  trains  stood,  made  up,  in  sufficient 
numbers  to  meet  the  actual  demand  as  the  troops 
appeared. 

On  the  28th,  the  twelve  thousand  cars  were  in 
motion,  and  in  four  days  completed  the  run  to 
the  Trentino  from  the  Southern  French  front. 
When  on  November  8  the  Italians  ended  their 
retiring  movement  westward,  they  were  able  to 
halt  in  security  on  the  Piave,  assured  of  direct 
union  of  their  forces  with  the  Anglo-French 
troops. 

And  close  on  the  heels  of  this  first  expedi- 
tion there  steamed  over  the  Alps  200  more 
engines  dragging  5000  carloads — an  adequate 
supply  of  munitions  and  food  for  the  time. 


Upon  this  prompt  and  eflBcient  action  fol- 
lowed successively  the  end  of  the  retreat, 
relief  from  imminent  peril,  permanent  se- 
curity, aggressive  confidence,  and  decisive 
victory.  Probably  nothing  less  energetic  and 
immediate  could  have  stopped  the  successful 
rush  of  the  Germans  across  Italy  to  assail 
the  French  from  the  south  and  east.  And 
we  were  ourselves  not  seriously  in  the  field 
at  all.  The  whole  war  might  have  resulted 
wholly  otherwise. 

Most  marvelous  of  all,  however,  is  the  sud- 
den recovery  that  began  in  July,  1918.  The 
enemy's  advance  in  Belgium  and  French  ter- 
ritory since  March  had  wrought  wid-e  havoc 
in  Northern  France.  Entire  railway  lines 
had  been  rendered  useless,  notably  from 
Amiens  to  Arras,  from  Paris  to  Chalons  via 
Chateau  Thierry,  etc. 

Paris,  however,  is  the  heart  of  the  whole 
network  of  French  railways.  Thanks  to 
that  condition,  it  was  possible,  under  the 
shadow  of  a  supreme  crisis,  for  all  the  radiat- 
ing systems  to  concentrate  their  material  re- 
sources and  unify  all  their  personal  efforts 
with  reference  to  the  final  success  of  the  mili- 
tary operations. 

Many  vitally  important  stations,  maga- 
zines, workshops,  had  been  destroyed  or 
evacuated.  Thus,  even  one  at  Epernay, 
which  was  not  captured,  was  largely  stripped 
and  dismantled,  as  a  military  precaution. 
Thousands  of  carloads  of  tools  and  material^ 
had  been  shipped  far  southward. 

Before  these  difficulties  had  been  at  all 
overcome,  there  were  issued  orders  from 
Headquarters  for  continuous  transportation 
of  troops,  as  an  imperative  military  neces- 
sity. These  two  tasks  the  railroads  were 
forced  to  carry  on  simultaneously.  Mean- 
time Foch's  offensive,  pushed  without  pause 
from  July  18th  onward,  rapidly  regained 
full  freedom  of  action  for  the  railway  lines 
as  for  the  armies,  and  the  two  moved  onward 
together  until  the  decisive  triumph. 

Thanks  to  the  defensive  forced  upon  the 
enemy,  on  the  lines  of  the  Aisne  and  the 
Vesle,  they  found  themselves  utterly  unable 
to  carry  oflf  in  their  retreat  the  great  mass  of 
stores  at  Soissons,  Fere-en-Tardenois,  etc. 
Wasting  their  energies  on  lines  useful  only 
in  covering  that  retreat,  they  were  maneuv- 
ered out  of  one  section  after  another,  to  utter 
exhaustion,  demoralization — and  surrender. 
In  all  this  marvelously  rapid  sweep  forward 
the  flexible  organization  and  incessant  energy 
of  the  railway  system  were  indispensable  at 
every  step. 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE    MONTH 


537 


A  MINE  BARRIER  FROM  NORWAY  TO 

SCOTLAND 

THE    lifting    of    the    veil    that    enveloped  whole  line,  so  far  away  from  the  bases  in  Great 

SO  many  remarkable  events  of  the  late  l^f^"*                ...                   .      ^ 

,                    ,    J                       •    ^           '             .J  1  here   were   mines   m   plenty   near   the   German 

war  has  revealed  no  more  interesting  episode  ^^^^,^  f^^^j^g  ^H  ^„^^y  ^^^^^  ^^  be  very  careful 

than  one  described  by  Capt.  Reginald  Bel-  and  now  and  then  doing  them  some  damage;  but 
knap,  U.  S.  N.,  in  a  lecture  published  in  the  the  submarines  could  still  go  in  or  out.  The  bar- 
National  Geographic  Magazine,  under  the  ^ier  close  to  the  German  coast  could  not  be  made 
title  "The  North  Sea  Mine  Barrage."  Cap- 
tain Belknap  tells  a  graphic  story  of  an  ex-  The  solution  of  the  problem  thus  pre- 
ploit  carried  out  under  his  command.  It  sented  was  made  possible  by  the  ingenuity  of 
was  stupendous  in  itself,  and  momentous  in  an  American  electrician,  Mr.  Ralph  C. 
its  consequences,  for  it  opposed  an  almost  Browne,  of  Salem,  Mass.,  who  laid  before 
insuperable  obstacle  to  the  operation^  of  the  Navy  Department  the  plan  of  a  sub- 
German  submarines  and  thereby  materially  marine  gun.  Although  this  invention  was 
hastened  the  end  of  the  war.  pronounced  impractical,  it  embodied  an  idea 
From  the  time  our  country  entered  the  which  led  to  the  development  of  a  new  type 
conflict,  says  Captain  Belknap,  the  Navy  of  submarine  mine,  the  most  important 
advocated  strong  offensive  measures  to  block  feature  of  which  was  that,  by  a  simple  auto- 
the  German  bases,  so  that  few  submarines,  matic  device,  it  could  be  moored  at  any  de- 
if  any,  might  get  out,  and  those  that  did  sired  distance  below  the  surface  of  the  water, 
might  be  caught  and  destroyed  in  returning.  This  mine  offered  so  many  advantages  over 
Such  undertakings  could  not, 
however,  be  carried  out  close 
to  German  shores. 

The  German  forces  were  very 
strong  for  operations  near  their 
own  coast,  and  although  the 
British  destroyers  were  con- 
stantly planting  mines  in  the 
Heligoland  Bight,  they  could 
not  prevent  the  German  mine- 
sweepers from  keeping  channels 
open  through  these  mine   fields. 

The  enemy  even  had  special 
vessels  called  barrage-breakers, 
and  they  were  also  very  much 
assisted  by  bad  weather,  fogs, 
and  variable  currents,  which 
handicapped  the  Germans  much 
less  than  the  British,  who  had 
to  operate  from  a  starting  point 
farther  away. 

There  was  also  the  Skager- 
rack passage  between  Denmark 
and  Norway,  where  no  barrier 
could  be  placed  without  violat- 
ing neutral  waters.  Conse- 
quently, the  enemy  submarines 
could  always  use  this  channel 
going  to  and  from  their  bases 
at  Kiel  and  Wilhelmshaven. 

Any  barriers  that  the  allied 
navies  could  place  near  the 
German  coast  and  near  the 
Skagerrack  were  so  close  to  the 
German  bases  that  the  enemy 
could  at  any  time  ^^reak  through  CHART  OF  THE  NORTH  SEA.  SHOWING  THE  LOCATION  OF  THE  MINE  BAR- 
at    some    pomt    by    suddenly    at-  RAGE  LAID  BY  THE  AMERICAN  AND  BRITISH  MINING  SQUADRONS 

tackmg    there    with    more    force 

tVian    tViP     Allies    rriiiM    m-iJnfii'n  (When  tills  mine  barrage  was  found  to  he  effective,   C.erniany  reahzcd  that 

tnan    tne    /\llies    couia    maintain         j^^^  submarine  warfare   had   failed  and   that  the   ultimate   defeat  of  her   land 
over     any    one    section    of    the       forces  was  inevital)le) 


538 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


previous  types  in  economy  and  effectiveness, 
as  well  as  the  facility  with  which  it  could  be 
planted,  that  the  Navy  was  inspired  wnth 
the  audacious  idea  of  closing  the  North  Sea 
against  submarines  by  laying  a  mine  field 
all  the  way  from  Scotland  to  Norway ;  a 
distance  of  230  miles,  or  as  far  as  from  Bos- 
ton to  New  York.  The  undertaking  would 
cost  tens  of  millions,  and  might  prove  a 
failure ;  but  it  appeared  to  be  the  only  hope- 
ful solution  of  the  submarine  problem,  and 
so,  in  October,  1917,  it  was  formally  ap- 
proved by  the  Navy  Department  and  the 
work  went  forward. 

Cooperation  in  the  fullest  measure  was  neces- 
sary from  the  start.  Over  500  contractors  and 
sub-contractors  were  soon  engaged  in  the  manu- 
facture of  the  many  parts,  small  and  large,  that 
go  into  the  make-up  of  a  complete  mine. 

Besides  being  a  rush  order  all  through,  the 
task  was  complicated  by  the  necessity  for  keeping 
parts  of  the  mine  secret.  Some  pieces  had  to  be 
made  here  and  others  there,  and  both  kinds  sent 
to  a  third  place  to  be  joined,  and  all  of  the  parts 
were  finally  delivered  at  Norfolk,  Va.,  for  ship- 
ment to  Scotland,  where  the  complete  mines  were 
to  be  assembled  and  adjusted,  ready  to  plant. 

There  was  a  great  transportation  problem  in- 
volved, originally  estimated  to  absorb  the  use  of 
60,000  tons  of  shipping  for  five  months.  Be- 
ginning their  sailings  in  late  February,  a  group 
of  twenty-four  steamers,  managed  by  the  Naval 
Overseas  Transport  Service,  were  constantly  em- 
ployed, with  two  or  three  departures  every  eight 


nci 


days,  carrying  mine  material  and  stores  for  the 
northern  barrage. 

It  was  through  a  submarine  sinking  one  of  these 
ships,  the  Lake  Moor,  with  forty-one  of  her  crew, 
that  our  operation  suffered  its  greatest,  almost 
the  onh^,  loss  of  life. 

Meantime  the  British  naval  authorities  were 
preparing  depots  for  us  in  Scotland.  The  mine 
material  was  to  be  unloaded  on  the  west  side  of 
Scotland;  some  cargoes  at  Fort  William,  at  the 
western  terminus  of  the  Caledonian  Canal,  and 
some  at  Kyle,  on  LocU  Alsh,  opposite  the  Isle 
of  Skye.  Thence  the  cargoes  would  be  forwarded 
by  canal  barge  and  by  rail  to  Inverness,  and  to 
Invergordon,  on  Cromarty  Firth,  respectively. 
These  harbors  open  on  Moray  Firth,  about  eight 
miles   apart,   on   the    northeast  coast   of   Scotland. 

Here  American  naval  officers  established 
two  large  bases,  each  manned  by  a  thousand 
men  and  together  capable  of  preparing  a 
thousand  mines  a  day.  As  it  was  expected 
that  each  mine-laying  trip  would  occupy 
about  five  days,  it  was  decided  that  the  mine- 
laying  squadron  should  have  a  capacity  of 
upwards  of  five  thousand  mines.  This 
squadron  consisted  of  two  old  cruisers,  the 
San  Francisco  and  the  Baltimore,  and  eight 
merchant  ships.  Each  ship  was  equipped 
with  from  four  to  six  elevators  for  raising 
the  mines  rapidly  to  the  launching  deck,  thus 
greatly  facilitating  the  process  of  planting. 
The  squadron  sailed  for  Scotland  May  11, 
1918,  and  on  the  evening  of  June  6  the  first 
mine-laying  cruise  was  begun. 

Captain  Belknap  gives  us  a  vivid  narra- 
tive of  the  unlighted  vessels  creeping  forth, 


FIG  5 


FIG  6 


HOW  A  MINE  IS 
ANCHORED  AT  THE 
DESIRED  DEPTH  BE- 
LOW THE  SURFACE 
OF  THE  SEA 

The  progress  of  a 
mine  after  it  is 
shown  in  Figures  1 
to  6.     When  a  mine 

is  dropped  overboard,  the  mine  proper  (A)  floats,  while 
the  box-hke  anchor  (B)  slowly  sinks.  Inside  the  anchor 
is  the  mooring  wire  (F),  which  unwinds  from  a  reel  as 
the  anchor  sinks.  The  real  is  unlatched  (E)  by  the  down- 
ward pull  of  a  plummet  (C)  at  the  end  of  a  cord  (D), 
which  is  the  same  length  as  it  is  desired  to  have  the  mine 
stay  below  the  surface.  The  plummet,  being  nearly  solid 
metal,  sinks  faster  than  the  more  bulky  anchor  box  (see 
Fig.  3),  thus  keeping  the  cord  (D)  taut.  As  soon  as  the 
plummet  strikes  bottom,  however,  the  cord  slackens  and 
the  reel  in  the  anchor  box  is  locked,  thus  preventing  any 
more  mooring  wire  from  unwinding.  The  anchor  con- 
tinues to  sink,  pulling  the  mine  case  under  the  water 
until   the  anchor   strikes   bottom,  as  in   Fig.    6. 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE    MONTH 


539 


under  an  escort  of  British  destroyers, 
cruisers  and  battleships;  the  nocturnal  jour- 
ney to  the  Norwegian  coast ;  and  the  anxious 
moments  that  preceded  the  early  morning 
signal  to  begin  planting,  when  it  was  still 
uncertain  whether  the  enterprise  that  had 
cost  so  many  months  of  preparation  would 
prove  a  success.  Everything  went  smoothly, 
and  the  ships  returned  to  port  after  estab- 
lishing a  new  world-record  in  mine-laying. 

There  were  in  all  thirteen  excursions  by  our 
squadron  and  eleven  by  the  British  nnine-laying 
squadron.  Twice  the  two  squadrons  were  joined 
to  lay  their  mines  in  company.  On  the  first  oc- 
casion our  Rear-Admiral  Strauss  went  out  in 
command  of  the  joint  force;  the  second  time  Rear- 
Admiral   Clinton-Baker,  R.  N. 

On  one  of  these  joint  excursions  ten  American 
ships  planted  5520  mines,  the  four  British  ships 
1300,  making  a  total  of  6820  planted  in  four  hours. 


This  is  the  record  for  number.  A  few  weeks  later 
our  squadron  alone  planted  a  field  seventy-three 
miles  long,  making  a   record  for  distance. 

The  whole  barrier  contained  70,117  mines,  of 
which  56,571,  or  four-fifths,  were  ours.  The 
average  was  three  excursions  a  month,  though 
the  intervals  between  were  irregular.  We 
steamed  altogether  8700  miles  in  775  hours  while 
on  these  excursions. 

Quite  early  in  the  summer,  after  only  the  second 
excursion,  our  work  began  to  bring  results,  and 
more  and  more  reports  came  in  of  submarines 
damaged  or  lost  in  this  vicinity,  although  the 
British  policy  of  secrecy  about  submarine  losses 
concealed  the  definite  numbers. 

The  actual  losses  will  probably  never  be  fully 
known ;  but,  according  to  report,  the  Germans  ad- 
mit the  loss  of  twenty-three  submarines  there,  and 
the  British  Admiralty  staff  have  been  quoted  as 
holding  that  the  surrender  of  the  German  fleet 
and  the  final  armistice  were  caused  largely  by 
the  failure  of  the  submarine  warfare,  this  failure 
being  admitted  as  soon  as  the  mine  barrage  was 
found  to  be  effective: 


FLYING  OVER  MOUNTAIN  TOPS 


THE  forthcoming  business  of  exploring 
by  airplane  will  involve  a  number  of 
problems,  one  of  which  is  that  of  ascending 
to  great  altitudes  in  order  to  pass  over  moun- 
tain ranges,  whether  these  are  or  are  not  the 
immediate  objective  of  the  explorer.  In  the 
Geographical  Review  (New  York)  Mr. 
Henry  Woodhouse  discusses  "High-Altitude 
Flying  in  Relation  to  Exploration,"  and 
deals  particularly  with  the  fascinating  sub- 
ject of  flying  over  the  Himalaya.  The  writer 
reminds  us  that 

The  trail  of  the  airplane  has  already  been 
carried  over  several  of  the  world's  famous 
ranges — over  the  Alps  and  the  Andes;  and  new 
roads  of  conquest  have  been  made  in  an  interest- 
ing series  of  flights  across  the  classic  and  for- 
bidden ground  of  the  Atlas.  Last  year  three 
French  aviators  under  the  direction  of  Com- 
dant  Cheutin,  Director  of  the  French  Air  Service 
in  Morocco,  using  Voisin  bombing  biplanes  flew 
from  Meknes  to  Bou  Denib,  crossing  both  the 
Middle  Atlas  and  the  High  Atlas.  The  follow- 
ing day  three  small  Nieuport  pursuit-type  bi- 
planes made  the  return  flight  from  Bou  Denib  to 
Meknes.  One  of  the  aviators  continued  on  to 
Rabat.  It  was  a  flight  of  about  260  miles  each 
way  at  heights  of  about  15,000  feet,  because  parts 
of  the  High  Atlas  are  from  12,000  to  14,000  feet 
high.  It  was  made  successfully  in  a  little  over 
three  hours.  Previously  Lieutenant  Vasseur  had 
crossed  the  High  Atlas  from  Agadir  and  Marra- 
kech.  The  mountain  flying  that  has  already  been 
accomplished  encourages  aviator  and  geographer 
to  look  towards  the  conquest  of  the  loftiest  and 
least  attainable  of  the  world's  ranges — the 
Himalaya. 


•  It  is  evident  that  mountain  flying  involves 
different  requirements  from  those  presented 
by  the  two  prospective  aeronautical  feats 
upon  which  popular  interest  is  just  now  cen- 
tered, viz,  transatlantic  flight  and  the  air- 
plane expeditions  to  the  North  Pole. 


CRKATOKS  OK   A    XKVV   WORLDS   ALTlTUUli  RIXORD  FOR 

AKROPLANKS     (30,500    FKKT)  :    CAPT,    ANDRKW    LANG, 

R,   A.   F.    (left),   AND  LIEUTENANT  BLOWES 


540 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


In  Arctic  exploration  and  transatlantic  flight 
■we  have   three   requirements  to   be   met: 

(1)  A  sustained  flight,  twice  as  long  as  the 
longest  yet   made. 

(2)  From  ten  to  twenty-five  hours'  continuous 
service  of  the  pilots  on  the   airplane. 

(3)  The  use  of  instruments  for  determining 
the  course  when  astronomical  observations, 
"shooting"  the  horizon,  and  ascertaining  the  air- 
plane's speed  and  drift  are,  to  put  it  mildly, 
difficult. 

In  crossing  the  Himalaya  the  cardinal  re- 
quirement is  to  attain  a  sufficiently  great 
altitude.  There  are  three  aspects  of  such  an 
undertaking  to  be  considered: 

(1)  Crossing  the  mountains  by  flying  through 
the  passes  or  gorges  or  by  passage  over  the  main 
range   and  avoidance  of  the  high  peaks. 

(2)  Flying  over  the  highest  peaks,  including 
Mt.  Everest,  which  is  29,002  feet,  and  Mt.  Kan- 
chenjunga,  which  is  almost  as  high. 

(3)  Making  a  landing  on  the  ranges. 
According  to  Dr.  Kellas^  the  main  range  could 

be  crossed  at  an  altitude  of  23,000  to  25,000  feet 
by  avoiding  the  peaks  that  are  over  24,000  feet 
high,  of  which,  so  far  as  is  known,  there  are  about 
eighty.  Further,  by  utilizing  passes  or  gorges 
transit  could  be  made  at  a  still  lower  elevation — 
not  over  19,000  feet.  These  altitudes  can  be 
reached  by  present-day  airplanes.  There  are  a 
great  many  airplanes  used  by  the  British  and  the 
other  Allied  nations  that  have  a  "ceiling"  (max- 
imum altitude  attainable  by  the  plane)  of  ap- 
proximately 30,000  feet  with  the  usual  military 
load;  and  the  flight  across  the  Himalaya  through 
the  gorges  and  passes  would  not  be  considered 
more  difficult  than  the  flights  made  daily  over 
the  enemy's  barrage  fire,  where  in  addition  every 
cloud  may  hide  a  squadron  of  enemy  fighting 
planes.  It  certainly  would  not  be  as  difficult 
as  was  the  flight  of  the  squadron  of  Italian  S. 
V.  A.  single-motored  biplanes  that,  under  the 
command  of  Major  Gabriele  d'Annunzio  on 
August  10,  1918,  flew  from  Venice  to  Vienna,  a 
trip  which  involved  more  than  two  hours'  flying 
over  the  Alps. 

The  mountaineering  aviator  will  doubtless 
not  be  satisfied  with  anything  short  of  a 
flight  over  Mt.  Everest  itself,  and  it  is  there- 
fore of  interest  to  compare  the  height  of  that 
mountain  above  sea-level  (about  29,000  feet) 
with  the  greatest  altitudes  higherto  at- 
tained by  airplanes.  Last  September  Capt. 
Schroeder,  U.  S.  A.,  established  a  record  of 
28,900  feet  at  Dayton,  Ohio,  and  on  Jan- 
uary' 2  of  the  present  year  Capt.  Lang,  of  the 
British  Army,  with  a  companion,  rose  to  a 
height  of  30,500  feet  above  Ipswich,  Eng- 
land ;  the  altitude  record  to  date. 

To    carry   out    the    project    of    flying    over    Mt. 


^A.  M.  Kellas:  The  Possibility  of  Aerial  Reconnais- 
sance in  the  Himalaya,  Geographical  Journal,  London, 
Vol.  51,   1918,  pp.  374-389. 


Everest  and  Mt.  Kanchenjunga  it  will  be  neces- 
sary to  build  special  airplanes.  It  is  of  little 
value  from  a  military  viewpoint  to  have  a  plane 
with  a  ceiling  of  35,000  feet  unless  it  can  carry 
guns  and  munitions  and  the  pilot  can  patrol 
for  about  two  hours.  In  addition,  the  machine 
must  have  a  maximum  equipment  of  safety  to 
enable  the  pilot  to  make  vertical  turns,  to  do  the 
"roll,"  the  "falling  leaf,"  the  "Immerman  turn," 
the  "nose  dive,"  the  "loop,"  and  other  similar 
maneuvres  that  may  be  necessary  in  the  course 
of  an  aerial  flight;  the  machine  must  also  have 
a  very  high  horse-power  motor  to  insure  maxi- 
mum speed. 

The  explorer  can  dispense  with  machine  guns 
and  ammunition,  although  he  should  carry  a 
gun  for  protection  in  case  he  lands  away  from  his 
starting  point.  He  can  also  dispense  with  one 
hour's  fuel,  and  the  construction  of  the  machine 
can  be  lighter.  But  these  two  considerations 
should  come  last.  The  greatest  saving  in  weight 
will  be  in  having  a  smaller  motor — and  corre- 
spondingly less  fuel  and  tankage. 

The  writer  discusses  the  effects  of  the  low 
temperatures  that  would  be  encountered  over 
the  Himalaya,  and  cites  his  reasons  for  be- 
lieving that  "the  solution  of  the  problem  of 
flying  in  cold  weather  consists  largely  in 
providing  suitable  clothing  for  the  aviator.'* 

With  regard  to  the  physiological  effects  of 
great  altitudes,  concerning  which  so  much 
conflicting  information  has  been  published, 
Mr.  Woodhouse  makes  the  important  point 
that  "the  aviator  has  the  advantage  over  the 
mountain  climber  that  he  can  start  out  in 
perfect  physical  condition  and  can  accomplish 
the  entire  journey  in  a  few  hours,  whereas 
it  would  take  the  mountain  climber  days  or 
weeks." 

Finally  comes  the  question  of  making  land- 
ings on  the  mountains. 

Landing  airplanes  on  such  surfaces  as  the 
Himalaya  may  be  expected  to  present,  and  start- 
ing again,  will  be  mainly  a  matter  of  skill  and 
organization.  A  specially  made  airplane  for 
flying  at  high  altitudes  may  not  have  a  speed  of 
more  than  75  or  80  miles  an  hour  and  would  have 
a  very  low  landing  speed.  It  would  also  be  a 
very  light  machine  and,  if  possessing  a  margin 
of  power,  could  rise  from  a  flat  clearance  of  from 
400  to  500  feet.  In  preliminary  flights  the  aviator 
could  drop  tents,  bags  of  food  and  equipment, 
and  spare  parts  on  a  selected  spot  near  the  place 
where  he  intended  to  land.  Dropping  these 
things  from  an  airplane  would  not  be  difficult. 
It  was  done  repeatedly  by  the  British  aviators  at 
Kut.  Italian  aviators  also  dropped  bread  and 
provisions  on  the  mountains  for  their  forces 
which  had  been  cut  off^  from  their  lines  of 
communication  and  had  exhausted  their  supplies. 
The  aviators  carried  sufficient  food  and  provi- 
sions to   last  them  many  days. 

Having  carried  and  dropped  all  the  equipment 
necessary,  the  aviator  could  then  attempt  the 
landing. 


LEADING   ARTICLES    OF    THE    MONTH 


541 


AN  AERIAL  PHOTOGRAPH-THE  BEST  MEANS  OF  SHOWING  COMMUNICATION  FACILITIES 

USES  OF  AERIAL  PHOTOGRAPHY 


BEFORE  the  signing  of  the  armistice  the 
photographic  branch  of  our  air  service 
had  reached  a  stage  of  development  little 
known  outside  of  military  circles.  Begin- 
ning in  the  fall  of  1917,  with  a  single  school 
of  aerial  photography  at  Langley  Field,  we 
had  within  a  year  four  schools  which  had 
graduated  2300  men,  while  700  were  still  in 
training.  There  are,  besides,  2000  airplane 
pilots  and  observers  who  have  had  complete 
instruction  in  aerial  photography. 

Writing  in  Flying  for  April,  Captain 
M.  A.  Kinney,  Jr.,  states  that  our  camera 
men  are  able  to  make  as  many  as  90  per  cent, 
"good"  pictures  at  altitudes  of  6000  feet. 
These  men  have  also  learned  how  to  make 
accurate  "mosaics"  by  triangulation.  With 
the  K-1  camera  they  can  in  one  continuous 
trip  at  an  altitude  of  10,000  feet  take  enough 
exposures  to  cover  an  area  of  about  200 
square  miles.  This  is  photographic  mapping 
by  wholesale!  The  various  photographs, 
gathered  as  the  result  of  a  mapping  trip,  can 
be  pieced  together  in  an  accurate  mosaic  by 
an  absolute  method  of  triangulation.  When 
the  map  is  completed  it  may  be  turned  over 
to  trained  draftsmen,  who  trace  it,  and  by  a 
system  of  interpretation,  work  in  woodlands. 


marshes,  cultivated  areas,  houses,  and  roads. 
The  labor  of  years  in  old-fashioned  map- 
surveying  is  thus  reduced  to  hours.  Captain 
Kinney  suggests  several  directions  in  which 
this  aerial  map-making  may  be  turned  to 
good  advantage  in  our  commercial  and  in- 
dustrial life: 

An  interesting  field  for  aerial  photography 
that  suggests  itself  for  successful  commercial  de- 
velopment is  the  mapping  of  small  areas  for  real- 
estate  projects  or  proposed  industrial  sites.  It  is  a 
well-known  fact,  that  where  new  buildings  are 
to  cover  large  areas  there  never  are  good  maps 
of  plant  and  neighboring  territory.  Because  of 
the  lack  of  good  maps,  sometimes  three  or  four 
months  of  valuable  time  must  be  lost  before  grad- 
ing operations  can  be  commenced.  Say,  the  area 
for  real  estate  or  industrial  development  is  forty 
square  miles  in  size.  By  aerial  photography  a 
map  just  as  accurate  as  that  produced  by  the 
surveyor  and  far  more  comprehensive  can  be 
made  available  within  forty-eight  hours  after 
the  flight  to  take  the  exposures.  This  in  itself  is 
proof  positive  that  aerial  photography  can  be 
made  a  wonderful  asset  to  the  ordinary  business 
man. 

Aerial  photography  will  be  of  especially  great 
value  in  forestry  work.  Months  and  even  years 
of  time  are  now  being  spent  by  so-called  timber 
cruisers  who  travel  through  forests  with  pedome- 
ter and  pack  mule  to  make  rough  surveys.  Their 
reports   naturally  can't  be  very   accurate.      Think 


542 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


on  the  other  hand  how  very  valuable  a  large 
photographic  map  accurately  scaled  on  which 
practically  every  bush  and  tree  is  shown  of  a 
large  tract  of  wood,  would  be  to  the  owner. 

A  mosaic  of  such  a  forest  would  show  at  a 
glance  all  virgin  tracts  of  young  trees  which 
could  not  be  considered  of  commercial  value,  all 
bush-land,  fire  tracts,  so-called  "dead-lake" 
areas,  etc.  We  have  even  specially  trained  men 
who  by  close  study  of  foliage  as  shown  on  the 
photographs  can  tell  what  species  of  tree  predomi- 
nate in  the  area.  Also  by  means  of  oblique  photo- 
graphs as  adjuncts  to  those  taken  vertically  one 
can  determine  the  general  height  of  the  trees  and 
their  denseness.  From  this  one  can  see  that  a 
concern  with  photographic  data  such  as  that  ob- 
tained by  aeroplane  and  contemplating  the  pur- 
chase of  certain  areas  could  estimate  quite  closely 
the  number  of  feet  of  lumber  that  could  be  ob- 
tained from  the  tracts  and  know  what  obstacles 
would  be  met  in  cutting  and  transporting  the 
timber. 

Railroad  valuation  suggests  another  extensive 
use  for  aerial  photography.  It  is  a  fact  that  all 
large  railroads  spend  thousands  of  dollars  yearly 
for    the    hire    of    crews    of    civil    engineers    who 


spend  all  their  time  making  valuation  surveys. 
These  jobs  extend  into  years  and  by  the  time 
they  have  finished  the  valuation  of  a  certain  sec- 
tion a  good  part  of  their  data  is  obsolete  because 
of  changes  and  improvements.  I  know,  for 
example,  of  one  road  that  for  six  years  has  been 
trying  to  get  a  complete  valuation  report  by  the 
survey  method  of  200  miles  of  its  property  and 
though  six  years  have  passed  since  the  work  was 
begun  only  100  miles  have  been  covered.  A  large 
number  of  changes  can  occur  in  six  years,  so  one 
can  see  just  how  really  inadequate  a  report  of 
this  kind  is  to  a  railroad  company. 

On  the  other  hand,  an  aeroplane  traveling 
above  the  right  of  way  could  quickly  cover  any 
section  desired  and  map  out  not  only  the  railroad 
property,  but  also  all  land  for  a  half  mile  on 
each  side  of  the  tracks.  All  telephone  poles,  ties, 
waste  material,  signal  apparatus,  culverts,  cross- 
ings, bridges,  etc.,  would  be  shown  and  the  copies 
of  the  linear  maps  would  be  of  great  convenience 
not  alone  as  a  valuation  report  easily  visualized 
but  of  untold  benefit  to  various  departments  in 
checking  up  material  and  equipment  along  th3 
right  of  way.  Such  maps  could  easily  be  kept 
up-to-date  by  periodical  re-mapping  trips. 


A  MACHINE-GUN  CAMERA 


E 


TARGET  PRACTICE  WITH 
MACHINE-GUN  CAMERA 


X  P  L  A  I  N  - 

ING  the  con- 
struction and  use  of 
the  new  gun  camera 
in  a  recent  number 
of  the  New  York 
Sun,  Capt.  Harry  J. 
Devine,  who  as- 
sisted in  its  develop- 
ment, tells  us  it  was 
offered  to  the  Gov- 
ernment by  one  of 
America's  photographic  manufacturing  com- 
panies from  a  purely  patriotic  motive.  "This 
gun  camera,  as  brought  to  its  present  state, 
is  absolutely  American  in  theory,  design  and 
manufacture,  and  we  are  proud  of  it,"  he 
says.  "It  is  only  another  of  the  unexpected 
developments  of  war  work  and  its  future 
use  in  peace  times  is  unlimited." 

The  American  type  of  gun  camera,  as 
finally  perfected,  weighs  only  thirteen 
pounds,  with  a  lens  barrel  eight  inches  in 
length  and  two  inches  in  diameter.  It  is  at- 
tached directly  to  the  gun,  with  its  maga- 
zine of  film  in  place  of  the  cartridge  maga- 
zine of  the  machine  gun.  It  is  so  simple  that 
in  thirty  seconds  the  film  magazine  can  be 
substituted  in  the  air  for  the  cartridge 
magazine  and  the  gun  can  be  used  in  combat. 
The  camera  takes  100  exposures  of  film 
on  one  loading,  which  is  equivalent  to   100 


rounds  of  ammunition,  and,  using  motion- 
picture  film,  its  fire  is  made  in  "bursts,"  or 
continuous  automatic  shooting,  as  long  as  the 
trigger  of  the  machine  gun  is  pressed,  thus 
simulating  exactly  the  action  of  shooting  in 
aerial  combat.  Each  gun  camera  is  pro- 
vided with  three  magazines  which  are  loaded 
in  a  dark  room  and  which  enable  the  training 
airman  to   "shoot"   300   times. 

In  order  to  obtain  the  automatic  action  of 
a  machine  gun,  it  was  necessary  to  find  a 
substitute  for  the  exploding  gases  which  oper- 
ate the  ejecting  and  cocking  mechanism;  and 
a  hand-wound  spring  like  a  phonograph 
spring,  attached  to  the  five-inch  film  reel 
shaft  through  the  shutter  mechanism,  was 
adopted.  As  in  shooting  in  the  air,  it  is 
necessary  to  aim  the  plane  itself  in  order  to 
bring  the  gun  to  bear  on  the  enemy ;  skill  in 
maneuvering,  daring  and  nerve,  and  ac- 
curacy are  essential  to  assure  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  enemy  and  protection  for  the 
pilot,  his  observation  records,  and  his  plane. 
Shooting  a  machine  gun  in  the  air,  therefore, 
is  far  different  from  similar  target  practice 
on  the  ground;  and  it  was  to  test  these  nec- 
essary qualities  in  an  aviator  that  the  gun 
camera   was    used.      Captain    Devine    says: 

The  recording  of  the  shots  is  made  through  a 
glass  plate  called  a  graticule,  placed  in  the  barrel 
of  the  focal  plane  in  contact  with  the  film,  which 
is  marked  with  vertical  and  horizontal  lines  pass- 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE    MONTH 


543 


ing  through  the  center  and  one  small  circle  indi- 
cating the  bull's  eye  of  the  target,  while  two 
larger  circles  indicate  the  outer  field  covered  by 
the  camera.  These  marks  are  impressed  upon 
every  film  and  consequently  good  and  bad  shots 
are  recorded  accurately  in  every  phase  of  the 
aerial   work. 

The  most  recent  development  of  the  camera 
was  the  application  of  a  timing  attachment  by 
which  a  watch  face,  attached  outside  the  device, 
is  photographed  through  reflection  on  the  same 
sector  of  the  film  which  records  the  shot.  Thus, 
it  records  the  image  of  the  target,  showing  the 
exact  location  of  the  other  aeroplane,  and  shows 
to  the  fraction  of  a  second  when  the  shot  was 
made.  By  this  means  two,  instead  of  one,  avia- 
tors, may  engage  in  practice  combats,  with  a  per- 
fect record  of  their  work  and  accurate  register 
of  the  proficiency  of  each. 

The  tremendous  speed  at  which  machines   are 


flying  and  the  position  of  the  opposing  machines 
at  the  instant  of  firing  a  bullet  (making  ex- 
posure), must  be  reckoned  in  the  crediting  of 
hits.  The  accompanying  photograph  shows  a 
perfect  bull's  eye,  for  the  plane  photographed  is 
flying  directly  into  the  field  of  the  machine  gun 
bullets,  the  margin  of  speed  carrying  it  forward 
so  as  to  be  hit  in  a  vital  part. 

Tbis  is  only  one  of  the  many  photographic 
marvels  which  Uncle  Sam  had  up  his  sleeve 
for  the  Hun ;  and  it  is  the  lifting  of  the 
ban  of  censorship  that  enables  us  to  learn 
of  this  remarkable  invention.  All  the 
American  Army  and  Navy  flying  fields  were 
equipped  with  the  gun  camera,  and  1400 
were  manufactured  for  the  service  up  to  the 
date  of  the  Armistice. 


AN   ITALIAN    DIPLOMAT'S    MEMORIES 
OF  PRESIDENT  ROOSEVELT 


SOME  interesting  reminiscences  of  Col- 
onel Roosevelt  are  given  in  Nuova  An- 
tologia  (Rome)  by  Signor  Mayor  des 
Planches,  who  was  Italian  Ambassador  at 
Washington  during  the  Roosevelt  adminis- 
tration. 

The  former  Ambassador  recalls  espe- 
cially Mr.  Roosevelt's  fervent  admiration  of 
Julius  Caesar,  whom  he  regarded  as  the 
greatest  man  the  world  had  ever  produced. 
When  he  requested  Signor  Mayor  des 
Planches  to  transmit  for  him  to  the  Italian 
historian,  Guglielmo  Ferrero,  then  on  a  visit 
to  the  United  States,  a  personal  invitation  to 
be  his  guest  at  the  White  House,  he  indi- 
cated among  the  motives  that  made  him  wish 
to  be  better  acquainted  with  the  historian  of 
Rome,  the  hope  that  he  might  induce  Signor 
Ferrero  to  modify  a  little  his  judgment  of 
Julius  Caesar,  a  judgment  he  considered  to 
be  unjust. 

In  conversation,  Mr.  Roosevelt  was  ver- 
satile, vivacious,  ready,  copious,  and  agree- 
able. Reminiscences,  anecdotes,  allusions, 
flowed  from  his  lips  uninterruptedly.  After 
the  diplomatic  dinners  at  the  White  House, 
he  would  invite  the  Ambassador  (not  the 
ministers  plenipotentiary,  much  less  those  of 
lower  rank)  into  a  small  reception  room  to 
take  coffee  or  to  smoke.  This  room  was  soon 
called  the  "Cafe  des  Ambassadeurs,"  after 
the  famous  resort  in  Paris.  On  such  occa- 
sions Roosevelt  was  not  merely  brilliant,  he 
was  scintillating.  The  different  literatures, 
history,   archaeology,   and   art,   furnished   the 


material  for  his  talk,  and  he  set  in  motion 
all  his  arts  to  please,  to  fascinate,  and  to 
inspire  admiration. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Italian  writer  does 
not  find  that  he  was  a  really  great  orator, 
although  he  was  an  abundant  speaker.  His 
enunciation  was  somewhat  labored,  even  in 
ordinary  conversation  his  utterance  was  occa- 
sionally such  as  to  give  the  impression  that  as 
a  child  he  might  have  stammered  and  had 
later  overcome  this  defect.  At  least  this 
might  have  been  inferred  from  the  fact  that 
certain  words  seemed  to  cost  him  an  effort, 
and  led  him  to  contract  sharply  his  facial 
muscles,  showing  his  teeth,  which  were  large, 
with  a  peculiar  expression  that  was  quickly 
seized  upon  by  the  caricaturists.  "A  pair  of 
glasses  over  a  set  of  teeth,"  as  was  said  in 
France. 

Therefore  in  public  speaking  the  writer 
does  not  credit  him  with  that  even  flow  of 
well-phrased  ideas  which  constitutes  elo- 
quence, nor  that  art,  perhaps  a  trifle  the- 
atrical, of  moving  the  emotions,  that  is  pos- 
sessed by  William  J.  Bryan,  and  which  can 
make  the  hearers  pass  in  a  few  moments 
from  tears  to  laughter,  or  vice  versa.  But  he 
was  always  strong,  often  subtle,  and  being 
convinced  himself  he  convinced  others. 

He  had  read  much  and  still  continued  to 
do  so ;  even  during  his  Presidential  term  he 
found  time  for  this.  The  writer  also  tells 
of  his  habit  of  reading  aloud  to  his  family  in 
the  evenings,  commenting  on  what  he  had 
just  read  and  chatting  about  it. 


544 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


THE  INTERNATIONAL  LABOR 

MOVEMENT 


IN  Le  Correspondant  (Paris)  of  March 
10th,  M.  Max  Turmann  sets  forth 
clearly  and  exhaustively  *'The  Origin  and 
Progress  of  International  Labor  Legislation, 
down  to  the  Assembling  of  the  Peace  Con- 
ference." The  especial  timeliness  and  im- 
portance of  this  study  is  intimated  in  the  last 
phrase  of  the  title. 

The  writer,  a  devoted  Catholic,  emphasizes 
the  former  leadei"ship  of  the  Church  as  pro- 
tector of  the  small  and  weak,  and  the  full 
share  taken  by  his  coreligionists,  under  Leo 
XIII's  leadership,  side  by  side  with  the  mili- 
tant Socialists,  in  the  entire  Internation- 
alist Labor  reform  agitation, — which  is 
hardly  more  than  a  half  century  old.  This 
alliance  is  important  in  removing  the  preju- 
dice against  the  entire  agitation  as  a  political 
and  class  propaganda. 

This  is  a  field  in  which  the  great  growth 
of  international  markets  and  commerce  makes 
radical  action  by  any  single  power  perilous, 
almost  suicidal.  To  prohibit  the  labor  of 
women,  or  introduce  a  legally  limited  eight- 
hour  day,  in  Belgium  or  Switzerland,  for 
example,  without  action  on  the  part  of 
France,  might  well  bring  prompt  industrial 
and  financial  ruin  upon  the  lesser  state. 

It  was  an  Alsatian  sociologist,  M.  Daniel 
Legrand,  a  reformer  far  ahead  of  his  day, 
who  in  1858  called  for  an  international  law 
as  "the  only  means  for  bestowing  desirable 
benefits,  moral  and  material,  upon  the  labor- 
ing class,  without  harming  the  manufactur- 
ers, and  without  disturbing  competition  be? 
tween  industries."  The  government  of 
Switzerland,  far  in  advance  of  other  coun- 
tries, sent  out  over  Europe,  in  1880,  invita- 
tions to  a  general  official  conference — which 
were  all  but  unanimously  declined.  A  second 
invitation,  in  1889,  was  no  less  generally  ac- 
cepted ;  "but,  greedy  to  monopolize  the  glory 
of  the  action,  which  would  be  notable  in 
world-history,  William  the  Second  an- 
nounced his  intention  to  have  the  confer- 
ence assemble  in  Berlin,  and  the  Swiss  Gov- 
ernment effaced  itself  before  the  pride  of  the 
German  Emperor." 

This  Berlin  Conference,  of  1890,  with  its 
too  ambitious  program,  accomplished  almost 
nothing  in  direct  results,  but  "it  did  effective- 
ly," to  use  Count  de  Mun's  words,  "make 
the  social  question,  and  particularly,  recogni- 
tion of  the  rights  of  the  laborers,  the  order 


of  the  day  for  the  governments  of  Europe." 

The  problems  of  protection  for  minors  and 
women,  Sunday  rest,  and  maximum  length  of 
the  working  day,  had  at  least  been  taken  up, 
and  discussed,  by  the  assembled  representa- 
tives of  the  European  governments. 

The  so-called  international  workingmen's 
"Congress"  which  met  at  Zurich  in  August, 
1897,  had  of  course  no  political  basis,  but 
was  merely  a  gathering  of  the  (comparative- 
ly few)  friends  of  the  movement.  It  was 
curiously  composed  of  165  Socialist  delegates, 
98  Catholics,  and  no  others.  This  reveals 
the  singular  and  limited  nature  of  the  agita- 
tion thus  far.  This  Congress  created  a  per- 
manent Executive  Committee,  and  vainly 
urged  the  European  states  to  establish  an 
international  bureau  of  publication  and  in- 
formation as  to  labor  laws  and  conditions. 

The  similar  unofficial  Congress  of  Brus- 
sels, 1897,  and  especially  of  Paris,  1900  (at 
the  time  of  the  Exposition)  brought  together 
economists,  statesmen,  captains  of  industry, 
heads  of  labor  unions,  and  others.  The 
movement  was  broadening  and  gaining  in 
force.  National,  religious,  social  barriers 
vanished  for  the  time.  In  the  Permanent 
Committee  of  the  International  Society,  as 
or'ganized  at  Paris,  not  merely  the  national 
societies  but  the  governments,  including  the 
Papacy,  were  represented.  The  time  for 
united  political  action  seemed  close  at  hand. 

The  Conference  of  Berne,  May,  1905,  of 
official  delegates  of  the  European  nations,  ac- 
tually agreed  on  the  first  chapter  of  a  code, 
to  which  "the  plenipotentiaries  of  a  great 
majority  of  the  European  powers  affixed  their 
signatures."  Again  the  Swiss  had  been  the 
pioneers,  with  the  mistakes  of  1890  as  a 
warning,  and  were  the  hosts.  A  brief  and 
modest  program  had  been  wisely  arranged, 
and  was  successfully  carried  through.  The 
"chapter"  mentioned  merely  prohibits  !all 
night  work  by  women  whenever  ten  or  more 
hands  are  employed.  There  were  indeed 
various  exceptions,  some  temporary,  some  for 
industries  only  carried  on  at  certain  seasons, 
like  canning,  making  of  preserves,  etc.  But 
the  principle  became  universal  in  its  applica- 
tion. 

This  was,  of  course,  real  international 
legislation,  economic,  hygienic,  and  no  less 
moral  in  purpose.  It  committed  the  powers 
to  special  care  of  the  women,  and  in  general 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE    MONTH 


545 


of  the  weak  and  helpless.  Furthermore,  it 
proved,  that  private  individuals  without 
political  power,  could  force  from  an  unwill- 
ing official  class,  attention,  interest,  and 
finally  action,  in  a  righteous  and  needful 
reform.  The  signatory  powers  were  Ger- 
many, Austria,  Belgium,  Denmark,  Spain, 
France,  Great  Britain,  Italy,  Luxemburg, 
Holland,  Portugal,  Sweden,  Switzerland 
(alphabetically  arranged  in  French). 

With  the  constant  pressure  of  the  ''Inter- 
nationale" agitators,  a  third  official  Confer- 
ence was  brought  about  in  1913.  It  met  at 
Berne  in  mid-September — less  than  a  year 
before  the  unforeseen  world-war  befell. 

Here  again  only  two'  limited  problems 
were  seriously  considered : 

(1)  Night  work  for  juveniles.  The  rule 
there  decreed  is,  up  to  14  years,  none;  from 
14  to  16,  only  in  a  special  crisis  not  recurrent 
nor  to  be  foreseen.  The  other  exceptions  are 
merely  for  the  next  few  years,  until  certain 
industries  can  be  adjusted  to  the  new  re- 
quirements. No  labor  harmful  to  health  is 
included  therein.  (2)  The  maximum  day 
for  women,  and  for  boys  under  16.  That 
is  fixed  at  10  hours — or  10^  at  most,  in  a 
total  week  of  60  hours.  This  was  in  various 
countries  a  radical  reform.  In  Belgium,  for 
instance,  there  had  been  no  limit,  except  one 
of  twelve  hours  daily  for  women  under  21 
and  boys  under  16. 


All  governments  were  urged,  also,  to  or- 
dain suitable  breaks  in  any  labor  day  exceed- 
ing six  hours.  Even  the  exceptional  extra 
service,  at  urgent  need,  was  limited  to  an 
annual  total  of  180  hours — this  only  in  cer- 
tain industries,  and  never  in  the  case  of 
workers  under  16. 

"Such  is  the  second  chapter  of  the  inter- 
national labor  code,  or  rather,  such  it  would 
be  to-day,  had  not  William  II  unchained 
war ;"  for  the  convention  had  not  received 
official  ratification  by  the  home  governments 
when  the  great  storm  broke. 

That  ratification  may  be  part  of  the 
special  recommendations  of  the  Labor  Com- 
mission, now  sitting  in  Paris,  to  the  Peace 
Conference  itself.  M.  Turmann  calls  effec- 
tive attention  to  the  illuminating  fact  that 
this  Commission  is  presided  over  by  Mr. 
Gompers  of  the  American  Federation  of 
Labor,  although  prior  to  the  war  the  Un*"ed 
States  had  held  aloof  from  European  efforts 
to  internationalize  labor  legislation. 

Every  serious  student  of  sociology,  or  of 
human  progress  generally,  will  find  a  careful 
study  of  this  entire  essay  most  profitable.  Not 
less  encouraging  is  the  story  as  an  example 
of  the  moderate  success  long  ago  attained  in 
united  action  for  the  common  good  by  prac- 
tically all  the  states  of  Western  and  Cen- 
tral Europe.  It  is  a  happy  foreshadowing 
of  the  larger  future. 


GOVERNMENT  STATISTICS  IN  WAR- 
TIME. AND  AFTER 


THAT  knowledge  is  power  and  igno- 
rance is  weakness  was  illustrated  in 
more  than  one  way  by  events  of  the  late  war. 
A  conspicuous  illustration  is  cited  by  Prof, 
Wesley  C.  Mitchell,  president  of  the  Amer- 
ican Statistical  Association,  in  an  article  pub- 
lished in  the  Monthly  Labor  Review 
(Washington).  When  the  war  began  the 
Federal  Government  possessed  twenty  or 
more  statistical  agencies,  the  weaknesses  and 
especially  the  lack  of  coordination  of  which 
had  been  keenly  realized  even  in  peace  time. 
These  agencies  were  quite  inadequate  to  the 
task  of  supplying  the  data  needed  under  war 
conditions  concerning  national  resources  of 
various  kinds,  and  the  business  of  putting  the 
nation  on  a  war  footing  was  seriously  delayed 
by  the  lack  of  this  statistical  knowledge. 
Hence,  says  Professor  Mitchell: 

May— 7 


The  Council  of  National  Defense,  the  Food  Ad- 
ministration, the  Fuel  Administration,  the  Ship- 
ping Board,  the  War  Trade  Board,  the  Railway 
Administration,  and  the  War  Industries  Board, 
sooner  or  later  set  up  each  a  new  and  independ- 
ent statistical  agency  to  meet  its  especial  needs. 
The  War  Department  and  the  Navy  Department 
followed  suit.  And  these  agencies,  like  the  war 
boards  which  created  them,  had  to  be  manned 
with  people  inexperienced  in  Government  work 
and  unfamiliar  with  Washington. 

^'et  the  statistical  work  of  the  war  boards  as 
a  whole  showed  precisely  the  same  defect  in 
organization  as  the  work  of  the  old  statistical 
bureaus,  and  showed  that  fault  in  an  aggravated 
degree.  Each  new  agency  \vorked  by  itself  for 
a  separate  board.  Hence  there  was  much  dupli- 
cation of  effort,  and  at  the  same  time  many  im- 
portant fields  remained  unworked ;  the  results 
reached  by  different  agencies  could  not  be  readily 
compared  or  combined;  and  the  cost  was  need- 
lessly great.  Further,  the  energy  of  the  new 
statistical  agencies  and  the  haste  in  which  they 
worked  magnified  a  minor  fault  of  the  old  system 


546 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


to  large  proportions.  These  new  agencies  wanted 
to  get  their  fundamental  data  from  the  original 
sources;  so  they  sent  out  questionnaires  to  busi- 
ness men  in  a  veritable  flood.  Many  manufac- 
turing plants  got  elaborate  papers  which  they 
were  asked  to  fill  out  and  return  by  the  "  next 
mail  in  tens  and  in  dozens.  Frequently,  different 
questionnaires  covered  nearly  the  same  ground, 
and  usually  they  required  not  a  little  investiga- 
tion within  the  plant  to  collect  the  data  asked 
for.  Considerable  expense  was  incurred  and  seri- 
ous irritation  was  caused  throughout  the  country 
by  this  obvious  failure  of  organization  in  Wash- 
ington. 

This  (juestlonnaire  evil  brought  back  a  flood  of 
complaints,  echoes  of  which  reached  the  respon- 
sible heads  of  the  war  boards.  The  efficiency 
of  economic  mobilization  seemed  threatened;  that 
was  a  more  serious  matter  than  the  waste  of 
public  funds. 

Accordingly,  steps  were  taken  to  remedy 
an  evil  which,  though  accentuated  by  the 
war,  had  always  existed  in  the  Govern- 
ment's machinery  for  gathering  statistics. 
First  the  statistical  agencies  connected  with 
the  Shipping  Board,  the  War  Trade  Board 
and  the  War  Industries  Board  were  brought 
imder  a  single  head.  Then  the  director  of 
these  organizations  was  made  chairman  of 
the  statistical  committee  of  the  Department 
of  Labor.  Finally  there  was  formed  a  Cen- 
tral Bureau  of  Planning  and  Statistics,  with 
headquarters  in  the  new  building  of  the  In- 
terior Department. 

The  Central  Bureau  set  up  a  clearing  house 
of  statistical  activities,  appointed  contract  men  to 
keep  in  touch  with  the  statistical  work  of  all  the 
war  boards  and  certain  of  the  old  departments, 
and  began  to  supervise  the  issuing  of  question- 
naires. When  the  armistice  was  signed  we  were 
in  a  fair  way  to  develop  for  the  first  time  a 
systematic  organization  of  Federal    statistics. 

For  the  first  few  weeks  after  the  fighting 
stopped  it  seemed  as  if  what  had  been  gained 
in  statistical  organization  might  be  lost  almost 
at  once.  The  rapid  demobilization  of  the  war 
boards  threatened  to  sweep  with  it  their  statistical 
bureaus,  or  to  scatter  the  new  statistical  bureaus 
among  the  old  departments  and  leave  us  again 
in  statistical  confusion — making  figures  in  abund- 
ance but  having  no  general  statistical  plan.  But 
at  a  critical  moment  President  Wilson  approved 
a  plan  by  which  the  Central  Bureau  of  Planning 
and  Statistics  was  made  the  single  statistical 
agency  to  serve  the  American  conferees  at  the 
peace  table.  Thus,  the  Central  Bureau  was 
granted  a  reprieve  of  some  months.  It  still  re- 
mains to  be  seen  whether  this  bureau  or  some 
successor  serving  the  same  centralizing  functions 
will  be  made  permanent. 

Parenthetically,  we  may  record  here  a  fact 
not  mentioned  by  Professor  Mitchell;  viz, 
that  the  new  bureau  has  been  issuing  since 
last  September  a  weekly  bulletin  known   as 


the  W^eekly  Statistical  News,  which  circu- 
lates among  Government  offices  but  not  in 
the  outside  world,  as  the  material  it  contains 
is  of  a  more  or  less  confidential  nature.  The 
objects  of  this  bulletin  are  described  as  fol- 
lows in  a  recent  issue: 

1.  To  prevent  duplication  in  statistical  work 
by  giving  to  the  statistical  branches  of  each  de- 
partment early  information  concerning  the  plans 
of  all   other  departments  for  gathering  statistics. 

2.  To  give  all  departments  early  information 
about  work  completed  elsewhere. 

3.  To  promote  the  use,  as  far  as  practicable, 
of  uniform  classifications  and  methods  in  the  sta- 
tistical work  throughout  the  Government,  so  that 
results  may,  as  far  as  possible,  be  comparable. 

As  stated  above,  the  future  of  the  Central 
Bureau  of  Planning  and  Statistics  is  still  un- 
certain. Congressional  action  will  be  neces- 
sary to  make  it  the  permanent  centralizing 
and  coordinating  agency  which  the  statistical 
branches  of  the  Government  have  always  so 
badly  needed. 

Regardless  of  the  fate  of  this  particular 
organization,  the  war  has  undoubtedly 
brought  permanent  improvement  to  statis- 
tical methods  and  ideals  at  Washington. 
This  is  illustrated  by  the  fact  that 

The  Secretary  of  Commerce  has  asked  the 
president  of  the  American  Economic  Association 
and  the  president  of  the  Statistical  Association 
to  appoint  each  a  committee  of  three  to  advise 
with  the  Director  of  the  Census  on  matters  of 
statistical  principle  and  on  the  selection  of  statis- 
tical experts.  This  arrangement,  it  is  hoped,  will 
be  no  formal  affair,  but  a  working  plan  by  which 
the  producers  and  the  consumers  of  statistics  can 
cooperate  effectively  to  improve  the  products  in 
which  both  parties  are  interested.  To  provide 
the  two  committees  with  working  facilities,  an 
office  and  a  secretary  have  been  furnished  them 
by  the  Director  of  the  Census. 

The  writer  points  out  the  desirability  of 
continuing  certain  new  statistical  activities 
which  the  Government  undertook  in  re- 
sponse to  the  demands  of  the  war. 

The  war  boards  found  it  necessary  to  obtain 
monthly  figures  of  stocks  of  certain  commodities 
on  hand  and  monthly  figures  of  the  production  of 
other  commodities.  These  figures  were  collected 
in  a  variety  of  ways,  by  the  Census  Ofiice,  by  trade 
organizations  like  the  Tanners'  Council,  or  by 
sections  of  the  war  boards  themselves.  The  re- 
sults are  of  interest  not  only  to  the  industries 
concerned,  but  also  to  the  Government  and  to  the 
general  public.  The  permanent  maintenance  of 
this  service,  perhaps  in  a  modified  form,  is  a 
measure  that  promises  to  command  increasing 
support  from  business  men.  If  systematically  ex- 
tended this  work  might  well  develop  into  a  con- 
tinuing census  of  production,  simple  in  form,  in- 
expensive, but  of  great  value  in  forecasting  busi- 
ness conditions  and  directing  public  policy. 


LEADING   ARTICLES    OF    THE    MONTH 


SA7 


THE  MUSIC  OF  THE  CZECHOSLOVAKS 


THERE  is  a  saying,  "Where  there  is  a 
Czech — there  you  hear  music."  The 
first  of  the  recorded  musical  relics  of  the 
Czechs  is  a  song  in  honor  of  the  Bohemian 
ruler,  King  Wenceslas,  who  was  proclaimed 
a  saint  after  his  tragic  death  and  became  the 
symbol  of  patriotism  and  the  protector  of  the 
Czech  Catholic  Church.  It  was  in  his  reign 
that  the  first  warfare  occurred  between  the 
Czechs  and  the  Germans  (921-935  A.D.) 
which  ended  with  the  assassination  of  the 
Czech  ruler.  This  song  is  a  spiritual  folk- 
song and  is  still  sung  in  the  churches  of  Bo- 
hemia. After  John  Huss  was  burned  at  the 
stake  in  the  year  1415,  the  righteous  indig- 
nation of  his  followers  was  voiced  musically 
in  the  great  battle  hymn  of  the  Czechs,  be- 
ginning, "Ye  Warriors  Who  for  God  Are 
Fighting."  It  is  said  that  whenever  this  was 
sung  terror  and  confusion  were  sown  among 
the  enemies  of  the  Hussites.  Another  song 
that  was  a  part  of  the  service  of  the  Bohe- 
mian Brethren  is  the  beautiful  evening  hymn 
of  the  Moravians,  "When  Peaceful  Night." 
Although  the  government  of  Ferdinand 
II.  tried  to  destroy  all  the  musical  art  of 
Bohemia  by  burning  the  choral  and  hymn 
books,  the  Jesuits  took  over  for  church  use 
many  of  the  secular  Czech  folk-songs  and 
the  melodies  were  thus  preserved. 

Mr.  Ladislav  Urban,  in  "The  Music  of 
Bohemia,"  writes  of  Czech  folk-music: 

The  Czech  folk-songs  are  of  a  lively,  rhythmi- 
cal, dance-like  character;  often  they  are  real 
dances.  The  Slovak  folk-songs  contrast  with  the 
Czech  tunes  by  a  more  poetic  form,  a  freer 
rhythm,  and  a  tendency  to  introduce  church  modes. 
Singing  is  the  chief  passion  of  the  Slovaks.  Noth- 
ing will  find  its  way  so  surely  to  the  heart  of 
the  Slovak  people  as  a  well-sung  song.  An  old 
peasant  woman  once  complained  to  a  friend  of 
mine  that  her  son  was  a  useless,  disappointing 
fellow.  "What  was  the  matter?"  inquired  my 
friend;  "did  he  drink  or  would  he  not  work?" 
"Oh,  no,"  said  the  old  woman,  "but  nothing  will 
make  him  sing.     It's   a   great  misfortune." 

The  Polka  was  invented  about  the  year  1830 
by  a  country  girl  of  Bohemia.  .  .  .  Besides  the 
Polka,  there  is  another  Czech  folk-dance  with 
characteristic  wild  rhythm,  "The  Fjriant,"  which 
means  a  boasting  farmer.  Dvoi^ak  in  his  First 
Symphony   introduces   this  dance. 

Bedi^ich  Smetana  (1824-1884)  laid  the 
foundations  of  modern  Czech  musical  cul- 
ture. 

In  the  last  period  of  his  creation  Siiu-tana  ex- 
pressed his  love  and  admiration  for  his  country 
and  its  history  in  a  cycle  called  My  Country,  con- 
sisting of   si.x  charming   symphonic  poems.    .    .    . 


t—t-l^ 


i 


:^^=M 


"hrH 


Warriors  nvho for  Godarejighting,     andforHtadU 


^^^ 


P 


-^ 


U <=A- 


i 


3t=3^ 


E^ 


T 


^ 


^3==R 


=S= 


vine       law.    Pray  that  His   help,    be  vouchsafed  you; 

A  ^ 


^^ 


i^i 


^^ 


^ 


f^ 


=S: 


T 


With  trust  un  -  to       Him     draiv ;  With        Him  you 
I'll'  / 


m 


-tti^ 


-j53 


--^ 


con -query  in  your  foes  inspire      awe  ;  with    Him  you 

r* — m     ^0 


con-quer,  in  your  foes  in  -  spire 


THE    HUSSITE    BATTLE    HYMN    OF   THE    CZECHS 

With  this  work  the  composer  reached  his  goal. 
No  greater  tribute  to  his  success  is  needed  than 
Liszt's  exclamation  upon  hearing  of  Smetana's 
death — "He  was   a   genius." 

Anton  Dvorak  (1841-1904)  the  best 
known  of  the  Czech  composers  in  this  coun- 
try was  the  son  of  a  village  butcher.  Zdenko 
Fibich  (1850-1900)  was  the  creator  of  mod- 
ern melodramas — recitations  with  music. 
The  greatest  genius  in  modern  Czech  musical 
art  is  Vitezslav  Novak. 

A  special  analysis  would  be  necessary  to  dis- 
cover Novak's  melodic  and  harmonic  richness  in 
chamber  music,  piano  compositions,  and  espe- 
cially in  songs.  His  Pan  op.  43,  a  poem  in  tones 
for  piano  solo,  is  one  of  the  most  marvelous  works 
of  modern   piano   literature. 

Another  Czech  modernist  is  Joseph  Suk  (1S74), 
the  second  violinist  in  the  famous  Bohemian  String 
Quartet.  He  is  a  composer  of  absolute  sub- 
jectivity with  inclination  to  mysticism;  a  real  poet 
in  both  the  complicated  symphonic  forms  and  in 
short   piano  sketches. 

Other  Czech  nuisicians  favorably  known 
m  this  countrv  are  Otokar   Sevfik,   familiar 


548 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


to  students  of  the  violin  and  Jan  Kubelik  the 
celebrated  violinist.  Two  world-famous 
singers,  Emmy  Destinn,  the  dramatic  so- 
prano and  Karl  Burian,  the  tenor,  are 
Czechs.  With  this  slight  sketch  of  the 
musical  life  of  the  Czechoslovaks,  it  is  help- 
ful to  understand  the  various  terms  now  in 
use — "Bohemian,  Czech,  Slovak  and  Czecho- 
slovak." They  all  mean  the  same  nation, 
that  of  the  most  western  branch  of  the 
Slavic  race  in  Europe. 

"Czech"  is  the  Slav  name  of  the  Slav  people 
and  language  in  Bohemia,  Moravia,  and  Silesia. 
,    .     .    Slovaks    are    that   people   who    live    in   the 


northwestern  part  of  Hungary,  called  Slovakia, 
which  with  Bohemia  forms  the  present  republic 
and  nation  of  the  Czechoslovaks.  .  ,  .  The 
Czechoslovak  nation  has  received  political  recog- 
nition by  the  Allied  nations  and  the  United  States, 
which  has  made  their  dream  of  political  inde- 
pendence come  true.  The  people  of  Czechoslovak 
origin  in  the  United  States  being  free  and  un- 
restricted under  the  Stars  and  Stripes,  were  able 
to  assist  their  old  country  in  fighting  for  freedom. 
Feeling  that  this  help  was  possible  only  in  a 
country  like  our  great  democratic  nation,  they 
gratefully  try  to  reciprocate  by  bringing  to  the 
American  people  the  best  of  Czechoslovak  culture.^ 


^The  Music  of  Bohemia.  By  Ladislav  Urban.  With 
catalogue  of  Czech  music.  Mailed  on  receipt  of  post- 
age by  The  Czechoslovak  Publicity  Bureau,  Mr.  James 
Keating,    Hotel   Algonquin,    New    York. 


MRS.  AMELIA  BARR,  THE  NOVELIST 


WITH  the  death  of  Amelia  Huddleston 
Barr,  on  March  10,  only  a  few  days 
before  the  completion  of  her  eighty-eighth 
}  ear,  there  passed  from  the  world  of  the  liv- 
ing a  most  remarkable  woman,  one  whose 
indomitable  spirit  and  brilliant  career  must 
remain  an  inspiration  for  years  to  come,  to 
men  and  women  who  are  striving  against 
odds  to  lead  brave  and  useful  lives. 

She  was  born  on  March  29,  in  the  year 
1831,  at  the  town  of  Ulverston  in  Lanca- 
shire. In  her  autobiography,  "All  The 
Days  of  My  Life"  (Appletons),  published 
in  1915,  she  wrote  that  "her  soul  came  with 
her  ...  an  eager  soul  impatient  for  the 
loves  and  joys,  the  struggles  and  triumphs 
of  the  world."  Her  family,  the  Huddles- 
tons,  had  always  been  ecclesiastical  in  their 
tendencies.  Her  father,  William  Henry 
Huddleston,  was  a  Methodist  parson.  Mrs. 
Barr  wrote  of  him,  that  he  was  a  born  evan- 
gelist who  loved  to  go  among  shepherds  and 
fishermen  teaching  the  Gospel.  At  nine- 
teen, after  a  happy  girlhood  spent  at  Shipley, 
Yorkshire,  Riding,  among  the  religious  in- 
fluences of  her  father's  parsonage  and  in  the 
wholesome  atmosphere  of  girls'  schools,  she 
married  Robert  Barr,  a  young  Glasgow  busi- 
ness man. 

A  short  time  after  her  marriage,  her  hus- 
band's mercantile  business  failed  and  there 
began  a  long  period  of  wandering  and  of 
physical  and  moral  trials,  which  disciplined 
her  spirit  and  prepared  her  for  the  work  that 
lay  beyond.  The  Barrs  came  to  America 
and  settled  in  Texas.  Later  they  removed 
to  Galveston,  where  in  1867  the  yellow 
fever  robbed  her  of  her  husband  and  the  two 


living  sons.  When  in  the  following  Decem- 
ber her  ninth  child,  a  son,  was  born,  he  died 
in  a  few  days  from  the  effects  of  her  own  ill- 
ness with  the  fever.  She  undertook  to  estab- 
lish a  boarding-house,  but  failed,  and  with 
her  three  daughters  that  remained  to  her 
out  of  a  family  of  nine  children,  came  on  to 
New  York  in  1868,  to  take  up  a  new  and 
untried  life.  Infinitely  saddened  and  with 
all  small  delights  of  life  vanished,  Isn^ 
builded  her  future  from  the  treasures  .of 
moral  and  spiritual  values.  Beginning  at  the 
age  of  thirty-nine,  a  time  in  life  when  most 
women  relax  their  energy,  she  achieved  a 
notable  financial,  personal,  and  literary 
success. 

In  the  years  that  followed  she  wrote  over 
sixty  successful  novels,  numerous  essays  and 
short  stories,  social  and  domestic  papers — a 
vast  collection  of  pot-boilers  of  which  she  in 
later  life  forgot  even  the  names.  She  did 
not  consider  herself  a  poetess,  but  she  wrote 
hundreds  of  poems.  They  were  facile,  ten- 
der and  sympathetic.  As  she  said,  it  was 
easy  for  her  to  "versify  a  good  thought  and 
tune  it  to  the  Common  Chord — the  C. 
Major  of  this  life."  Her  work  went  around 
the  world  for  this  reason,  and  for  fifteen 
years  she  made  more  than  a  thousand  dollars 
a  year  from  her  poems  alone.  Because  of 
her  large  output,  she  was  forced  to  use  two 
pen-names  as  well  as  her  own.  Some  of  her 
best  work  was  done  under  the  fictitious  names 
and  she  received  no  credit  for  it. 

She  believed  in  religious  thought  and 
aspiration  and  so  powerful  were  the  spiritual 
forces  that  moved  through  her  body  that  no 
amount  of  fatigue  or  illness  could  slacken  her 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE    MONTH 


549 


furious  energy.    For  years  she  sat  at  her  desk 
eight  hours  a  day.    At  eighty-two  she  wrote : 

I  have  made  my  living  for  forty-two  years  in 
a  stooping  posture,  but  I  am  perfectly  erect,  and 
I  ascend  the  stairs  as  rapidly  as  I  ever  did.  .  .  . 
my  life  is  still  sweet  and  busy  and  my  children 
talk  of  what  I  am  going  to  do  in  the  future  as  if 
I  were  immortal.  ...  I  have  lived,  I  have  loved, 
I  have  worked,  and  at  eighty-two  I  only  ask  that 
the  love  and  the  work  continue  while  I  live. 

Deeply  religious  in  temperament,  her  faith 
lighted  all  the  vicissitudes  of  her  early  days 
and  shone  as  a  serene  star  over  the  achieve- 
ments of  her  later  years.  She  believed  that 
God  still  spoke  directly  to  man.  At  eighty- 
two  she  solemnly  declared  that  she  had 
known  the  following  truth  all  her  life  long: 

Whoso  has  felt  the   Spirit  of  the  Highest, 
Cannot  confound,   nor   doubt  Him,   nor   deny; 
Yea,    with    one    voice,    O    World,    though    thou 

deniest, 
Stand  thou  on  that  side,  for  on  this,  am  I 

Among  her  best-known  novels  are  "Jan 
Vedder's  Wife,"  "The  Bow  of  Orange  Rib- 
bon," "The  Lion's  Whelp,"  "Remember  the 

Alamo,,  and  "The 
Beads  of  Tasmer." 
Her  style  was  sim- 
ple and  unaffected ; 
she  wrote  for  the 
hearts  of  men  and 
women  and  suc- 
ceeded in  gaining 
their  love  and  ad- 
miration the  world 
over.  Turning  the 
pages  of  her  books, 
one  finds  that  per- 
haps in  no  other 
woman  writer  of 
her  time  has  the  in- 
stinct for  pure  nar- 
rative been  strong. 
Her  range  of  acquaintanceship  with  life  was 
immense  and  she  gave  with  lavish  hands  what- 
soever she  thought  her  readers  would  appre- 
ciate.   Of  her  writing,  she  wrote  in  old  age: 


MRS.    BARR    AT    EIGHTEEN 


MRS.   AMELIA  H.   BARR,  WHO   BEGAN  WRITING  AT 

THIRTY-NINE    AND   PRODU.CED    MORE    THAN 

SIXTY    NOVELS 

For  the  woman  within,  if  she  be  of  noble  strain, 
is  never  content  with  what  she  has  attained;  she 
unceasingly  presses  forward  in  the  lively  hope 
of  some  better  way,  or  some  more  tangible  truth. 
.  .  .  .  I  write  mainly  for  the  kindly  race  of 
women.  I  am  their  sister  and  in  no  way  exempt 
from  their  sorrowful  lot.  I  have  drunk  the  cup 
of  their  limitations  to  the  dregs,  and  if  my  ex- 
periences can  help  any  sad  or  doubtful  woman 
to  outleap  her  own  shadow,  and  to  stand  bravely 
in  the  sunshine,  to  meet  her  destiny  whatever  it 
may  be,  I  shall  have  done  well. 

The  two  closing  stanzas  of  her  poem 
"Help"  synthesize  the  essence  of  her  un- 
daunted courage: 

But,  oh,  thank  God!     There  never  has  come 
The  hour  that  makes  the  bravest  quail: 
No  matter  how  weary  my  feet  and  hands, 
God  never  has  suffered  my  heart  to  quail. 

So   the  folded   hands   take   up   their  work, 
And   the  weary  feet  pursue  their  way; 
And  all  is  clear  when  the  good  heart  cries, 
"Be  brave! — to-morrow's  another  day." 


THE  NEW  BOOKS 

RECONSTRUCTION  AND  WAR'S 

AFTERMATH 


Labor  and  Reconstruction  in  Europe.  By 
Elisha  M.  Friedman.  E.  P.  Dutton  and  Com- 
pany.    216   pp.     $2.50. 

Mr.  Friedman,  who  had  already  brought  out 
a  useful  volume  on  "American  Problems  of  Re- 
construction," gives  in  this  new  book  a  body  of 
important  facts  regarding  the  reconstruction 
commissions  that  have  been  formed  in  almost 
every  European  country,  neutral  as  well  as  bel- 
ligerent. He  treats  in  detail  the  various  aspects 
of  the  labor  problem  now  confronting  Great 
Britain  and  Germany.  Mr.  Friedman's  work  is 
the  more  valuable  in  that  he  has  no  panacea  to 
offer,  and  is  the  advocate  of  no  particular  labor 
policy.  He  makes  it  his  concern  to  present  the 
facts  of  the  situation,  and  to  pass  on  to  his  read- 
ers the  burden  of  formulating  a  definite  scheme. 
An  introduction  is  supplied  by  Secretary  William 
B.  Wilson  of  the   Department  of  Labor. 

Facts  About  France.  By  E.  Saillens. 
Frederick  A.  Stokes  Company.  306  pp.  111. 
$2.50. 

A  handbook  of  useful  information,  prepared 
by  a  French  writer  who  served  for  nearly  three 
\ears  as  interpreter  to  the  British  Expeditionary 
Force  in  France,  and  vouched  for  by  Emile  Hove- 
laque.  Inspector  General  of  Public  Instruction. 

Alsace-Lorraine  Since  1870.  By  Barry 
Cerf.  The  Macmillan  Company.  190  pp.  With 
map.     $1.50. 

A  straightforward  statement  of  many  facts 
that  have  been  more  or  less  obscure  and  inac- 
cessible to  American  readers.  Although  Captain 
Cerf  has  made  use  of  a  great  number  of  French 
books  and  articles,  the  most  convincing  part  of 
his  discussion  is  based  on  German  sources.  It  is 
hardly  necessary  to  say  that  Mr.  Cerf's  argument 
reaches  the  conclusion  that  Alsace-Lorraine 
should  be  restored  to  France  by  the  Treaty  of 
Peace.  Captain  Cerf  is  a  member  of  the  faculty 
of  the  Univ^ersity  of  Wisconsin,  and  his  methods 
of  dealing  with  historical  materials  are  thor- 
oughly   scientific. 

Pan-Prussianism.  By  Charles  William 
Super.  The  Neale  Publishing  Company.  306 
pp.     $1.25. 

This  relentless  analysis  of  German  "Kultur" 
was  written  during  the  heat  of  conflict,  and  its 
expressions  are  not  in  every  instance  remarkable 
for  restraint.  Nevertheless,  it  is  the  fruit  of  sin- 
cere conviction,  and  the  author  is  certainly  jus- 
tified in  his  contention  that  a  book  "based  upon 
records  more  fully  attested  than  are  nine-tenths 
of  those  that  are  used  in  writing  history  or  biog- 
raphy, cannot  be  called  a  hate  book." 
550 


Prussian  Political  Philosophy.  By  Westel 
W.    Willoughby.     D.     Appleton     and     Company. 

202  pp.     $1.50. 

A  scientific  analysis  of  the  principles  and  im- 
plications of  the  Prussian  system.  Professor  Wil- 
loughby has  gone  through  the  speeches  and  writ- 
ings of  Prussia's  statesmen,  publicists,  preachers, 
poets,  and  university  professors,  and  over  against 
expressions  of  Prussian  political  theory,  he  gives 
a  brief  but  well-considered  description  of  Ameri- 
can political  ideals,  so  that  the  two  opposing  sys- 
tems may  be  clearly  discerned. 

The  German  Myth.  By  Gustavus  Myers. 
Boni  and  Liveright.     156  pp.     $1. 

Almost  the  only  German  claim  that  is  still 
widely  accepted  in  this  country  is  that  of  social 
progress.  For  many  years  before  the  war,  other 
nations,  well  aware  of  bad  social  conditions  ex- 
isting within  their  own  borders,  were  taught  to 
look  to  Germany  as  a  sort  of  social  paradise 
where  all  faults  in  the  social  structure  had  been 
eliminated.  This  little  book  boldly  challenges 
the  Teutonic  boast.  From  German  oflBcial  docu- 
ments it  shows  that  Germany,  so  far  from  doing 
away  with  bad  conditions,  has  all  along  suffered 
severely  from  underpaid  labor,  the  industrial  en- 
slavement of  women  and  children,  bad  housing 
conditions,  underfeeding,  great  infant  mortality, 
and  extensive  pauperism. 

The  Resurrected  Nations.  By  Isaac  Don 
Levine.  Frederick  A.  Stokes  Company.  309  pp. 
111.     $1.60. 

The  day's  news  about  the  peoples  made  free 
by  the  Great  War  is  still  far  in  advance  of  the 
knowledge  that  most  Americans  have  concerning 
these  minor  nationalities  of  Europe  and  Asia.  A 
volume  of  this  kind,  giving  brief  histories  of  these 
various  peoples  with  enough  of  their  respective 
backgrounds  to  make  clear  their  claims  to  na- 
tionality, is  a  real  boon  to  the  newspaper  reader 
of  to-day.  It  supplies  him  with  a  working 
knowledge  that  cannot  easily  be  had  in  any  other 
way.  The  book  treats  of  nine  European  national- 
ities —  Czechoslovakia,  Jugo-Slavia,  Albania, 
Ukraine,  Poland,  Lithuania,  Lettonia,  Esthonia, 
and  Finland — and  nine  Asiatic-Arabia,  Pales- 
tine, Syria,  Mesopotamia,  Assyria,  Kurdestan,  Ar- 
menia,  Georgia,    and    Azerbaijan. 

The  Playground  of  Satan.  By  Beatrice 
Baskerville.     W.  J.  Watt  and  Co.     308  pp.    $1.50. 

The  story  of  Poland's  part  in  the  Great  War, 
told  in  the  form  of  a  novel.  Her  tragic  experi- 
ences, between  two  armies,  are  vividly  described. 


THE    NEW    BOOKS 


551 


America,  Save  the  Near  East!  By  Abra- 
ham Mitrie  Rihbany.  Boston:  The  Beacon  Press. 
,164  pp.     $1. 

An  appeal  from  an  enlightened  Syrian,  the 
author  of  **A  Far  Journey"  and  other  widely 
read  works,  for  America's  aid  in  the  rebuilding 
of  the  Asiatic  Turkish  provinces  and  especially 
the   author's   native   land. 

Our  Allies  and  Enemies  in  the  Near  East. 
Ey  Jean  Victor  Bates.  E.  P.  Dutton  and  Com- 
pany.    226  pp.     $5. 

The  descriptions  given  in  this  book  of  Ruma- 
nian and  Bulgarian  regions  are  vivid  and  pictur- 
esque. Miss  Bates  has  not  ventured  into  the  po- 
litical or  diplomatic  aspects  of  the  subjects,  but 
has  evolved  her  book  entirely  from  personal 
knowledge,  based  on  long  continued  intimacy 
W'ith  the  peoples  of  whom  she  writes. 

The  Rise  of  Nationality  in  the  Balkans. 
By  R.  W.  Seton-Watson.  E.  P.  Dutton  and  Com- 
pany.    307  pp.     111.     $5. 

An  account  of  the  successive  struggles  of  Bal- 
kan peoples  for  deliverance  from  Turkey  and 
the  establishment  of  the  modern  Balkan  States. 
Dr.  Seton-Watson  is  one  of  the  leading  British 
authorities  in  this  field,  the  author  of  eight  im- 
portant books  dealing  with  Balkan  and  Eastern 
European    politics. 

The  Firebrand  of  Bolshevism.  By  Prin- 
cess Catherine  Radziwill.  Boston:  Small,  May- 
nard    and   Company.     293    pp.     111.     $2. 

A  connected  account,  from  a  Russian  viewpoint, 
of  the  German  spy  plots  that  culminated  in  Rus- 
sia's withdrawal  from  the  war. 

One  Year  at  the  Russian  Court.      By    Renee 

Elton     Maud.     John     Lane     Company.     222     pp. 

111.     $3. 

A  young  Englishwoman's  observations  of  the 
Court  of  the  Czar  during  the  period  of  the  Russo- 
Japanese  war.  Mrs.  Maud  had  many  Ru-^sian 
relatives  in  the  government  and  full  opportunities 
to  study  the  imperial  family  and  those  who  sur- 
rounded them. 

Ivan     Speaks.         By      Thomas      VVhittemore. 

Boston:  Houghton,   Mifflin   Company.     47  pp.     75 

cents. 

A  translation  from  the  Russian  of  sayings  over- 
heard by  a  Russian  nurse  working  among  sol- 
diers at  the  front  during  the  first  three  years  of 
the  war.  These  utterances  afford  an  unconscious 
revelation  of  the  Russian  mind. 

The  Diary  of  a  German  Soldier.    By     Feld- 

webel     C    .     Alfred     A.     Knopf.     251     pp. 

$1.50. 

A  volume  of  curious  documentary  interest, 
originally  written  in  French  bv  a  (lerman  non- 
commissioned officer,  and  published  at  Paris  last 
year.  The  writer  seems  to  have  been  a  man  of 
unusual  intelligence,  and  in  everything  but  name 
to  have  enjoyed  the  prestige  of  a  commissioned 
officer.     His    writings    have    no    special     literary 


value,  but  are  interesting  as  a  frank  and  unpre- 
tentious narrative  of  events  during  the  first  two 
years  of  the  war.  His  book  is  noteworthy  as 
a  confirmation  of  many  of  the  charges  of  German 
brutality. 

Fighting     Germany's     Spies.       By      French 

Strother.     Doubleday,    Page    and    Company.     275 

pp.     111.     $1.50. 

A  revelation  of  the  propagandist  campaign 
started  in  this  country  by  Von  Bernstorff  and  his 
aides.  Mr.  Strother  relates  the  activities  of  sev- 
eral of  the  best  known  German  spies  at  work 
in  this  country,  and  his  facts  and  documents  have 
been  verified  through  the  Department  of  Justice 
at  Washington.  Much  of  the  material  is  now 
given  for  the  first  time  in  connected  and  related 
form. 

The     Eagle's     Eye.     By    William    J.     Flynn 

and     Courtney     Riley     Cooper.     Prospect     Press. 

377  pp.     111.     $1.50. 

A  story  of  the  late  Imperial  German  Govern- 
ment's spies  and  intrigues  in  America,  as  told 
by  the  retired  Chief  of  the  United  States  Secret 
Service,  and  "novelized"  by  Courtney  R.  Cooper. 

Religion  and  the  War.      Edited    by    E.    Her- 

shey  Sneath.     Yale    University   Press.   178   pp.  $1. 

A  group  of  noteworthy  essays  by  members  of 
the  faculty  of  the  Yale  School  of  Religion.  These 
are  some  of  the  topics:  "Moral  and  Spiritual 
Forces  in  the  War,"  by  Dean  Charles  R.  Brown; 
"The  Ministry  and  the  War,"  by  Henry  Hallam 
Tweedy;  "Foreign  Missions  and  the  War,  To- 
day and  To-morrow,"  by  Harlan  P.  Beach; 
"The  War  and  Social  Work,"  by  William  B. 
Bailey;  "The  War  and  Church  Unity,"  by  Wil- 
liston  Walker;  and  "The  Religious  Basis  of 
World  Reorganization,"  by  E.  Hershey  Sneath. 

Christian  Internationalism.  By  William 
Pierson  Merrill.     The  Macmillan  Company.     193 

pp.     $1.50. 

Dr.  Merrill,  who  is  pastor  of  one  of  the  lead- 
ing Presbyterian  churches  in  New  York  City,  dis- 
cusses in  this  volume  some  of  the  more  vital  re- 
ligious problems  suggested  by  and  growing  out 
of  the  war.  Among  his  chapter  headings  are: 
"Constructive  Proposals  for  an  International 
Order,"  "Problems  Confronting  International- 
ism," "Christian  Principles  Underlying  Interna- 
tionalism," "The  War  and  Internationalism,"  and 
"The   Church   and    Internationalism." 

The  Flaming  Crucible.  By  Andre  Fri- 
bourg.  The  Macmillan  Company.  185  pp. 
$1.50. 

A  remarkable  record  of  "The  Faith  of  the 
Fighting  Men,"  written  by  a  French  schoolmaster 
who  served  his  country  valiantly  in  the  shock  of 
battle. 

The  Disabled  Soldier.  Bv   Douglas   C.  Mc- 

Murtrie.  The  Macmillan  Company.  232  pp. 
111.     $2. 

The  wonderful  provision  made  for  rehabili- 
tating  the   disabled    soldiers,  sailors   and    marines 


552 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


of  this  war  is  here  described  in  detail.  In  the 
past  these  wounded  heroes  in  many  cases  have 
been  condemned  to  lives  of  idleness  and  useless- 
ness.  Now  they  are  equipped  for  self-support, 
and  this  book  gives  full  particulars  of  the  voca- 
tional training  by  which  these  men  are  fitted  for 
occupations  that  they  can  follow  profitably  in 
spite  of  their  handicaps.  Mr.  McMurtrie  is  Di- 
rector of  the  Red  Cross  Institute  for  Crippled 
and  Disabled  Men,  which  was  established  in  the 
spring  of  1917  as  the  first  specialized  trade 
school  in  the  United  States  for  the  disabled  man. 
It  is  a  real  boon  to  the  wounded  veteran. 


Old     Glory     and     Verdun.        By    Elizabeth 

Frazer.     Duffield   and   Company.     303   pp.     $1.50. 

This  volume  contains  an  interesting  account 
of  Miss  Frazer's  work  with  the  American  Red 
Cross  in  the  War  Zone.  Miss  Frazer  also  re- 
lates her  experience  with  the  Americans  and 
French  at  Chateau-Thierry. 

The  War-Workers.  By  E.  M.  Delafield. 
Alfred   A.    Knopf.     285   pp.     $1.50. 

An  amusing  satire  in  novel  form  on  a  certain 
well-known   type   of  woman  war   worker. 


MEN  AND  MACHINES 


Instincts  in  Industry.  By  Ordway  Tead. 
Houghton,   Mifflin  Company.     222  pp.     $1.40. 

An  unusual  psychological  study  of  industrial 
activities.  The  author  has  simply  tried  to  find 
out  what  the  worker  is  thinking  about  and  what 
his  aspirations  are.  He  believes  that  as  we  view 
human  conduct  in  the  light  of  an  understanding 
of  the  instinctive  mainsprings  of  action  that  con- 
duct tends  to  become  not  only  more  intelligible, 
but  more  amenable  to  control.  He  therefore 
analyzes  the  ten  basic  instincts  on  which  human 
life  and  conduct  rest,  showing  they  affect  the 
worker's  relation  to  his  job,  and  how  each  must 
be  studied  and  used  in  the  task  of  working  out 
sound  relations  between  the  employer  and  the 
employed.  His  whole  book  is  in  line  with  the 
suggestions  made  by  Professor  Irving  Fisher,  of 
Yale,  which  are  summarized  in  our  department 
of  "Leading  Articles  of  the  Month,"  In  fact,  Mr. 
Tead's  book  was  cited  by  Professor  Fisher  as 
confirming  his  own  views. 

Creative    Impulse    in    Industry.      By    Helen 

Marot.     E.  P.  Dutton  &  Company.     146  pp.     $1.50. 

Another  book  in  partial  answer  to  the  ques- 
tions raised  by  Mr.  Tead  and  Professor  Fisher. 
The  Bureau  of  Educational  Experiments  had 
Miss  Marot  make  a  survey  of  industrial  educa- 
tion. This  book  is  the  result.  It  shows  that 
among  free  workers  productive  force  really  de- 
pends on  satisfaction  of  the  creative  impulse.  By 
recognizing  this  impulse  in  the  worker  we  may 
get   industrial    efficiency    without    Prussianization. 

How  to   Choose  the   Right   Vocation.     By 

Holmes     \V.     Merton.     Funk    &    Wagnalls    Com- 
pany.    302   pp.     $1.50. 

In  the  choice  of  a  vocation  for  the  individual 
there  is  undoubtedly  a  need  of  expert  counsel. 
So  far  as  such  counsel  can  be  had  without  per- 
sonal guidance,  it  is  given  by  this  book,  which 
first  presents  a  practical  analysis  and  descrip- 
tion of  man's  vocational  mental  abilities  and 
characteristics;  second,  suggests  many  interest- 
ing mental  tests  which  enable  the  reader  to  self- 
chart  his  vocational  aptitude,  and  finally  cites 
the  different  mental  abilities  and  characteristics 
which  are  specifically  recjuired  in  each  of  the 
1400  distinctive  vocations,  including  263  profes- 
sions, arts  and  sciences,  344  commercial  enter- 
prises and  businesses,  and  700  trades  and  skilled 


vocations.     This  volume,  in  short,  is  a  manual  of 
vocational   self-measurement. 

The    Real    Business    of    Living.      By   James 

H.  Tufts.    Henry  Holt  &  Company.    476  pp.  $1.50. 

To  conduct  successfully  the  business  of  living, 
that  is,  to  do  one's  work  in  the  world,  depends 
on  a  multitude  of  social,  economic  and  political 
factors.  In  this  volume  Professor  Tufts  has  at- 
tempted a  comprehensive  survey  of  these.  He 
shows  the  origins  of  our  institutions  and  stand- 
ards, of  our  business  and  political  ideals,  and 
how  these  are  expressed  in  law  and  government. 
He  further  points  out  the  tasks  and  responsibili- 
ties, public  spirit,  fair  dealing  and  development 
of  cooperation  which  make  up  the  average  citi- 
zen's round  of  duty  to  his  country  and  town. 

The  Ethics  of  Cooperation.      By   James    H. 

Tufts.     Houghton,  Mifflin  Company.     73   pp.     $1. 

A  series  of  lectures  delivered  by  Professor 
Tufts  at  the  University  of  California  on  the 
Weinstock   Foundation. 

Application    of    Efficiency    Principles.      By 

George  H,  Shepard.     The  Engineering  Magazine 

Company.     368  pp.     $3. 

In  this  volume  the  author  takes  Mr.  Harrington 
Emerson's  statement  of  the  principles  of  efficiency 
and  shows  how  each  of  these  principles  can  be 
practically  applied.  Wherever  possible,  he  takes 
from  his  own  experience  or  the  work  of  others 
practical  illustrations  of  the  working  of  each 
principle  from  any  field  that  can  furnish  a  defi- 
nite example,  demonstrating  its  application.  He 
then  analyzes  these  applications  in  such  a  way 
that  the  reader  can  see  clearly  their  relation  to 
the  fundamental   principles. 

Personal  Efficiency.      By    Robert    Grimshaw. 

The  Macmillan  Company.     218  pp.     $1.50. 

A  series  of  lectures  delivered  by  Mr.  Grimshaw 
at  the  New  York   University  and   elsewhere. 

Everyday  Efficiency.        By    Forbes    Lindsay. 

Thomas  Y.  Crowell  Company.     300  pp.     $1.25. 

A  practical  guide  to  efficient  living,  written 
for  the  ordinary  man  and  woman,  and  dedicated 
to  Harrington  Emerson.  The  material  in  the 
volume  has  been  extensively  used  as  a  corre- 
spondence course. 


THE    NEW    BOOKS 


553 


The  Selection  and  Training  of  the  Business  directly     responsible     for     the     personnel.       The 

Executive.      By     Enoch     Burton      Gowin.       225  author  gives  particular  attention  to  the  corpora- 

pp.      $1.50.  tions  known   as  industrials,  but  public-utility  and 

This  book  deals  with  a  subject  of  vital  interest  railroad     officials    will     undoubtedly     find     many 

to  all  corporation  officials,   especially   those   more  helpful  suggestions  in  the  book. 


FOREST  AND  GARDEN 


©  I'ress  Illustrating  Service 

JOHN    BURROUGHS — A   RECENT   PORTRAIT 

Field  and  Study.  By  John  Burroughs. 
Houghton,  Mifflin  Company.     336  pp.     111.     $1.50. 

One  of  Mr.  Burroughs'  conclusions  is  comfort- 
ing to  busy  country-dwellers.  He  writes:  "After 
long  experience  I  am  convinced  that  the  best 
place  to  study  nature  is  at  one's  own  home, — on 
the  farm,  in  the  mountains,  on  the  plains,  by  the 
sea, — no  matter  where  that  may  be.  .  .  .  The 
seasons  bring  to  the  door  the  great  revolving 
cycle  of  wild  life  floral  and  faunal."  His  own 
gleanings  make  a  most  companionable  book,  one 
that  overflows  with  the  poetry  of  wild  life,  with 
reminiscences  of  the  spring  procession  of  birds, 
of  orchard-secrets,  and  the  joys  and  aspirations 
of  our  old  friend,  the  striped  chipmunk.  Mr. 
Burroughs  feels  that  man's  present  attitude  to- 
ward nature  is  "one  of  the  most,  if  not  the  most 
remarkable  change  in  his  mental  and  spiritual 
story  in  modern  times."  Of  his  own  attitude  he 
writes:  "1  never  tire  of  contemplating  the  earth 
as  it  swims  through  space.  As  I  near  the  time 
when  I  know  these  contemplations  must  cease, 
it  is  more  and  more  in  my  thoughts — its  beauty, 
its  wonder,  its  meaning,  and  the  grandeur  of  the 
voyage  we  are  making  on  its  surface.  .  .  . 
Cround-room     is     cheap     in     heaven;    there    are 


oceans  of  it  to  spare.  The  grouping  of  celestial 
bodies  which  we  see  are  as  of  a  flock  of  birds 
upon   the   same   branch," 

The  Message  of  the  Trees.  By  Maud 
Cuney    Hare.     The    Cornhill    Company.     190    pp. 

$2.50. 

A  beautifully  bound  anthology  of  the  tributes 
of  writers  to  trees,  with  a  foreword  by  William 
Stanley  Braithwaite.  The  tree-testaments,  both 
in  prose  and  poetry,  have  been  selected  with 
rare  discrimination,  and  the  list  of  authors  con- 
tains many  famous  names.  Among  them  are 
John  Burroughs,  Madison  Cawein,  Vachel  Lind- 
sey,  Joyce  Kilmer,  Richard  Watson  Gilder,  and 
farther  back,  certain  Elizabethans  and  great  Vic- 
torians who  worshiped  at  the  oldest  shrine  in  the 
world — the  shrine  of  a  tree.  Lovers  of  trees  who 
are  going  to  watch  the  forth-putting  of  the  new 
leaves  will  find  the  finest  things  in  literature 
about  trees  in  this  volume. 

Trees,  Stars,  and  Birds.  By  Edward  Lin- 
coln  Mosely.     Yonkers,    N.   Y. :   World   Book   Co. 

259   pp.     111.     $2.50. 

This  volume  Is  one  of  the  attractive  and  use- 
ful text-books  issued  in  the  World  Science  Se- 
ries. It  is  illustrated  in  colors  from  paintings  by 
Louis  Agassiz  Fuertes,  and  has  over  three  hun- 
dred reproductions  in  black  and  white  from 
photographs  and  drawings.  The  bird  plates  in 
color  will  serve  to  identify  all  the  common  spe- 
cies. The  language  is  about  sixth  or  seventh- 
grade;  the  facts  those  any  mature  person 
will  want  to  know.  It  could  be  used  to  advan- 
tage by  surnmer  schools  for  young  people.  Camp- 
fire  Girls,  Woodcraft  League  and  like  organi- 
zations. 

The  Book  of  the  Home  Garden.  By  Edith 
Loring  FuUerton.  D.  Appleton  &  Co.  259  pp. 
111.     $2.50. 

A  competent  guide  to  gardening  written  so 
simply  that  children  can  use  it.  The  chapters 
originally  appeared  in  the  Coinitry  Gentleman 
under  the  title,,  "The  Child's  Garden."  It  cov- 
ers the  entire  field  of  gardening  and  gives  prac- 
tical information  on  the  care  of  flowers,  annuals, 
summer  bulbs  and  plants,  fruits,  and  berries,  also 
how  to  understand  and  prepare  soils,  how  to 
choose  seeds,  garden  tools,  sprays,  etc,  and  the 
best  methods  of  exterminating  pests,  irrigating, 
planting,  and  cultivating.  The  author  is  one  of 
the  best  known  garden  experts  of  America.  The 
illustrations  are  from  exceptionally  fine  photo- 
graphs taken  by  H.  B.  FuUerton,  Chief  Grub 
Scout  of  the  Boy  Scouts  of  America. 


554 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF    REVIEIVS 


The  War  Garden  Victorious.  B}-  Charles 
Lathrop  Pack.  Philadelphia:  J.  B.  Lippincott 
Company.     179   pp.     111. 

This  book  tells  the  story  of  the  groAvth  and 
development  of  the  war  garden  idea  in  the 
United  States  and  of  the  work  undertaken  by 
the  willing  volunteers  of  the  National  War  Gar- 
den Commission  in  aiding  and  encouraging  mil- 
lions of  people  to  create  new  gardens  or  enlarge 
old  ones  and  supply  the  homes  with  garden  food 
which  would  otherwise  have  been  requisitioned 
from  the  supplies  necessary  to  the  feeding  of  the 
destitute  in  foreign  countries  and  for  the  prose- 
cution of  the  war.  It  is  estimated  that  the  value 
of  the  food  produced  in  last  year's  war  gardens 
was  $525,000,000.  The  numbe'r  of  jars  of  canned 
vegetables  and  fruit  believed  to  have  been  put 
up  is  1.450,000,000.  The  book  is  delightfully  il- 
lustrated with  cuts  of  war-garden  achievement 
and  contains  in  appendix  the  pamphlets  issued 
by  the  Commission.  The  book  is  not  for  sale,  but 
is  published  in  a  limited  edition  for  presenta- 
tion to  people  interested  in  war  gardens,  and  to 
libraries  where  it  will  be  available  to  the 
public. 


Fisherman's  Verse.  By  William  Haynes 
and  Joseph  Leroy  Harrison.  Introduction  by 
Henry  Van  Dyke.     Duffield  &  Co.    306  pp.    $1.50. 

A    feller    isn't    thinkin'    mean 

Out  lishin' ; 

His  thoughts  are  mostly  good  and  clean, 

Out   fishin'; 

He  doesn't  knock  his  fellow  men, 

Or  harbor   any  grudges  then; 

A  feller's   at  his  finest,   when 

Out  fishin'. 
The  next  best  thing  to  actually  being  out  fish- 
ing is  to  read  this  anthology  of  captivating  verse 
of  the  sport  of  gentlemen  that  has  always  been 
most  honored  by  literature.  The  angling  poems 
have  been  kept  to  a  very  high  standard.  Enough 
of  the  older  verse  has  been  included  to  give  a 
background  of  tradition,  and  those  from  modern 
poets,  which  are  jingles  or  purely  literary,  have 
been  excluded.  The  authors'  ideal  has  been  "a 
companionable  little  book  of  poems  by  fishermen 
that  other  fishermen  will  want  to  keep."  They 
render  thanks  in  the  preface  to  the  many  brother 
anglers  who  have  helped  in  the  making  of  the 
anthology. 


NEW  ESSAYS  AND  BOOKS  OF 
IMPRESSIONS 


IX  'Taris  the  Magic  City  by  the  Seine, "^  Ger- 
trude Hauck  Vonne  writes  of  the  impressions 
received  during  three  years  spent  in  Paris.  The 
greater  part  of  her  time  was  devoted  to  seeing 
the  city  in  all  its  phases,  the  wonderful  works 
of  art,  the  churches,  theaters,  gardens,  all  the 
conglomerate  beauty  that  makes  Paris  the  most 
marvelous  city  in  the  world.  These  things  were 
seen  in  times  of  peace,  therefore  it  is  a  pre-war 
Paris  that  she  brings  to  American  readers.  It 
has  been  her  thought  that  those  who  knew  Paris 
so  well  in  the  days  before  the  conflict  would  like 
a  book  of  impressions  gathered  in  a  period  be- 
fore   the    war-shock    fell    upon    the    city. 

The  title  of  Dr.  Georges  Duhamel's  book, 
"Civilization,""  is  to  be  taken  ironically.  It  is 
not  a  novel,  hardly  a  series  of  essays  or  sketches. 
It  seems  a  book  of  testimony  against  modern  civ- 
ilization taken  down  in  the  court  of  the  Con- 
science of  Mankind.  It  Is  the  story  of  the 
wounded  and  the  sufi^ering,  the  men  who  are  crip- 
pled and  made  miserable  by  the  war.  Not  that 
the  men  themselves  are  not  hopeful;  the  crip- 
pled are  seldom  whimperers,  but  their  condi- 
tion questions  and  contradicts  our  modern  civili- 
zation. What  has  lain  in  our  hearts  that  this 
catastrophe  of  war  could  rend  the  world?  Let 
us  be  frank,  Duhamel  cries;  let  us  own  that  it 
is  not  what  we  have  called — civilization.  An- 
toine,  one  of  the  most  distinguished  critics  of 
France,  says  of  the  book:  "If  there  remains  there, 
beyond  the  Rhine,  a  single  German  still  capable 
of   shedding    the    tears    with    which    I    stained    my 

^Paris.  By  Gertnule  Hauck  Vonne.  The  Xeale  Pub- 
lishing  Company.     354    pp.     $1.50. 

^Civilization.  By  Dr.  Ceorgcs  Duhamel.  The  Century 
Company.     288   pp.     $1.50. 


copy  of  this  book,  nothing  is  lost,  the  world  is 
saved.  As  for  me  ...  I  have  found  again  in 
this  book  a  light  that  will  let  me  die  without 
despairing  of  all  things."  The  Goncourt  prize 
for    1918   was   given   to   this  work. 

A  reprint  of  "The  Symbolist  Movement  in  Lit- 
erature,"^ by  Arthur  Symons,  has  been  enlarged 
and  revised  until  the  book  has  all  the  freshness 
of  new  material.  Bibliography  and  notes  have 
been  added,  also  some  exceedingly  fine  transla- 
tions of  poetry   from   French   originals. 

The  peculiar  force  and  power  of  the  Bronte 
family  grows  with  the  years.  The  history  of 
the  family,  their  vicissitudes  and  adventures, 
their  early  deaths,  and  more  than  all  else  the 
piercing  poignant  (juality  of  their  genius,  sur- 
round them  with  the  unfading  glamour  of  ro- 
mance. The  Brontes  were  of  Celtic  blood,  and 
while,  as  Mrs.  Humphry  Ward  writes,  their 
claim  is  the  "Romantic  claim,"  that  of  (jeorge 
Sand  and  Victor  Hugo,  it  is  largely  their  interest 
in  human  reality.  In  spite  of  the  meagerness  of 
their  experience,  that  holds  and  fascinates  us. 
They  lived  In  two  worlds,  but  thev  subordinated 
the  actual  to  the  poetic,  and  it  is  Emily  the  rebel 
^vho  penetrated  farthest  Into  this  later  world. 
It  Is  not  too  great  a  departure  from  previous 
opinion  to  sav,  that  Emily  Bronte's  poems  and 
her  one  novel  "Wuthering  Heights"  shine  even 
above  the  genius  of  Charlotte,  for  Emily  came 
closer  to  the  eternal  things  from  which  man's 
unconquerable  spirit  draws  Its  strength.  In 
the   centenarv   memorial    prepared    by    the    Bronte 


'The    Symbolist   Movement   in    Literature.     Bv    Arthur 
Symons.    E.   P.  Button  &  Company.    429  p.    $3. 


THE   NEW   BOOKS 


555 


Society,  "Charlotte  Bronte,   1816-1916,'"  there  are 
speeches,    papers    and    illustrations    made    by    the 
Society  on  the  occasion  of  the   Bronte   Centenary. 
They  contain   the   history  of   the   family,    and   an 
account  of  the  literary  work  of  Charlotte,  Anne, 
and     Emily,     hitherto     undiscovered 
facts  of  their   lives,   and   fresh  criti- 
cism   of    their    work.     Gilbert    Ches- 
terton,  Edmund   Gosse,   Professor   C. 
E.   Vaughn,   and   several   other  well- 
known    literary    authorities    are    rep- 
resented   in   the    symposium    of    arti- 
cles.    The     volume     was    edited     by 
Mr.  Butler  Wood,  who  has  supplied 
the    text    with    maps    of    the    Bronte 
country,   portraits  of  the  sisters,   and 
pictures  of  scenes  in  and   about  Ha- 
worth.     For   the    literary    student    as 
well  as  the  Bronte  lover,  it  is  easily 
the   most   attractive   collection   of   es- 
says in  current  book  lists. 

Mr.  Compton  Leith's  prose  has  been 
compared  to  Walter  Pater's.  In 
"Domus  Doloris,"'  he  writes  of  the 
great  adventure  of  one  who  has 
reached  the  borderland  between  life 
and  death  and  returned  to  find  him- 
self  in  the  House  of  Pain  nursed  by  charlotte 

those  who  gave  their  lives  to  hos- 
pital work  in  war  days.  And  out  of 
the  mist  of  his  experiences,  told  in  musical  prose 
that  lures  the  ear  with  its  rhythms,  emerges  his 
belief  in  the  power  for  good  of  the  discipline  re- 
cently thrust  upon  the  world  and  upon  the  in- 
dividual. In  the  service  of  the  hospital  he  sees 
the  bravest  hope  for  the  future,  for  there  he  found 
the  spirit  of  sacrifice  that  ''builds  up  true  selfhood." 

In  the  readable  form  of  a  conversation'  between 
himself  and  a  character  of  his  creation,  John 
Charteris,  we  have  a  most  significant  series  of 
essays  from  James  Branch  Cabell.^  Successively 
they  deal  with  the  Demiurge,  the  Witchwoman, 
the  Reactionary,  the  Mountebank  (Dick  Sheri- 
dan), the  Arbiters — from  Dickens  to  Harold  Bell 
Wright,  and  "What  Concerns  the  Contemporary." 
In  a  closing  essay  "Wherein  We  Await"  he  is 
concerned  with  the  future.  As  a  whole  the  book 
pleads  for  "romance,"  which  Charteris  says,  is 
the  "will  that  stirs  in  us  to  have  the  creatures  of 
earth  and  the  affairs  of  earth  not  as  they  are, 
but  'as  they  ought  to  be.'  "  And  he  adds,  "when 
we  note  how  visibly  it  sways  all  life  we  perceive 
that  we  are  talking  about  God."  Mr.  Cabell's 
style  has  the  unique  distinction  of  profoundity  in 
combination  with  perfect  clarity;  he  is  at  heart 
a  symbolist  leading  through  reality  to  that  which 
is  eternally  beautiful,  an  artist  whose  instrument 
is  immeasurably  responsive  to  his  ideas. 

A  great  deal  of  labor  has  been  expended  in 
bringing  together  the  material  for  a  literary 
study,    "The   English    Village,""   by   Julia    Patton. 


^  Charlotte  Bronte.  Edited  hy  Butler  Wood.  With  a 
Foreword  by  Mrs.  Humphry  Ward.  E.  P.  Dutton  & 
Company.     330   pp.     $4. 

2  Domus  Doloris.  By  W.  Compton  Leith.  John  Lane 
Company.     222   pp.     $1.50. 

'  Beyond  Life.  By  James  Branch  Cabell.  Robert  M. 
McBride  &    Company.     358   pp.     $1.50. 


This  book  discusses  the  treatment  of  the  village 
in  literature  from  1750  to  1850 — from  Crabbe  and 
Goldsmith  to  Maurice  Hewlett.  There  is  more 
in  the  field  of  the  village  in  literature  than  ap- 
pears at  first  notice.  The  beginnings  of  gov- 
ernment lie  there;  the  root  of  de- 
mocracy, for  the  "town  meeting" 
had  its  birth  in  rural  settlements. 
The  author  writes  that  village  lit- 
erature connects  itself  on  one  side 
with  the  conventions  of  the  pastoral 
and  the  Georgic  with  "eighteenth 
century  sentimentalism  and  the  ro- 
mantic movements"  on  the  other  side 
with  the  growth  of  "a  democratic 
spirit  in  an  aristocratic  age."  The 
style  is  easy,  vigorous  and  ex- 
pressive. 

John  Singer  Sargent  wrote:  "After 
all  is  said,  Frank  Duveneck  is  the 
greatest  talent  of  the  brush  of  this 
generation."  In  a  biographical  and 
critical  essay  on  Duveneck  and  his 
work,®  Norbert  Heerman  shows  why 
Sargent  made  this  statement  as 
early  as  the  nineties,  and  upon  what 
a  solid  foundation  he  placed  his  esti- 
"  mate    of    the    American    painter    and 

etcher.  After  the  death  of  his  wife 
in  Italy,  Duveneck  returned  to  Cin- 
cinnati, where  he  has  now  for  many  years  divided 
his  time  between  teaching  painting  and  advising 
in  art  matters  in  connection  with  the  Cincinnati 
Museum.  All  lovers  of  American  art  will  wel- 
come this  essay  that  gives  public  an  appreciative 
estimate  of  one  of  the  greatest  of  American 
artists. 

A  study  of  the  life  and  work  of  Selma  Lager- 
lof,  with  portraits,  has  been  prepared  for  distri- 
bution by  the  Doubleday,  Page  Co.  It  is  not  for 
sale,  but  will  be  mailed  on  receipt  of  postage  as 
long  as  the  printed  copies  last.  The  sketch  is 
principally  drawn  from  Dr.  Lagerlof's  own  au- 
tobiographical writings,  and  is  a  charmingly 
simple  statement  of  her  life  and  work  and  the 
influences  that  brought  her  literary  qualities  into 
evidence.  The  author,  Mr.  Harry  E.  Maule,  has 
written  most  sympathetically  of  the  woman,  her 
work,  and  her  message.  Liberal  quotations  from 
the  Swedish  novelist's  writings  are  quoted  to- 
gether with  the  text. 

"English  Literature  During  the  Last  Half 
Century,"®  by  Professor  John  Cunliffe,  is  a  book 
of  guidance  for  first-hand  study  of  the  writers  of 
the  last  century.  Following  careful  estimates  of 
the  notable  figures  of  these  years,  from  Meredith 
to  Galsworthy  and  Arnold  Bennett,  are  three  ex- 
ceptionally fine  chapters:  "The  Irish  Movement," 
"The  New  Poets,"  and  "The  New  Novelists." 
The  book  is  especially  valuable  to  students  of 
contemporary  literature,  inasmuch,  as  the  author 
states,  it  begins  where  most  of  the  histories  of 
English    literature    leave    off. 

«  The  English  Village.  By  Julia  Patton.  The  Mac- 
millan   Company.     236   pp.     $1.50. 

"Frank  Duveneck.  By  Norbert  Iloirmann.  Houghton, 
Mifflin  Company.     84  pi>.     111.    $2. 

"English  Literature  Durinjr  the  Last  Half  Century.  By 
John  W.  Cunliffe.     The  Macmillan  Company.    315  pp.    $2. 


556 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEIV    OF   REVIEWS 


CRITICISMS   OF   MODERN   POETRY: 

YEATS:  LADY  GREGORY:  BOOKS  OF 

AMERICAN  VERSE 


IT  would  be  difficult  to  find  a  more  compre- 
hensive or  illuminating  work  on  modern  poe- 
try, or  one  more  enjoyable  to  the  general  reader 
than  *'The  New  Era  in  American  Poetry,"^  by 
the  well-known  poet  and  critic,  Louis  Unter- 
meyer.  For  the  past  few  years  critics  as  well  as 
the  public  have  had  a  tendency  to  view  Ameri- 
can poetry  from  the  angle  of  one  particular 
school.  Mr.  Untermeyer  covers  the  field  and 
embraces  in  his  sweep  of  vision  practically  all 
modern  American  poets.  Those  whose  work  has 
assumed  elements  of  novelty  are  treated  with  a 
catholicity  and  penetration  uncommon  in  contem- 
porary criticism.  Among  those  that  occupy  the 
major  portion  of  his  chapters  are  Robert  Frost, 
Edgar  Lee  Masters,  Amy  Lowell,  Edwin  Arling- 
ton Robinson,  Carl  Sandburg,  James  Oppenheim, 
Arturo  Giovannitti,  and  Vachel  Lindsay.  Differ- 
ent poetic  groups  are  discussed,  also  new  verse 
forms,  free  verse,  polyphonic  prose,  the  revival 
of  the  chant,  imagism,  the  poets  of  the  magazine. 
Others,  and  a  page  or  two  is  given  to  Witter 
Bynner's  amazing  hoax  of  the  public  and  of  the 
various  literary  groups  and  poetry  societies  with 
his   invention    of    the    "Spectrist    School." 

Minor  flaws  are  easy  to  find  in  any  work. 
They  exist  in  this  one.  Poets  will  hardly  agree 
with  some  of  Mr.  Untermeyer's  conclusions  on 
the.  later  work  of  Masters,  the  narrative  poetry 
of  Neihardt,  or  understand  his  curious  lack  of 
sympathy  with  Ezra  Pound's  "Lustra."  But  in 
all  criticism,  one  must  remember  the  dictum 
of  Saintsbury:  "That  is  poetry  to  a  man  which 
produces  on  him  such  poetical  effects  as  he  is 
capable  of  receiving."  The  movement  of  Ameri- 
can life  as  it  is  mirrored  in  poetry  interests  Mr. 
Untermeyer  and  strikes  the  soundest  note  of  his 
critical  faculties.  He  asks  us  to  remember  that 
Whitman  wrote:  "The  Americans  are  going  to 
be  the  most  fluent  and  melodious-voiced  people 
in  the  Avorld,  the  most  perfect  users  of  words. 
.  .  .  .  The  new  times,  the  new  people,  the  new 
vista  need  a  tongue  according — yes,  and  what  is 
more  they  will  have  a  tongue." 

There  must  be  men  who  stand  out  from  the 
mass  now  and  again  and  remind  us  of  facts 
we  have  forgotten ;  there  must  be  a  stirring  of 
dry  bones  and  the  miracle  of  recreation.  Pro- 
fessor John  Livingston  Lowes  has  reminded  us 
in  a  critical  study,  "Convention  and  Revolt  in 
Poetry,""  that  poetry  like  all  else  is  eternally  in 
flux,  swinging  from  the  pole  of  conservatism  to 
that  of  re\olution  from  time  to  time  in  order  that 
it  may  communicate  to  us  the  ideas  and  emotions 
of  its  creators.  It  is  a  volume  of  profound  and 
searching  criticism,  yet  one  that  continually  fas- 
cinates by  its  mellowness,  melodious  phrasing 
and  insight  into  fundamental  truths.  As  ex- 
cuse for  dealing  with  poetry  when  the  world  was 

*The  New  Era  in  American  Poetry.  By  Louis  Unter- 
meyer.    Holt.     364   pp.     $2.25. 

'Convention  and  Revolt  in  Poetry.  By  John  Liv- 
ingston Lowes.     Houghton,  Mifflin.     346  pp.     $1.75. 


at  war,  Professor  Lowes  writes:  "Carlyle  once 
said  of  Tennyson:  Alfred  is  always  carrying  a 
bit  of  chaos  around  with  him,  and  turning  it  into 
cosmos.'  Well,  that  is  poetry's  job,  and  it  is 
amazingly  like  the  enterprise  of  life."  The  chap- 
ters which  begin  with  the  subject  "The  Roots  of 
Convention"  and  run  through  the  gamut  of  a 
lengthy  discussion  of  poetry  in  all  its  phases, 
ending  with  a  virile  piece  of  writing,  "The 
Anglo-Saxon  Tradition,"  were  delivered  as  lec- 
tures at  the  Lowell  Institute  in  Boston,  1918.  The 
author  is  Professor  of  English  in  Harvard  Uni- 
versity. 

Forty  poems  by  William  Butler  Yeats  are  col- 
lected under  the  title  "The  Wild  Swans  At 
Coole,"^  the  title  of  the  first  poem  of  the  book. 
Yeats  remembers  these  swans,  nine  and  fifty  of 
them,  rising  to  scatter  in  great  broken  rings,  bril- 
liant creatures  that  wander  where  they  will,  age- 
less, mysterious,  beautiful.  And  this  poem  and 
practically  all  the  others  complain  at  the  stu- 
pidity of  the  brevity  of  human  life,  at  the  fleetness 
of  our  youth,  and  take  refuge  in  the  images  that 
rise  from  the  Land  of  Youth,  the  dwelling  place 
of  the  immortal  Sidhe  of  Irish  hero  lore.  Cer- 
tain names  used  by  Yeats  several  years  ago  in 
short  stories  occur  in  these  poems — John  Aherne 
and  Michael  Robartes.  "They  have  once  again" 
he  writes,  "become  a  part  of  the  phantasmagoria 
through  which  I  can  alone  express  my  convic- 
tions abogt  the  world.  Many  of  these  poems  are 
of  such  subtle  simplicity  that  they  nearly  conceal 
the  voices  that  cry  in  them  of  m\stery  and  magic. 
They  are  of  the  elusive  brood  which  Paul  Ver- 
laine  conjured  forth  romances  sans  paroles, 
songs  almost  without  words,  in  which  scarcely 
a  sense  of  the  interference  of  human  speech  re- 
mains." Several  poems  praise  a  woman  whose 
loveliness  lighted  the  years  of  the  poet's  youth. 
Of  these  "Memory"  is  particularly  beautiful; 

One  had  a  lovely  face. 

And  two  or  three   had  charm, 

But  charm   and   face  were  in   vain 

Because    the    mountain    grass 

Cannot  but  keep  the  form 

Where    the   mountain    hare    has    lain. 

In  the  preface  to  "The  Kiltartan  Poetry  Book,"* 
Lady  (Gregory  writes  that  with  her  knowledge 
of  Gaelic  she  stepped  into  another  world.  After 
mastering  the  language,  she  sought  and  found 
beauty  and  emotion  only  among  humble  folk, 
farmers  and  potato  diggers,  old  men  in  work- 
houses and  beggars  at  the  doors  of  Coole.  It  is 
in  the  language  of  these  poor  folk,  that  she  has 
rendered  the  old  legends  and  ancient  heroic 
poems  of  Ireland,  in  the  speech  of  "the  thatched 
houses  where  I  have  heard   and   gathered  them."' 

3The  Wild  Swan.s  At  Coole.  By  W.  B.  Yeats.  Mac- 
millan.     114   pp.     $1.25. 

•*The  Kiltartan  Poetry  Book.  By  Lady  Gregory. 
Putnam.      112    pp.      $1.25. 


THE    NEW   BOOKS 


557 


The  Gaelic  construction,  the  Elizabethan  phrases 
of  the  rhythmic  Kiltartan  give  the  poems  a  hu- 
man quality;  the  old  heroes  are  become  people 
we  know  or  used  to  know,  dimmed  a  little  by 
distance,   haloed   by  memory. 

It  is  good  to  find  among  the  volumes  of  poetry 
books  where  the  creative  impulse  was  strong 
enough  to  take  the  longer  flight  of  narrative  poe- 
try. Whatever 
American  poetry  of 
this  type  lacks,  there 
is  little  enough  of  it, 
and  those  who  are 
courageous  enough 
to  enter  the  field 
should  be  encour- 
aged. One  asks  more 
of  poetry  than  the 
perfect  lyric,  more 
than  entertainment 
for  the  moment;  one 
asks  continuity  of  il- 
lusion, the  ability  to 
live  continuously  old 
lives,  and  many  of 
them,  over  again. 
And  it  is  this  one 
finds  in  John  G.  Nei- 
h  a  r  d  t '  s  narrative 
JOHN  G.   NEIHARDT  poetry.     "The     Song 


of  Three  Friends."*  his  most  recent  volume 
in  the  third  of  a  cycle  of  poems  dealing  with 
the  fur-trade  of  the  Trans-Missouri  region  in  the 
early  twenties.  It  is  a  tale  of  adventure  and 
love  founded  on  historical  facts  of  the  two  ex- 
peditions of  Ashley  and  Henry  in  the  years  1822 
and  1823.  Three  trappers  and  boatmen,  their 
adventures,  and  love  that  turned  their  comrade- 
ship to  strife  and  tragedy  form  the  subject-matter 
of  the  tale.  Mr.  Neihardt  succeeds  admirably 
with  his  characterization  of  the  men  and  in  the 
recreating  of  atmosphere.  No  true  American 
could  read  the  first  two  sections,  "Ashley's  Hun- 
dred" and  "The  Up-Stream  Men,"  without  a 
thrill  of  patriotic  devotion  for  the  land  of  hia 
birth. 

Unique  among  the  newer  poets  who  draw 
their  songs  from  the  doings  of  everyday  people 
is  Roy  Helton,^  a  southern  mountaineer,  who  has 
come  to  Northern  cities  and  seen  our  busy  life 
with  fresh  vision.  He  makes  verses  out  of  al- 
most anything,  a  little  cash  girl  in  a  dry  goods 
store,  the  cat  ambulance,  memories  on  city  fire 
escapes,  love,  life,  Spring,  politicians,  ghosts. 
Much  of  the  book  is  careless,  clever  versifica- 
tion, odd  subjects  treated  casually  with  here  and 
there  a  sudden  flashing  of  vision,  an  exquisite 
bit  of  poesy  that  shows  what  future  lies  ahead 
of  this  singer  of  highways  and  byways.  The 
book  entertains;  there  is  not  a  dull  poem  from 
cover  to  cover. 


SPANISH    MUSIC:  FOLK   SONGS 


WHEN  one  considers  the  Spanish  music 
brought  forward  in  New  York  in  the  sea- 
son of  1915-16,  one  is  surprised  that  Mr.  Carl 
Van  Vechten's  book,  "The  Music  of  Spain, "^  is 
the  only  one  that  has  been  written  that  brings 
to  general  attention  this  delightful  and  little- 
known  music.  In  that  year,  the  picturesque 
opera  Goyescas,  by  Enrique  Granados,  was  given 
at  the  Metropolitan  Opera  House;  Geraldine 
Farrar  and  Maria  Gay  achieved  brilliant  suc- 
cesses in  Bizet's  Carmen;  Maria  Barrientos,  the 
Spanish  singer  made  her  debut  here;  later  Pablo 
Casals,  the  Spanish  cellist,  pleased  appreciative 
audiences,  also  Miguel  Llobet,  the  guitar  virtu- 
oso. Later  also  by  a  few  months,  there  followed 
Joaquin  Valverde's  colorful  revue,  "The  Land  of 
Joy,"  with  its  display  of  Spanish  costumes,  daz- 
zlingly  brilliant  unfamiliar  Spanish  dancing,  and 
equally  unfamiliar  and  beautiful  Spanish  music. 
Mr.  Van  Vechten  writes  of  these  events  crisply 
and  informationally.  Three  essays  and  notes  on 
the  text  make  up  the  volume.  He  says  that  very 
little  of  the  best  Spanish  music  is  available  here. 
Important  scores  are  as  yet  unpublished  and 
others  are  not  listed  in  even  the  libraries.  His 
pages  on  Spanish  dancing  are  vivid.  Almost  one 
hears  the  tapping  of  slippered  feet,  the  clink  of 

iThe  Song  of  Three  Friends.  By  John  G.  Neihardt. 
Macmillan.     126   pp.     $1.25. 

''Outcasts  in  Beulah  Land.  By  Roy  Helton.  Holt. 
144  pp.    $1.30. 

^The  Music  of  Spain.  By  Carl  Van  Vechten.  Knopf. 
223  pp.    $1.50. 


cascanets  and  sees  the  Goya  costumes  with  their 
lace  flounces,  the  mantillas,  combs,  and  shawls 
that  mean — Spain.  Among  the  illustrations  are 
portraits  of  noted  Spanish  dancers  in  costume, 
Mary  Garden  as  Carmen,  and  an  interesting 
portrait  of  the  Spanish  composer  Tomas  Breton, 
head  of  the  Royal  Conservatory  of  Madrid.  Mr. 
Van  Vechten's  previous  critical  works  on  music 
are:  "Music  and  Bad  Manners,"  "Interpreters 
and  Interpretations,"  and  "Music  After  the  Great 
war."  They  are  stimulating,  unconventional 
criticisms  of  art   and  music. 

A  desirable  volume,  "My  Favorite  Folk  Songs,"* 
presents  those  songs  that  the  famous  coloratura 
singer,  Marcella  Sembrich,  found  gave  most 
pleasure  to  her  audiences  during  the  last  twelve 
or  fifteen  years.  Others  have  been  added  to 
these  selections  in  order  to  make  the  collection 
widely  and  comprehensively  representative.  Only 
those  songs  that  conform  to  the  scientific  defini- 
tion have  been  included,  namely,  songs  actually 
created  by  the  folk  and  not  by  individuals  in- 
spired by  conscious  art.  They  have  rhythmic 
charm,  melodic  beauty  and  naive  eloquence,  and 
Madame  Sembrich  writes  that  "when  they  are 
sung  they  will  find  an  echo  in  the  hearts  of  music 
lovers  all  over  the  world."  There  are  fifty-nine 
songs  drawn  from  the  folk-music  of  twenty-four 
different  nationalities. 

*My  Favorite  Folk  Songs.  Edited  by  Marcella  Sem- 
brich.   Oliver  Ditson  Co.     138  pp.    $1.25. 


FINANCIAL  NEWS 


I.— WHY  RAILROAD  SECURITIES  ARE  FALLING 


THE  present  hope  of  the  railroads  of  the 
L  nited  States  is  in  an  early  session  of 
Congress.  When  the  last  Congress  ad- 
journed without  passing  the  appropriation 
bill,  which  would  have  provided  $750,000,- 
000  for  the  "revolving  fund,"  railroad 
finances  became  badly  disorganized.  They 
are  still  very  much  under  a  cloud.  Tem- 
porary measures  have  been  adopted  to  bridge 
the  roads  over  intervals  when  interest  and 
dividends  fall  due.  The  War  Finance  Cor- 
poration has  rendered  a  bit  of  help  in  lending 
against  the  acceptances  of  the  Railroad 
Administration.  But  there  is  no  broad  plan 
in  sight  to  support  and  protect  the  roads 
during  the  reconstruction  era,  or  after  they 
are  returned  to  the  owners.  It  is  expected 
that  this  return  will  be  effected  about  Jan- 
uary  1,   1920. 

For  nearly  two  months  many  classes  of 
industrial  securities  have  been  advancing. 
The  movement  in  them  has  been  similar  to 
that  which  anticipated  the  signing  of  the 
armistice  in  November.  Railroad  securities, 
how  ever,  have  been  sluggish.  They  average 
10  points  under  the  best  figures  of  the  war- 
end   month. 

Next  to  the  Government  financing  as 
carried  through  in  tlie  present  Victory  Loan 
nothing  is  of  more  concern  to  the  country 
than  an  equitable  readjustment  of  railroad 
finances.  The  situation  has  been  drifting 
along  month  by  month,  with  the  (jovern- 
nient  getting  deeper  in  debt  to  the  strong 
roads  and  the  weak  lines  rapidly  increasing 
their  debit  with  the  (jovernment.  A  score 
of  plans  to  recover  the  railway  systems  to 
their  owners  or  to  operate  them  on  a  basis 
that  will  insure  profit  as  well  as  cooperation 
with  lines  within  their  geographical  area, 
has  been  advanced  but  none  has  so  far  met 
uith  approval.  In  railroad  and  financial 
circles  the  debate  has  now  boiled  down  to 
one  school  that  believes  the  (jovernment 
should  guarantee  the  railroads  a  fixed  return 
on  their  property  investment,  as  the  only 
means  by  which  they  can  in  the  future  borrow 
for  expansion  or  improvements,  and  the  other 
which  is  opposed  to  a  guarantee  because  of 

558 


its  commitment  by  the  guarantor  to  a  supervi- 
sion that  would  lead  to  Government  control. 

In  June,  1918,  the  new  railroad  wage 
scale  effect  was  shown  in  a  railway  deficit 
of  nearly  $59,000,000.  The  cost  of  opera- 
tion during  this  month  increased  $200,000,- 
000,  or  from  $235,000,000  to  $435,000,000. 
The  item  of  transportation  cost,  which  in-  I 
eludes  wages  and  fuel,  doubled.  In  July  the 
first  benefits  of  the  rate  increase  on  freight 
and  passenger  service  were  visible.  These 
increases  caused  gross  receipts  to  mount  to 
$468,379,804  as  against  $348,394,394  in  the 
same  month  of  1917.  If  the  July  ratio  had 
been  maintained  throughout  1918,  American 
railroads  would  have  earned  gross  that  year 
of  a  sum  equal  to  nearly  one-third  their  total 
capitalization  and  approximately  40  to  45 
per  cent,  of  the  current  market  value  of  their 
securities.  It  was  after  the  remarkable  per- 
formance of  July  had  been  analyzed  by  the 
Railroad  Administration  that  predictions 
were  made  of  a  possible  equalization  in  the 
second  half  of  1918  of  the  loss  from  the 
three-year  average  sustained  in  the  first  six 
months  of  federal  operation.  July,  however, 
was  the  high-water  mark.  From  then  on 
there  was  a  steady  decline.  In  the  September 
quarter  the  (lovernment  earned  a  surplus 
of  over  $100,000,000  in  excess  of  the  average 
rental  paid  by  it  to  the  roads  for  that  period, 
but  in  the  quarter  following,  the  carriers  fell 
short  of  earning  this  rental  by  over  $70,000,- 
000.  For  the  first  three  months  of  1919  it 
appeared  that  the  net  operating  income  of  the 
roads  would  be  $125,000,000  below  the 
three-year  average  for  that  period.  Estimates 
have  been  made  that,  for  1919,  the  deficit 
which  the  Government  will  have  to  cover 
will  be  from  $450,000,000  to  $500,000,000, 
compared  with  a  deficit  in  1918  of  about 
$200,000,000. 

Conditions  in  the  second  half  of  this  year, 
it  is  believed,  will  materially  improve.  The 
reasons  given  are  that  in  the  summer  and 
autumn  months  there  will  be  considerable 
industrial  recovery  follo\'-e  '  by  improvement 
in  traffic  as  a  bumper  wheat  crop  begins  to 
move.     In  March  gross  earnings  were  said  to 


FINANCIAL    NEWS 


559 


be  at  least  20  per  cent,  below  those  of  the 
previous  year.  Some  part  of  this  loss  will 
have  to  be  balanced  by  greater  efficiency  in 
operation,  by  lower  costs  of  materials  and 
supplies  used  in  maintenance  and  by  a  higher 
level  of  rates  on  certain  commodities.  If 
there  is  to  be  a  never-ending  cycle  of  wage 
increases  there  must  be  a  corresponding  ad- 
vance in  rates  to  provide  funds  to  meet 
these  increases. 

To  show  how  the  roads  have  fared  under 
federal  operation  the  following  table  is  pre- 
sented : 

Net  Operating 

Net  Operating  Income — 3-Yr, 

1918                                       Income — 1918  Average 

January    *$3,288,205  $55,000,000 

February 12,242,637  47,000,000 

March    63,174,866  68,000,000 

April     71,397,983  67,000,000 

May    : 73,526,125  77,000,000 

June    *58,969,663  83,000,000 

July 137,845,425  76,000,000 

August   128,123,081  88,000,000 

September    99,038,750  92,000,000 

October    87,106,126  95,000,000 

Noyember    57,123,335  84,000,000 

December    25,000,000  73,000,000 

1919 

January    $18,783,702  $55,000,000 

February    10,015,883  47,000,000 

*  Deficit 

The  financial  aspect  of  the  railroad  situa- 
tion in  the  United  States  is  not  very  much 
different  or  any  worse  than  that  existing 
to-day  in  Great  Britain,  Canada,  France,  and 
Germany.  There  must  be  a  wholesale  over- 
hauling of  railroad  accounts  in  the  next  few 
years  and  an  effort  made  to  come  to  such 
agreement  with  labor  as  will  allow  of  a  fair 


return  on  the  two  or  more  score  of  billions 
of  dollars'  investment  in  the  common  carriers. 
All  have  been  very  hard  worked  during  the 
war,  so  that  the  amount  of  repair  work 
necessary  will  involve  large  expenditures  and 
a  great  amount  of  labor  for  at  least  five 
years.  Under  the  circumstances  and  taking 
into  account  the  fact  that  governments  will 
be  dominating  the  market  for  funds  in  this 
period,  it  would  seem  as  though  some  form 
of  Government  guarantee  would  be  neces- 
sary, not  only  abroad  but  here,  to  permit  the 
raising  of  new  capital  on  a  basis  sufficient 
low  to  warrant  expenditures. 

In  this  country  the  effect  of  the  abnormal 
traffic  conditions  of  the  war  has  been  to  bring 
into  prominence  those  roads  most  naturally 
adapted  to  business  with  facilities  adequate 
and  of  a  quality  to  meet  the  pressure  of  war 
strain.  Consequently,  there  is  a  somewhat 
new  investment  alignment  in  railroad  securi- 
ties. Shrewd  investors  have  been  making 
numerous  changes  from  stocks  that  were 
regarded  as  standard  for  a  generation  into 
those  that  have  only  within  ten  years  demon- 
strated their  permanent  values.  As  a  whole, 
the  better  grade  of  stocks  of  railroad  com- 
panies West  of  the  Mississippi  River  has  had 
preference  in  this  new  alignment  to  those 
of  roads  occupying  the  badly  congested  areas 
of  the  East.  Fashions  change  in  securities 
as  in  clothes.  It  is  a  very  good  time  for  the 
holder  of  railroad  bonds  and  stocks  to  make 
an  investigation  of  his  holdings  and  to  de- 
termine whether  they  have  proved  themselves 
in  the  war  period  or  have  been  affected  by 
conditions  that  may  be  permanent. 


II.— INVESTORS'  QUERIES  AND  ANSWERS 


NEW  MOTOR  COMPANIES 

I  am  considering  an  investment  of  several  thousand 
dollars  in  the  motor  industry  and  will  appreciate  any 
advice  and  information  you  are  able  to  give  me  with 
reference  to  good  companies  now  organizing  to  manu- 
facture automobiles,  trucks,  and  tractors. 

This  is  something  in  connection  with  which  we 
are  frank  to  say  we  do  not  feel  competent  to 
advise.  The  matter  of  putting  capital  into  newly 
organized  industry  of  any  kind  seems  to  us  to 
partake  almost  altogether  of  the  nature  of  a 
business  venture,  and  scarcely  at  all  of  the  na- 
ture of  investment,  and  it  is  only  on  investment 
matters  that  we  are  prepared  to  undertake  to 
serve  our  correspondents.  We  would  be  glad,  if 
you  were  interested,  to  give  you  the  essential 
facts  about  any  of  the  established  companies  in 
this  field,  and  we  think  that,  after  all,  they  are 
the  ones  which  might  better  have  your  considera- 
tion. There  is  a  great  deal  of  irresponsible  pro- 
motion in  the  motor  industry  nowadays. 


MARKETABLE  SECURITIES  TO  YIELD  SIX  PER 
CENT. 

I  have  a  few  thousand  dollars  invested  in  a  note 
which  comes  due  in  a  few  months.  I  can  buy  local 
bonds,  very  safe,  paying  6  per  cent.,  running  a  fair 
period  of  time,  but  having  only  a  limited  market.  But 
could  I  not  buy  long  term  bonds  to  yield  approximately 
6  per  cent,  that  would  give  me  a  higher  degree  of  con- 
vertibility? Give  me  a  list  of  three  or  four  such  securi- 
ties. 

There  are  a  number  of  safe,  marketable  securi- 
ties now  available  to  yield  a  full  6  per  cent. 
Witness  such  issues  as  Anaconda  Copper  Mines 
secured  6  per  cents,  due  in  1929;  American  Tele- 
phone &  Telegraph  6  per  cents,  due  in  1934;  New 
York  Telephone  debenture  6  per  cents,  due  in 
1939;  New  York  Central  debenture  6  per  cents, 
due  in  1935,  and  Wilson  &  Company  first- 
mortgage  6  per  cents,  due  in   1941. 

We  venture  the  suggestion,  also,  that  we  think 
your  attitude  in  seeking  securities  that  can  be  de- 
pended upon  to  have  a  reasonable  market  at  all 


560 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


times,  is  an  altogether  jjroper  one.  At  least,  there 
are  pretty  definite  limitations  to  the  proportion  of 
one's  surplus  funds  that  can  properly  be  kept  tied 
up  in  securities  having  narrow  and  unsatisfactory 
markets,  no  matter  how  safe  they  may  be  intrin- 
sically. 

SWIFT  &  CO.  SHARES 
Is  it  true,  as  I  have  been  given  to  understand,  that 
the  stock  of  Swift  &  Company  pays  dividends  at  the  rate 
of  8  per  cent,  per  annum?  Do  you  consider  this  stock 
a  safe  investment?  How  does  its  present  price  compare 
with  normal? 

You  are  correct  in  your  understanding  about 
the  current  rate  of  dividend  on  the  stock  of  Swift 
k  Company  being  8  per  cent.  It  has  paid  this 
rate  regularly  since  1915,  previous  to  which  time 
it  had  been  on  a  7  per  cent,  per  annum  basis.  We 
find  the  stock  quoted  now  at  a  price  to  yield  about 
63^2  per  c?nt.  Since  the  beginning  of  the  current 
year  it  appears  to  have  sold  as  high  as  146  or 
about  on  a  5^  per  cent,  basis.  Its  low  price  for 
191S  appears  to  have  been  100^,  or  about  an  8 
per  cent,  basis.  In  1917  our  records  show  that  its 
range  was  between  165^  and  115^.  As  indus- 
trial securities  of  its  type  and  class  go,  we  think 
Swift  &  Company's  stock  can  properly  be  con- 
sidered a  good  investment. 

INTBRBOROUGH  RAPID-TRANSIT  BONDS 

Tnterhorough  Rapid-Transit  5  per  cent,  bonds,  due  in 
1966,  have  been  suggested  to  me  as  an  attractive  pur- 
chase at  their  present  relatively  low  quotation.  What 
do  you  think  of  them? 

In  many  respects  they  do  look  attractive.  Rep- 
resenting as  they  do  an  investment  in  which  the 
City  of  New  York  has  a  very  large  proprietary 
interest,  it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  they  are  not 
likely  to  come  through  all  right  eventually.  But 
the  traction  situation  in  Greater  New  York  at 
the  present  time  is  so  unsettled  and  is  compli- 
cated by  so  many  things  (politics  among  others) 
that  are  incapable  of  clear  analysis,  that  we  do 
not  believe  the  bonds  ought  to  be  purchased  by 
anyone  unprepared  to  see  them  through  a  fairly 
long  period  of  trouble. 

STOCKS  OF  PACKINC  COMPANIES 

Please  give  me  the  present  valuation  and  dividend 
rates  on  Armour  &  Company  preferred,  Wilson  &  Com- 
pany preferred,  and  Swift  &  Company  preferred.  Have 
these  companies  been  able  to  pay  their  dividends  regu- 
larly year  in  and  year  out? 

Armour  &  Company  preferred  and  Wilson  & 
Company  preferred  stocks  pay  dividends  at  the 
rate  of  7  per  cent,  per  annum.  They  are  quoted 
now  about  102  and  98  respectively.  Swift  & 
Company's  dividend  rate  is  now  8  per  cent.,  and 
the  market  price  of  the   stock   is   about   123. 

Of  these  various  issues,  that  of  Swift  &  Com- 
pany, which,  by  the  way,  is  all  of  one  class, 
is  the  oldest  and  has  the  longest  dividend  record, 
although  it  has  been  on  an  8  per  cent,  per  an- 
num basis  for  only  two  or  three  years.  Previous 
to  that  time  it  had  paid  7  per  cent  per  annum  for 
a  long  series  of  years.  Up  to  last  year  Armour 
Si  Company  had  only  one  class  of  stock  and  that 
all  very  closely  held.  The  preferred  issue  was 
made  in  conjunction  with  an  issue  of  convertible 
bonds,  and  is  as  yet  rather  unseasoned  market- 
wise.     We  do   not  think   there   is   any  question    as 


to  the  ability  of  the  company  to  maintain  the 
dividend  indefinitely.  Wilson  &  Company  is 
likewise  a  relatively  new  and  unseasoned  stock, 
but  it  has  what  seems  to  us  to  be  some  very  strong 
underlying  equities  and  a  well  assured  dividend 
position. 

COLLECTING  DIVIDENDS 

I  bought  some  United  States  Steel  preferred  stock 
the  latter  part  of  February.  When  will  I  get  a  dividend 
and  how  do  I  go  about   getting  it? 

If  the  stock  was  registered  in  your  name  on 
the  books  of  the  corporation,  as  we  presume  it 
was,  you  will  receive  by  check  from  the  corpo- 
ration the  next  quarterly  installment  of  the  divi- 
dend on  or  about  May  first,  and  subsequent  in- 
stallments will  be  sent  to  you  regularly  in  this 
way  as  long  as  you  continue  as  the  registered 
owner  of  the  stock. 

RAILROAD  STOCKS  AND  GOVERNMENT 
OWNERSHIP 

In  the  face  of  possible  Government  ownership,  how 
do  you  regard  railroad  stocks,  especially  issues  like 
Chicago    &    Northwestern  ? 

It  is  very  difficult,  if  indeed  not  impossible, 
to  tell  in  advance  what  might  happen  to  rail- 
road stocks,  if  we  were  to  become  definitely  com- 
mitted to  Government  ownership  of  the  rail- 
roads. There  are  probably  some  of  the  roads 
whose  stockholders  would  face  very  well,  pro- 
vided the  properties  were  taken  over  by  the 
Government  on  the  basis  of  anything  like  a  fair 
and  equitable  valuation.  But  it  is  a  guess  pure 
and  simple  as  to  whether  such  valuation  could 
be  made  fair  and  equitable,  attended  as  it  un- 
doubtedly would  be  by  political  influences  of  all 
sorts.  However,  we  do  not  believe  the  trend 
of  sentiment  at  the  present  time  is  toward  Gov- 
ernment ownership,  and  we  are,  therefore,  more 
or  less  favorably  inclined  toward  the  better  es- 
tablished dividend  paying  stocks,  like  the  one 
you    mention. 

NO  ADVICE  ON  MARGIN  TRADING 

I  am  considering  buying  stocks  on  margin,  giving 
preference  to  issues  that  are  listed  on  the  New  York 
Stock  Exchange,  and  would  thank  you  for  any  advice 
you   can   give   in   connection    with   such   transactions. 

We  cannot  undertake  to  give  advice  in  respect 
to  the  purchase  or  sale  of  active  listed  stocks, 
or  indeed  any  other  kinds  of  securities,  on  mar- 
gin. Transactions  of  this  kind  partake  essen- 
tially of  the  nature  of  speculation  rather  than 
investment,  and  it  is  only  on  investment  matters 
that  we  can  undertake  to  render  service  to  our 
readers. 

THREE  GOOD  SHORT  TERM  INVESTMENTS 

On  the  advice  of  a  friend  connected  with  a  reliable 
banking  concern,  I  recently  invested  in  American  To- 
bacco 7  per  cents  of  1922,  Philadelphia  ("ompany  6  per 
cents  of  1922  and  Laclede  Gas  Light  7  per  cents  of 
1929.     What   is  your  opinion   of   this  investment? 

We  do  not  hesitate  to  say  that  we  think  you 
have  been  well  advised.  The  securities  you  men- 
tion are  in  our  opinion  of  high  average  quality, 
and  we  can  see  no  reason  why  the  combination 
should   not   prove   an   entirely   satisfactory   one. 


The  American  Review  of  Reviews 


EDITED    BY    ALBERT    SHAW 


CONTENTS  F 

Hon.  Frederick  H.  Gillett,  Speaker  of  the 
House  of  Representatives Frontispiece 

The  Progress  of  the  World— 

The   Treaty   Presented 563 

Clemenceau  Forbids  "Oral  Discussions"..  563 

The  German  Speech  in  Reply 563 

A    Stupendous    Achievement 564 

Loud  Protests  from  Germany 564 

Germany    is    Not    "Annihilated" 564 

Poland   as   a   Neighbor 565 

Obvious   Justice    to   Denmark 565 

The  Saar  Valley  Adjustment 565 

Disarmament  a  Boon  to  Germany. .....  c  .  566 

No  Lack  of  Essential   Materials 566 

National    Character   at   Stake 567 

Certainly,  Germany  Can  Pay  Her  Debts..  567 

Larger     Financial     Aspects 568 

The  Press  and  the  Claims  of  Nations.  .  .  .  568 

Necessary  to   Support  the  French 569 

Guarantors    of    Peace 569 

America  as  Umpire,  Not  Meddler 570 

Belgium's    Claims    and    Merits 570 

Italy's    Excitement    571 

Wilson's  Move  to  Save  Orlando 571 

Austrians  Also  Called  to  Paris 572 

Hungary   Under   Communists 573 

National    Political    Systems 573 

Russia's   Ferment    573 

Germany's  Strong   Man,   Noske 573 

Germany's  Economic  Outlook 574 

Colonies  and  the  "Mandates" 574 

The   Islands   and   Africa 575 

Japanese   Excitement   over    China 575 

China    to    Be    Developed 575 

Britain's  Power  and  Prestige 575 

English-Speaking    Commonwealths 576 

American   Tariffs   and   Industries 576 

"The  League  of  Nations"  in  the  Treaty.  .  576 

The    Senate    and    the    Treaty 577 

Organizing  the   Senate 578 

Progressives  Assert  Their  Views 578 

Republican    Prospects    579 

Saloons   to    Close  July    1 579 

Returning  the   "Wire   Services" 579 

The  Victory  Loan  "Goes  Over" 580 

The    Course    of    Prices 580 

Money   Inflation 580 

Europe's  Famine  Time 581 

The  Acute  Railroad  Problem 581 

Stand  by  the  Boy  Scout ! 582 

Ocean    Flying    582 

A  Wireless   Record 582 

With  portraits,   cartoons,  and  other  illustrations 

Record  of  Current  Events 584 

With   illustrations 

The  Cartoonists'  Story  of  the  Month 589 


OR    JUNE,    1919 

Are  Prices  Coming  Down  ? 595 

By   Irving   Fisher 

Issues  of  the  Peace  Conference 599 

By  Frank  H.  Simonds 

Mental  Engineering  After  the  War 606 

By  Raymond  Dodge 

The  Gary  System  Examined 611 

By  Henry  W.  Holmes 

With  illustrations 

Our  Chemical  Industries  After  the  War  ....      618 

By  Charles  Baskerville 

Why  the  Nation  Supports  the  Boy  Scouts.  .  .      623 
By  Harold  Horne 

With  illustrations 

Boy  Scouts  as  Naturalists 627 

By  George  Gladden 

With  illustrations 

Child  Labor — Now 630 

By  Raymond  G.  Fuller 

Real  Cooperation  of  the  Churches 633 

By   Lyman   P.   Powell 

The  Treaty  of  Peace  with  Germany 636 

Leading  Articles  of   the  Month — 

A  French  View  of  the  Peace  Conference.  .  641 

The  New  Era  of  International  Trade.  .  .  .  642 

The  Reconstruction  of  Germany 643 

Roosevelt   the    Naturalist 644 

An  American  Tribute  to  General  Gouraud  645 

The   Real   Philip    Gibbs 647 

The  Founder  of  the  International  Institute 

of   Agriculture    648 

How  to  Prevent  the  Breeding  of  Criminals  649 

Testing  Men   for   Aviation 651 

Flying  Over  the  Andes 652 

Winds  and  Weather  of  the  Transoceanic 

Air  Routes    653 

The  Latest  Aid  to  Navigation 654 

The    New   Americanism 656 

Geology  and  Geography  in  War  and  After  657 

The    European    Bourgeoisie     659 

Re-Birth  of  Spanish  Taste  in  Argentina..  660 

A  French  Critic  in  South  America 661 

With  portraits  and  other  illustrations 

The  New  Books    663 

Financial  News 672 


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THE   REVIEW  OF  REVIEWS  CO.,  30  Irving   Place,   New  York 

Albert   Shaw,   I'res.     Ciias.   D.   Lanier,    Sec.   and   Treas. 


June — 1 


561 


©  Western  Newspaper  Union 

HON.  FREDERICK  H.  GILLETT.  SPEAKER  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES 

The  new  Speaker  is  a  native  and  lifelong  resident  of  Western  Massachusetts.  He  has 
practised  law  at  Springfield  since  his  admission  to  the  bar,  in  1877.  A  graduate  of  Amherst 
College  (class  of  1874)  and  of  Harvard  Law  School,  Mr.  Gillett  has  the  traditional  New 
England  background.  Since  1893  he  has  represented  the  Second  Massachusetts  District,  serv- 
ing on  the  Appropriations  Committee,  and  as  Republican  floor  leader  of  the  House,  of  which 
he  has  long  been  one  of  the  most  popular  and  efficient  members. 


THE    AMERICAN 

Review  OF  Reviews 


Vol.  LIX 


NEW  YORK,  JUNE,  1919 


No.  6 


THE  PROGRESS  OF  THE  WORLD 


X 


The 


On  the  first  day  of  May  the 
Treat!/  German  delegates  to  the  Peace 
Presented  Conference,  who  had  arrived  at 
Versailles  in  successive  groups  on  the  last 
two  or  three  days  of  April,  were  received  by 
the  representatives  of  the  Allies  for  the  pur- 
pose  of  exchanging  credentials.  Nearly  a 
week  later,  on  May  7,  in  the  great  hall  of 
the  Trianon  Palace  Hotel,  there  was  staged 
one  of  the  most  impressive  ceremonials  in 
all  the  history  of  nations.  About  eighty 
delegates,  representing  the  numerous  Allied 
countries,  had  taken  their  places  when  Presi- 
dent Wilson,  accompanied  by  Premiers  Clem- 
enceau  and  Lloyd  George,  entered  and  took 
their  seats.  A  French  officer  then  ushered 
in  Count  Von  Brockdorff-Rantzau,  head  of 
the  German  delegation,  who  was  accompa- 
nied by  the  other  German  delegates.  The 
Peace  Treaty  had  been  sufficiently  completed 
to  have  been  put  into  the  form  of  a  volume 
with  parallel  columns  (or  facing  pages)  in 
the  English  and  French  languages,  but  not  in 
the  German.  Each  Allied  delegation  re- 
ceived a  copy  at  this  time,  and  during  the 
proceedings  a  copy  was  handed  to  the  Ger- 
man delegates. 

Premier      Clemenceau     presided, 

Clemencrnu  .  ,  i      •     r  i 

Forbida  "Oral  and  made  a  brier  explanatory 
Discussion  ^pQQQYi  in  simple,  stern  phrases. 
He  allowed  the  Germans  two  weeks  in  which 
to  examine  the  various  parts  of  the  extensive 
document  and  to  send  in  written  criticisms 
or  comments.  No  oral  discussion  was  to  take 
place.  After  the  two  weeks'  period,  which 
was  to  end  on  May  22,  the  Supreme  Coun- 
cil of  the  Allies  would  make  answer  to  the 
German  comments  and  would  then  fix  the 
time  within  which  final  action  must  be  taken. 
M.  Clemenceau  added  that  if  German  ques- 
tions were  received  from  day  to  day,  the  Al- 
lies would  not  wait  until  the  end  of  the 
fifteen-day    period,    but    would    answer    the 

Copyright,   1919,  by  The  Rev 


questions  as  promptly  as  possible  In  order 
to  expedite  the  proceedings.  There  was  no 
prospect  that  any  material  changes  would  be 
acceptable  to  the  Allies,  w^ho  had  acted  in  a 
spirit  of  justice,  and  had  kept  in  mind  the 
armistice  agreement  and  the  "fourteen 
points"  of  President  Wilson. 

It  was   evident   that   Count  von 

The    German      r*         i    i        rr  n  •   i 

Speech  in  Urockdoril-Kantzau  was  either 
'^^"''^  suffering  from  illness  or  deeply 
affected ;  for  he  remained  in  his  seat  while 
making  his  reply,  which  was  a  prepared 
speech  of  some  length.  It  was  not,  from  the 
standpoint  of  the  world's  public  opinion,  a 
wise  or  discreet  speech,  but  it  may  have  been 
intended  for  political  effect  in  Germany.  It 
was  argumentative  as  to  the  origin  of  the 
War ;  and  while  it  seemed  to  admit  the  guilt 
of  Germany,  It  tried  to  divert  the  issue  by 
charging  that  Germany's  opponents  were  also 
guilty  of  one  thing  or  another.  It  scarcely 
lies  In  the  mouth  of  a  captured  burglar  or 
highwayman  to  bring  counter-charges  against 
his  Innocent  victims  for  the  means  they  em- 
ployed in  self-defense.  It  was  unfortunate 
that  the  head  of  the  German  delegation 
should  have  thought  it  his  function  to  read  a 
lecture  to  the  delegates  of  the  Allies.  Much 
that  he  said  In  his  speech  would  have  been  ac- 
ceptable if  uttered  in  a  different  tone.  He 
said  that  Germany  was  wholly  committed  to 
the  reconstruction  of  Belgium  and  Northern 
France,  but  that  the  conquerors  must  help 
the  German  people  to  find  out  how  to  meet 
the  financial  obligations  ''without  succumb- 
ing under  their  heavy  burden."  He  went  on 
to  say :  "A  crash  would  deprive  those  who 
have  a  right  to  reparation  of  the  advantages 
to  which  they  have  a  claim,  and  would  en- 
tail irretrievable  disorder  of  the  whole  Euro- 
pean economic  system.  Ihc  conquerors,  as 
well  as  the  vanquished  peoples,  must  guard 
against  this  menacing  danger  with  Its  in- 
lEw  OF  Reviews  Company  S6^ 


564 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


calculable  consequences.  There  is  only  one 
means  of  banishing  it — unlimited  acknowl- 
edgment of  the  economic  and  social  solidarity 
of  all  the  peoples  in  a  free  and  rising  League 
of  Nations."  He  then  made  a  brief,  appeal 
for  the  admission  of  Germany  to  the  League 
of  Nations,  and  for  reasonable  peace  terms  in 
accord  with  President  Wilson's  principles 
that  had  been  accepted  at  the  time  of  the 
armistice. 

Incidentallv,       the       newspapers 
Stupendous     Called  attention  to  the  fact  that 

Achievement      jyy     j^^^^     ^^^     p^^^^^     ^j^^^     ^j^^ 

armistice  was  signed ;  that  the  Allies  had 
taken  109  days  for  their  deliberations  at 
Paris,  in  preparing  the  Peace  Treaty;  and 
that  exactly  four  years  to  a  day  had  elapsed 
since  the  sinking  of  the  Lusitania.  Consider- 
ing the  magnitude  of  the  work  that  the 
Allied  Conference  had  to  perform — the  great 
number  of  questions  of  vital  concern  that  had 
to  be  dealt  with — it  must  be  admitted  that 
the  period  of  half  a  year  since  the  signing 
of  the  armistice  had  been  well  occupied.  The 
treaty  is  without  parallel  in  history  as  an 
adjustment  of  varied  human  interests.  It 
seems  likely  that  economic  questions  could 
have  been  dealt  with  more  expeditiously  if 
the  Allies  had  given  authority  to  their  eco- 
nomic advisers,  and  had  constituted  at  the 
very  beginning  a  great  business  congress  on 
problems  of  reconstruction,  finance,  shipping, 
food,  raw  materials,  and  so  on.  Such  a  body 
of  business  experts  might  have  helped  to  pre- 
vent much  of  the  unrest  due  to  the  paralysis 


^£m%^y/'/  ODER 

■ ./  •>'■/' ':  ■/■■  '•  • 


THE   END   OF  THE  DREAM 
From  the   World   (New  York) 


of  industry  in  Europe,  and  might  have  seen 
the  work  of  restoring  Belgium  and  France 
already  well  advanced.  The  Allied  group 
of  statesmen  and  diplomatists  had  to  deal 
with  political  issues  which  required  time  for 
adjustment.  They  were  better  fitted  for 
such  problems  than  for  the  work  of  restoring 
European  commerce  and  industry,  and  of 
providing  methods  by  which  Germany  could 
meet  the  just  economic  demands  of  Belgium 
and  France. 

/    ^  o   /  .    "i  he   Peace  Treaty  having  been 

Loud  Protests  .  i  i  i 

from  prepared,  and  agreed  upon  by 
ermany  ^^^  Allies  in  all  its  essentials 
so  far  as  Germany  was  concerned,  the 
overshadowing  questions  at  once  became: 
( 1 )  Would  the  German  delegates  affix  their 
signatures;  and  (2)  Would  the  German 
Government  and  people  ratify  such  accept- 
ance? It  was  natural  enough  that  there 
should  have  been  a  great  storm  of  protest  in 
Germany  when  the  outline  of  the  Treaty 
became  known.  The  German  delegation  be- 
gan promptly  to  send  in  notes  discussing  one 
point  after  another,  just  as  Clemenceau  had 
proposed.  Their  first  suggestions  had  to  do 
with  the  League  of  Nations,  the  status  of  the 
German  prisoners,  international  labor  poli- 
cies, etc.  For  prisoners,  the  Germans  asked 
prompt  repatriation.  The  German  delegates 
requested  that  these  men  should  no  longer 
be  held  as  prisoners  of  war,  but  should  be 
sent  back  to  Germany  as  civilians  and  then 
permitted  to  return  as  free  laborers,  to  aid 
in  the  restoration  of  Belgium  and  France, 
rather  than  to  be  held  for  such  labor  in  their 
present  condition.  It  was  the  prevailing  im- 
pression in  well-informed  European  circles 
that  Germany  would  in  due  time  sign  the 
Treaty.  There  were  many  German  leaders 
wildly  denouncing  the  Treaty  and  demand- 
ing its  rejection;  but  their  counsels  were 
those  of  anger  and  bitterness,  and  not  of  calm 
judgment  or  plain  common  sense. 

Before    discussing    the    question 

Qermany  .  — ^  i       ^    i  ^ 

la  Not        what   the    1  reaty   undertakes   to 
"Annihilated"  ^^  ^^^  ^j^^  p^^^^  ^f  Europe  and 

the  general  welfare,  and  what  it  apportions 
of  recompense  to  the  various  members  of  the 
Allied  group,  it  may  be  well  to  consider 
briefly  what  it  exacts  from  Germany  and  in 
what  position  it  leaves  that  country.  Such 
comment  can,  at  this  stage,  be  only  prelimi- 
nary, because  it  will  be  a  long  time  before 
we  can  know  conclusively  just  how  so  elabo- 


THE    PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


565 


rate  an  arrangement  may  bear  upon  the  for- 
tunes of  Germany  or  of  any  other  of  the 
nations  most  deeply  involved.  There  were 
loud  outcries  in  Germany  after  the  Treaty 
draft  had  been  delivered,  to  the  effect  that 
Germany  was  to  be  coldly  and  deliberately 
annihilated  by  the  terms  of  the  document. 
This,  of  course,  is  not  true.  Important 
countries  will  survive,  in  a  period  that  or- 
dains "self-determination" ;  and  Germany  is 
very  lucky  in  this  settlement.  Fran.ce  was 
not  annihilated  by  the  terms  imposed  in  1871 
at  Versailles  and  Frankfort.  Germany  then 
took  away  from  France  the  provinces  of  Al- 
sace and  Lorraine.  These  are  now  restored 
to  France.  The  people  of  Alsace-Lorraine 
are  satisfied,  and  there  can  be  no  question  as 
to  the  rightfulness  of  this  restoration.  The 
private  owners  of  mines  and  other  property 
in  Alsace-Lorraine  will  have  their  equities 
duly  considered.  Germany  is  not  punished, 
nor  really  injured  by  this  act  of  justice. 

Germany  restores  to  Poland  cer- 

Poiand  .  .         .  1  •    1         •  1 

as  a  tarn  territories  which  in  the 
Neighbor  f^j-mer  partitions  of  Poland  had 
been  appropriated  by  Prussia.  Since  it  is  the 
verdict  of  Europe  that  there  shall  be  an  inde- 
pendent Poland — a  thoroughly  righteous 
verdict — it  is  suitable  that  the  territories 
which  formerly  belonged  to  Poland  and  are 
now  inhabited  almost  entirely  by  Poles 
should  be  re-united  and  governed  under  the 
Polish  flag.  This  is  not  to  be  regarded  as  in- 
volving any  hardship  or  any  penalty  to  Ger- 
many. It  is  a  part  of  the  normal  and  reason- 
able evolution  of  Europe  under  modern 
principles.  If  it  had  not  come  to  pass  just 
now  as  a  result  of  the  World  War,  it  would 
have  followed  at  some  later  time,  perhaps  as 
the  result  of  an  even  more  devastating  con- 
flict. Germany  had  been  building  up  a  mili- 
tary empire  which  could  not  live  in  the  broad 
light  of  modern  freedom  that  was  dawning 
upon  the  world.  Thus  it  becomes  the  part 
of  intelligence  for  Germany  to  accept  Poland 
as  a  neighbor,  and  to  learn  how  to  be  just 
and  honest  in  neighborhood  relationships. 
The  arrangements  for  international  control 
of  the  port  of  Danzig  follow  along  the  same 
line  of  justice,  and  are  not  in  the  nature  of  a 
punishment.  It  is  reasonable  that  Poland 
should  have  this  access  to  the  Baltic,  and 
Germany  will  have  unembarrassed , access  to 
what  remains  to  her  of  East  Prussia.  The 
war  was  fought  to  end  German  militarism 
and  to  liberate  peoples.  It  is  no  wrong  to 
(jcrmany  to  suppress  bullying. 


ift 

^M/^ 

te  :^^^K 

©  Press  Illustrating  Service 

COUNT   VON   BROCKDORFF-RANTZAU    (aT   THE   LEFT), 

HEAD   OF   THE   GERMAN    PEACE   DELEGATION,    ON    HIS 

ARRIVAL    IN    PARIS 

The  Danes  have  been  very  mod- 
justice  to  est  as  regards  Schleswig-Hol- 
enmar  gtcin.  They  have  never  wanted 
to  regain  Holstein,  because  that  province  is 
essentially  German.  Nor  have  they  desired 
the  southern  part  of  Schleswig.  Northern 
Schleswig  is  purely  Danish.  The  Treaty 
provides  that  the  inhabitants  are  to  express 
their  preferences  successively  in  three  narrow 
zones  of  North  Schleswig  in  order  to  estab- 
lish a  true  line.  In  view  of  the  high-handed 
way  in  which  Prussia  seized  these  provinces 
in  1866,  this  form  of  restoration  to  Den- 
mark is  most  considerate,  and  Germany 
ought  to  accept  it  with  thanks.  The  re- 
cession  will  not  injure  or  punish  Germany 
in  any  respect. 


The  Saar 

Valley 

A  djuatmeni 


Those  who  know  the  extent  to 
which  Germany  destroyed  the 
coal  mines  in  the  North  of 
France,  cannot  find  it  unreasonable  that 
France  should  have  the  right  to  the  coal  in 
the  Saar  Valley  which  adjoins  IvOrraine. 
This  district  for  a  period  of  years  will  be 
under  the  control  of  the  League  of  Nations, 
without  prejudice  to  its  future  return  to 
Germany  if  that  should  be  the  clear  ^^•ish 
of  the  inhabitants.  Again,  let  us  say,  it 
would  be  hard  to  imagine  tlie  (ilermans  deal- 
ing ^^•ith  a  like  point  in  so  considerate  a 
fashion,     (jermany,  of  course,  will  be  able  to 


566  THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 

buy  all  the  coal  she  needs.     General  Foch,  in  many  ways  to  keep  Germany  from  returning 

his    attitude    toward    Germany,    has   not,    as  to  a  military  basis.     Having  established  the 

many   have   thought,   been   a  bitter  and   im-  ntw  boundaries  for  the  German  nation,  and 

placable  man  of  the  sword.     He  has  been  an  having  undertaken    to    deprive   Germany   of 

apostle  of  permanent  peace.     It  is  not  true  the  power  to  sustain  a  foreign  war,  it  follows 

that  he  has  wished  to  put  the  heel  of  the  that  the  Allies  are  under  obligation  to  see 

conqueror   on    the    neck   of    the  vanquished.  that  Germany  is  secure  in  the  rights  that  are 

The  safeguards  for  permanent  peace  that  he  left  to  her  as  a  free  and  independent  nation, 

has  demanded   on  behalf  of  France  will  be  It  is  provided  that  Germany  must  maintain 

of   benefit  also   to   Germany.      The   Confer-  no  fortifications  along  the  Rhine  or  within  a 

ence   would   not   accept  Foch's  view   of   the  frontier    strip    thirty    or    forty    miles    wide, 

political  future  of  the  German  districts  west  This  also  is  a  just  provision  and  in  the  end 

of  the  Rhine;  but  his  views  of  what  peace  will    be    advantageous    to    Germany.      It    is 

and   security   require,   in   the  military  sense,  obvious   that   in   imposing   such    a   rule,    the 

have  been  substantially  accepted.  Allies  assume  the  protection  of  the  German 

border  as  now  established.     With  the  prog-    | 

Disarmament  "^^^  ^^^^  Welfare  of  the  German  ress    of    civilization,    unfortified    boundaries    I 

a  Boon  to     people    now    requires    the    total  will  become  the  rule  and  not  the  exception    1 

Germany      abandonment  of  the  theory  that  in  Europe.     Again,  Germany  is  fortunately 

their    future    prosperity    is    to    be    assured  privileged  to  maintain  a  very  small  navy  of 

through  military  prowess.     General  disarma-  half  a  dozen  battleships,   a  like  number  of 

ment  is  essential  to  Europe.     But  disarma-  cruisers,  and  a  few  small  craft  with  no  sub- 

ment    can    only    come    about    in    one    way,  marines  and  a  personnel  of  not  more  than 

namely,  by  beginning  with  Germany.     If,  at  15,000  men.      Fortifications  and   guns  must 

the  time  of  the  first  Hague  Conference,  the  be  removed  from  the  Island  of  Heligoland. 

Germans  had  been  as  willing  as  the  Amerl-  The  Kiel  Canal  is  to  be  opened  to  the  ships 

cans,  the  British,  the  French,  and  even  the  of  all  nations,  which  is  entirely  reasonable 

Russians,  to  enter  upon  a  scheme  of  gradual  and  neither  humiliating  nor  punitive, 
and    proportionate    disarmament,    something 

might  have  been  accomplished  through  such  There  are  various  other  pro- 
methods.  But  Germany  was  obdurate  at  the  of  Essential  visions,  most  of  which  are  not 
Hague,  and  nothing  could  be  done.  Now,  Materials  detrimental  to  essential  German 
after  having  failed  In  an  attempt  to  crush  interests.  The  great  deposits  of  iron  and 
and  dominate  the  world  through  military  coal  In  Europe  remain  where  Nature  has 
force,  Germany  must  learn  that  the  subject  placed  them.  Some  advantages  naturally  ac- 
of  disarmament  can  no  longer  be  discussed  crue  to  nations  which  have  iron  and  coal 
from  the  earlier  standpoint.  They  must  lay  within  their  own  political  jurisdictions;  but 
aside  the  absurd  notion  that  the  military  such  advantages  are  by  no  means  conclusive, 
policies  of  the  Allies  must  be  dictated  by  During  the  war,  Germany  for  military  pur- 
Germany,  as  a  quid  pro  quo,  if  she  on  her  poses  purchased  enormous  quantities  of 
part  is  to  accept  the  dictation  of  the  Allies.  Swedish  Iron  ore,  and  England  in  like  man- 
At  one  time  disarmament  could  have  been  ner  Imported  Spanish  ore.  Germany  will 
simultaneous.  Germany's  own  conduct  has  now  be  relieved — most  fortunately  for  her- 
now  made  that  Impossible.  An  orderly  self — of  the  incubus  of  gun-making  and  other 
world,  however,  is  not  going  to  burden  It-  forms  of  war  Industry,  and  will  devote  her 
self  with  military  expenditures  more  heavily  technological  and  engineering  capacities  to 
than  it  must,  and  In  due  time  the  Allies  will  the  making  of  useful  things  that  Russians 
cut  their  army  bills  as  low  as  they  can.  and  other  peoples  will  buy  in  exchange  for 

raw     materials     and     foodstuffs.       German 

The  Treaty  limits  Germany  to  manufacturers  in  the  Rhine  Valley  and  else- 

on    *     an  army  of  100,000  men  for  the  where  will  be  able  to  buy  iron  ore  from  Lor- 

Frontiers      maintenance  of  order.     The  pur-  ralne  just  as  they  will  be  able  to  buy  It  from 

pose  of  this  limitation  must  be  accepted,  and  Spain,    Sweden,    and    other   mineralized    dis- 

It  is  provided  that  there  must  be  no  evasion  tricts — precisely,    for   example,    as   they  will 

through  short  enlistments,  or  the  rapid  train-  buy  copper  and  cotton  from  America.     It  Is 

Ing  of  men  who  would  pass  into  the  status  a   great   mistake   to   suppose    that    European    J 

of    reserves.      The    Treaty    prescribes    rules  countries  will  refuse  to  trade  with  Germans.    ' 

limiting  war  material,  and  it  undertakes  In  Europe  carries  no  sentiment  into  business. 


THE   PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


567 


NORTH 

SEA 


\  . ) 

PARIS 

F    R>i  N  C  E 


SLOVAKIA 


Ceded  hy  Germany 
In  ternaHonalized. 


-'    SWITZERLAND    ■^•]    ^ 


Sovereignty  to  he 
'deter/nined  iy 
popular  vote. 


GERMAN  LOSSES  IN  TERRITORY— SHOWN   IN  BLACK  ON  THE  MAP 

(Germany  is  required  to  cede  Alsace-Lorraine  to  France,  Eupen  and  Malmedy  to  Belgium,  and  parts  of  West 
Prussia,  Posen,  and  Silesia  to  the  new  state  of  Poland.  Besides,  Germany  may  ultimately  lose  the  territory  marked 
with  horizontal  lines  on  this  map.  The  people  inhabiting  the  southern  portion  of  West  Prussia  and  East  Prussia  are 
to  be  permitted  to  decide  whether  they  wish  to  remain  part  of  Germany  or  become  part  of  Poland;  and  the  people 
of   northern   Schleswig  will   decide  whether  they  wish  to    become   once  more  a   part    of   the    Kingdom   of  Denmark) 


The  thing  most  needed  in  Ger- 

National  .  ,  .         ,  .  •, 

Character  many  IS  a  change  in  the  national 
at  Stake  character,  which  of  course  re- 
quires honest  newspapers  and  intelligent 
teachers  in  the  universities  and  schools. 
Heretofore  the  schools  and  the  press  have 
been  subservient  to  the  governing  interests; 
and  the  ruling  class  has  maintained  itself  by 
the  deliberate  creation  of  illusions  resulting 
in  the  most  stupid  arrogance  that  ever 
brought  any  nation  to  a  downfall.  It  will 
take  time  to  bring  Germany  to  a  clear  per- 
ception of  things  as  they  are ;  but  business 
men  and  labor  leaders  will  be  likely  to  grasp 
the  situation,  and  before  long  there  will  be- 
gin to  appear  a  newborn  Germany.  And  this 
new  Germany  will  discover  that  it  has  been 
set  free  by  its  chastening  experience  of  de- 
feat. There  will  arise  in  Germany,  let  us 
believe,  a  new  set  of  leaders  who  will  fight 
the  national  vices  of  materialism  and  greed, 
and  seek  to  restore  the  earlier  German 
virtues.  All  this  process  will  require  time, 
and  will  be  attended  by  political  confusion. 


It    is   obvious    that    in    this    first 

Certainly,  •      i        r  •  i    •      i  •    i 

Germany  Can  period  ot  reaction  and  industrial 
Pau  Her  Debts  p^j-alysis  it  does  not  seem  possible 
for  Germany  to  pay  what  is  demanded  by 
way  of  repairing  damages  and  losses.  It 
will,  indeed,  be  difficult  for  a  time  to  meet 
such  obligations.  But  if  Germany  is  per- 
mitted and  encouraged  to  resume  full  indus- 
trial activity,  she  will  be  able  in  the  near 
future  to  pay  large  sums  out  of  surplus  earn- 
ings every  year.  To  begin  with,  Germany 
must  regard  her  own  war  expenditure  as 
something  lost,  that  lies  in  the  past  and  is  to 
be  forgotten.  The  obligations  of  her  domes- 
tic war  debt  can  of  course  be  equalized  to 
some  extent  among  her  citizens  who  hold 
war  bonds ;  but  by  one  method  or  another 
this  debt  should  be  rapidly  cancelled.  If 
Germany  had  continued  the  war  two  years 
longer  on  such  a  scale  of  expenditure  as  she, 
Britain  and  America  liad  reached,  we  may 
estimate  that  she  would  have  been  pa\ing 
war  costs  at  sonietliing  like  two  billion  dol- 
lars a  month.     Two  years  of  such  expend i- 


568 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


tures  would  have  amounted  to  an  actual  out- 
lay of  forty-eight  billion  dollars.  Besides 
this  expenditure,  the  sum  total  of  national 
wealth  would  have  been  much  diminished 
through  deterioration  of  all  kinds.  Thus  to 
have  had  her  war  expenditure  stopped  last 
November  was  a  great  economic  benefit  to 
Germanv. 


Larger 


England,  France  and  America 
Fin'anl'iai  on  the  Other  hand,  have  been  de- 
Aspecta  mobilizing  much  more  slowly 
and  have  been  maintaining  their  navy  as  well 
as  their  army  costs.  The  two  best  strokes  of 
business  Germany  has  done  in  fifty  years  con- 
sisted in  the  surrender  of  her  fleet  and  the 
rapid  discharge  of  her  armies  after  Novem- 
ber 10th.  The  total  round  figure  of  pay- 
ments Germany  is  to  make  is  given  at  about 
thirty  billion  dollars,  of  which  five  billions  is 
to  be  paid  in  1921,  the  rest  extending  over  a 
long  term  of  years.  The  only  sensible  and 
just  way  to  consider  this  sum  is  to  view  the 
alternatives  and  see  the  facts  in  their  large 
aspects.  If,  as  an  alternative,  the  war  had 
continued  a  year  and  a  half  longer,  Germany 
would  have  squandered,  in  that  eighteen 
months,  material  wealth  equivalent  in  actual 
value  to  the  total  sum  that  she  must  pay 
through  a  long  period  of  years.  If  the  war 
had  ended  as  a  draw  on  the  principle  of  "no 
annexations  and  no  indemnities,"  as  had  been 
proposed,  at  one  time,  the  nations  would 
have  continued  on  a  basis  of  militarism,  and 
Germany's  army  and  navy  expenses  from 
year  to  year,  even  in  peace  time,  would  in 
the  course  of  a  generation  have  gone  far  to- 
ward equalling  the  amount  of  the  payments 
exacted  by  the  Treaty. 


Some 


All  nations  must  as  rapidly  as 
Vh'eer  possible  reducc  their  military  ex- 
Advar,taae8  pgnditures ;  but  Germany  is  in 
the  fortunate  position  of  being  permitted  to 
disarm  first  of  all.  What  slie  saves  through 
disarmament  will  help  her  very  materially  to 
pay  her  debt  to  Belgium,  France  and  othei 
countries.  In  short,  Germany  will  have  to 
wipe  out  her  domestic  war  debt  as  a  bad  loss 
and  forget  it.  She  must  then  show  good 
will  and  good  temper  in  accepting  facts  as 
she  finds  them.  In  a  very  real  sense  Ger- 
many's position  is  not  one  of  hopeless  disad- 
vantage. She  has  a  chance  to  accept  new 
ideals,  and  to  make  a  new  career  for  which 
she  has  already  a  splendid  foundation.  In 
substituting  her  foreign  obligations  for  her 
domestic  debt,  she  will   not  be  much  more 


heavily  burdened  financially  than  are  the 
other  principal  industrial  countries.  If  she 
accepts  cheerfully  the  conditions  of  the  Peace 
Treaty  and  works  diligently  to  meet  them, 
she  will  in  due  time  secure  her  place  as  a 
member  of  the  League  of  Nations,  and  she 
will  find  herself  trading  advantageously  with 
her  European  neighbors.  Her  cities  and  fac- 
tories are  not  destroyed ;  her  system  of  rail- 
roads and  canals  is  well  developed ;  her  agri- 
cultural resources  are  also  highly  advanced ; 
and  her  skill  in  many  lines  of  manufacture 
and  in  all  forms  of  commerce  is  universally 
acknowledged.  Germany  can  afford  to  ac- 
cept the  apparent  handicaps  presented  in  the 
Treaty,  and  can  rise  from  her  defeat  a  far 
happier  and  better  country,  if  she  will  but 
cultivate  a  proper  spirit. 

The  Press  and  ^}  ^^quires  more  experience  than 
the  Claims  of  the  average  man  or  woman  pos- 
"  '°"^  sesses  to  know  how  to  discount 
the  angry  clamor  and  reckless  exaggeration 
of  the  press  under  the  pretext  of  patriotism. 
During  May  it  was  the  German  press,  de- 
claring that  this  eminently  reasonable  treaty 
was  a  work  of  unprecedented  tyranny  in- 
tended to  leave  Germany  forever  prostrate. 
Through  March  an  '  April  the  French  press 
had  been  almost  equally  bitter,  declaring 
that  the  haughty  and  selfish  Anglo-Saxons 
were  leaving  heroic  France  at  the  mercy  of 
the  barbaric  Germans,  who  were  already  re- 
cuperating so  fast  that  their  rattling  sabres 
must  surely  be  heard  again  approaching  Paris 
in  the  near  future.  Naturally  France,  like 
every  other  European  country,  wantea  to  get 
as  much  as  possible  before  the  opportunities 
were  closed ;  and  the  French  press  was  used 
to  incite  public  opinion.  France  was  obvi- 
ously entitled  to  Alsace-Lorraine  and  certain 
other  frontier  rectifications,  and  to  as  much 
by  way  of  economic  reparation  as  could  be 
obtained.  Above  all,  France  was  entitled  to 
ask  for  some  scheme  of  mutual  insurance  that 
would  protect  the  decisions  of  the  Peace  Con- 
ference and  save  the  French  people  from  a 
repetition  of  the  experiences  of  1870  and 
1914;  and  France  was  insistent  and  logical. 

It  was  proposed  therefore  by  the 
French        French  members  of  the  Commit- 

Demanas  r     xt       • 

tee  on  the  League  of  Nations, 
with  the  approval  of  all  French  statesmen, 
that  the  League  be  given  direct  control  of 
an  international  army  and  navy.  This  was 
a  sound  proposal  in  logic,  inasmuch  as  the 
League  was  to  have  large  responsibilities  and 


THE    PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


569 


its  decisions  might  need  to  be  backed  up  by 
a  show  of  power.  But  the  British  were  not 
ready  to  accept  the  scheme  of  an  international 
navy,  and  America  was  not  prepared  to 
maintain  soldiers  in  Europe  as  a  part  of  an 
international  army.  Nevertheless  it  was 
plain  that  what  had  been  achieved  for  jus- 
tice and  for  world  peace  must  not  be  aban- 
doned to  chance  or  to  fate.  What  should  be 
the  practical  working  arrangement  that 
would  give  vigor  and  authority  to  the  new 
order  of  things? 

It  has  been  plain  enough  to  prac- 

iw0C6SS€ir U  TO  cz?  i 

Support  the  tical  men  who  look  facts  in  the 
'^^"'^  face  that  when  the  armies  of  the 
Allies — French,  American,  British,  and  Ital- 
ian— fought  together  under  a  supreme  com- 
mand to  win  a  victory  for  the  general  good, 
they  were  at  the  beginning  rather  than  at 
the  end  of  a  period  of  Allied  cooperation.  It 
was  not  to  be  expected  that  they  would  main- 
tain a  great  inter-Allied  standing  army  under 
unified  command  for  an  indefinite  period ; 
but  it  was  obvious  that  they  must  let  the 
whole  world  know  that  the  decisions  arrived 
at  in  1918  and  1919  would  be  upheld  by 
the  powers  which  had  won  the  victory  and 
had  dictated  the  terms  of  peace.  America  has 
taken  a  large  part  in  the  making  of  the  Peace 


Treaty,  and  there  could  be  no  escape  from 
the  conclusion  that  we  must  be  prepared  to 
see  that  the  provisions  of  the  Treaty  are  not 
in  the  early  future  upset  by  violence.  A 
vast  number  of  questions  will  remain  for  ad- 
justment, and  through  the  League  of  Na- 
tions there  will  be  provided  every  possible 
means  for  the  rendering  of  justice  without 
war.  If  it  is  thoroughly  well  known  that 
several  of  the  great  powers  propose  to  back 
the  new  system,  there  will  be  every  likelihood 
that  the  system  will  be  respected.  It  is  true 
that  unforeseen  things  may  arise  to  precipi- 
tate war,  but  the  Peace  Treaty — with  the 
League  of  Nations  included — offers  not  only 
a  chance,  but  a  good  prospect  of  peace  for  a 
long  time  to  come. 

There  must,  however,   be   a  nu- 

Quarantors         ,  ^  i         i  • 

of  cleus    or    guarantors,     and     this 

'*^^^^  nucleus  must  be  provided  by  the 
British  Empire  and  the  United  States  acting 
in  cooperation  with  France,  or  preferably 
with  France  and  Italy.  The  British,  with 
their  great  navy,  are  reasonably  safe  from  any 
sudden  attack.  The  geographical  position 
and  the  great  resources  of  the  United  States 
also  give  comparative  safety  to  this  country. 
It  is  conceivable,  however,  that  Germany  at 
some   time   might   obtain   a  certain   kind   of 


THE  FRENCH  VIEW  OF  THE  GERMAN  PROGRAM 
Germania:    " 'E(|uality   of   rights,'   so   says   my   faithful    KrzhcrRcr." 

France    [in    rei)ly]  :    "Kcjuality    of    rights?    .   .    .    \on   ask    that    I    should    sack    your    factoricii,    dei)ort    your    women, 
and    set    fire    to    your    homes?" 

From   Lc  Eire    (Paris) 


570 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


political  and  economic  control  over  Russia, 
and  might  attack  France.  If  it  is  known  that 
the  British  and  American  navies  would  at 
once  support  France,  with  armies  to  follow 
(provided,  of  course,  that  France  had  pur- 
sued a  blameless  course),  there  is  no  likeli- 
hood that  an  attack  would  be  made  at  any 
time  in  the  appreciable  future.  Any  such 
agreements  would,  of  course,  be  for  fixed 
periods  or  terminable  upon  notice.  It  was 
known  last  month  that  President  Wilson,  be- 
sides submitting  the  Peace  Treaty  (with  its 
covenant  of  the  League  of  Nations)  to  the 
Senate  for  ratification,  would  also  submit  a 
proposal  to  the  efifect  that  the  United  States 
would  join  Great  Britain  in  helping  France 
in  case  of  a  ruthless  attack. 

America  has  no  desire  to  be  in- 

Ameriea  as  i        ,     •  i         •  i        rr    •  c 

Umpire,       volved  m  the  mternal  anairs  oi 

JVot  Meddler     t^  n^i,  •  r. 

hurope.  1  he  prommence  or 
President  Wilson  and  the  American  dele- 
gates at  Paris  has  by  no  means  been  due  to 
a  disposition  to  meddle  or  intrude.  It  has 
been  due  to  the  very  simple  fact  that  no 
other  power  at  the  Peace  Conference  has  been 
disinterested.  If  the  French  delegation  had 
not  been  absorbed  in  trying  to  obtain  security 
and  reparation  for  France,  the  Ministry 
would  have  been  upset,  and  the  Clemenceau 
group  w^ould  have  been  whisked  out  of  the 
Peace  Conference  in  a  jif^y.  The  British 
delegation,  while  conducting  itself  with  great 


HE  WAS  BOUND  TO  GET   IX    WRONG 

[The  infants  presented  to  the  umpire  are  labeled  to 
represent  the  various  claims  of  English,  French,  Italian, 
Polish,   Russian,  and   even  the  enemy] 

(From  the  Neivs   (Detroit,   Mich.) 


breadth  and  consideration,  had,  nevertheless, 
to  consider  a  far  larger  number  of  special 
interests  than  those  of  any  other  power  con- 
cerned in  the  affair  excepting  Germany  alone. 
The  United  States  had  nothing  whatever 
that  it  was  seeking  except  the  establishment 
of  justice  and  the  settlement  of  problems  in 
such  a  w^ay  as  to  provide  stable  equilibrium 
for  the  future.  For  this  reason  the  inter- 
position of  the  American  delegates  was  de- 
manded in  every  direction,  and  America  thus 
became  umpire-in-chief.  American  citizens 
and  newspapers  that  snarled  at  Wilson  for 
meddling  in  affairs  that  were  no  concern  of 
his  were,  of  course,  the  victims  either  of  ill- 
temper  or  of  sheer  ignorance.  It  was,  as  most 
people  have  been  able  to  see,  precisely  be- 
cause these  affairs  were  not  his  that  he  was 
asked  to  help  adjust  them  as  between  rival 
claimants.  When  one  lays  his  case  before  a 
judge  or  arbitrator  he  is  glad  to  believe  that 
the  tribunal  is  not  affected  by  personal  in- 
terest in  the  matters  submitted  for  its  deci- 
sion. Credit  will  sometime  be  given  to 
President  Wilson  and  the  American  dele- 
gates for  having  had  the  courage  to  keep 
large  and  permanent  ends  in  view. 

„  ,  .     ,       Our  information  last  month  was 

Belgium  8  .  . 

Claims  and  not  Complete  enough  to  make 
clear  the  grounds  upon  which  the 
Belgian  press  and  Belgian  patriotic  commit- 
tees were  making  so  fierce  an  attack  upon 
the  terms  of  the  Treaty  as  related  to  their 
country.  It  has  been  the  opinion  of  the 
whole  civilized  world  that  Belgium  and 
Serbia  had  the  first  claim  upon  all  countries 
for  restoration.  Belgium  might  well  have 
yielded  after  protest  in  1914,  but  without 
resistance,  to  the  vastly  superior  force  of  Ger- 
many. She  fought  and  suffered  for  some 
time  without  the  expected  support  of  France 
and  England.  But  for  the  obstruction  she 
offered,  it  is  wholly  probable  that  the  Ger- 
man armies  would  have  taken  Paris  in  the 
early  weeks  of  the  war.  Many  of  the  de- 
tails of  apportionment  of  funds  are  yet  to  be 
adjusted  by  finance  commissions.  Belgium 
makes  some  slight  territorial  gain,  but  her 
chief  complaint  has  to  do  with  finances.  It 
is  the  overwhelming  sentiment  of  the  world 
that  Belgium  ought  to  be  fully  restored  and 
compensated,  even  if  the  Allies  should  them- 
selves pay  part  of  the  bill.  Germany,  how- 
ever, must  be  compelled  to  compensate  Bel- 
gium in  the  fullest  measure.  The  Belgian 
protest,  naturally,  is  exaggerated  for  the  sake 
of  securing  prompt  attention. 


THE    PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


571 


Italy's 
Excitement 


Late    in    April 

it    was     Italy's 

turn  to  raise  a 
furious  clamor,  and  Amer- 
ica was  solemnly  informed 
that   the    Paris    Conference 
could    not    even    hold    to- 
gether long  enough  to  pre- 
sent   the    Peace    Treaty    to 
Germany.     Floods  of  vitu- 
peration    poured      through 
the    Italian    press    and    the 
nation  rose  in  wild  excite- 
ment.   The  world  had  sup- 
posed    that     the     port     of 
Fiume,  on  the  eastern  side 
of  the  Adriatic,  would  re- 
main as  heretofore  an  out- 
let for  the  Croatians,  Hun- 
garians,   and    other   peoples 
whose    external    commerce 
had  long  depended  upon  the 
railroads  they  had  built  to 
this   natural   harbor.     The 
small    city    of    Fiume    con- 
tains    some     thousands     of 
Italian   residents  and  has   a   distinct   Italian 
character    and    sentiment.      The    immediate 
suburbs  are  not  Italian,  and  back  of  the  port 
are  millions  of  Slavic  and  other  non-Italian 
peoples.  Many  readers  in  America  were  puz- 
zled,   and    not    a    few    who    ought    to    have 
known  better  were  misled  and  were  scornful 
in   their   denunciation   of    President   Wilson 


Photographs  ©  Harris  &  Ewing,  Washington 

PREMIER   ORLANDO  FOREIGN    MINISTER    SON  NINO 

ITALY'S  OFFICIAL  CHAMPIONS  AT  THE  PEACE  CONFERENCE 


few  days  Orlando  and  Sonnino  went  quietly 
back  and  resumed  their  places  in  the  Peace 
Conference.  President  Wilson  had  rendered 
a  great  service  to  Italy  in  securing  the  sup- 
port for  Orlando  which  would  enable  the 
present  Italian  delegates  to  complete  their 
work.  Again,  American  readers  must  re- 
member that  President  Wilson  is  the  only 
for  having  made  public  the  views  which  were  head  of  an  important  delegation  who  has  had 
held  by  practically  everyone  in  the  Peace  sufficient  assurance  of  his  own  tenure  of  office 
Conference  regarding  the  proper  disposition  to  give  his  whole  mind  to  the  essential  ques- 
tions. But  for  the  sympathy  aroused  by  the 
attempt  upon  his  life,  Clemenceau,  with  his 
present  Ministry,  would  probably  have  been 


of  Fiume  as  a  seaport. 

Since  the  collapse  of  the   Haps- 

Wilson's  Moue    ,  t^         •         t      i  •  •  t 

to  Save  burg  r.mpire,  Italian  nationalism 
Orlando  j^^^  gone  forward  by  leaps  and 
bounds.  If  Premier  Orlando,  with  Sonnino, 
General  Diaz,  and  other  Italians  at  Paris, 
had  yielded  gracefully  to  the  otherwise  uni- 
versal opinion  of  the  Conference  regarding 
Fiume,  their  political  enemies  at  home  would 
have  precipitated  chaos.  The  Ministry 
would  have  fallen;  there  would  have  been  a 
radical  revolution  in  Italy;  the  Giolitti-Nitti 
faction,  with  well-known  pro-German  lean- 
ings, would  probably  have  seized  the  reins 
of  power.  President  Wilson's  statement  was 
just  the  thing  needed  to  crystallize  Italian 
opinion  in  support  of  Orlando.  The  Premier 
hastened  from  Paris  to  Rome,  and  the  whole 
nation  acclaimed  his  stand.  The  political 
situation   was   changed   as   by   magic.      In    a 


put  out  of  power  by  the  French  Chambers. 
Mr.  Lloyd  George  has  had  to  consider  Brit- 
ish politics  at  every  stage  of  the  proceedings. 
President  Wilson,  by  contrast,  has  a  fixed 
tenure  until  March  4,  1921. 

.  ^  .  The  American   delegates   are   as 

A  Fair  •         i      •       r      i •  i 

Compromise    gcncrous  in  their  leeling  toward 
Will  Be  Found  j^,^jy  ^^  toward  Other  countries ; 

but  they  are  helping  to  find  solutions  that 
will  be  permanent,  and  they  are  aware  of 
the  needs  of  several  countries  for  commercial 
access  to  the  Adriatic,  while  equally  aware 
that  Italy  has  no  commercial  need  whatso- 
ever of  the  port  of  Fiume.  With  Orlando's 
return  it  was  certain  that  a  workable  com- 
promise would  be  adopted.  Italy  will  con- 
trol Avlona,  at  the  entrance  of  the  Adriatic, 


572 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


on  the  Albanian  coast.  She  will  have  island 
strongholds  and  strips  of  mainland  on  the 
Dalmatian  shore.  While  it  would  be  better 
to  have  the  environs  and  the  port  of  Fiume 
internationalized,  it  could  readily  be  ar- 
ranged to  give  the  town  itself  to  Italy  and 
provide  free  and  unrestricted  port  facilities 
for  all  nations.  The  issue  is  sentimental  on 
Italy's  part,  and  practical  on  the  other  side. 
Both  sides  can  be  satisfied  by  a  w^orkable 
compromise. 

A  very  influential   figure  in  the 

Italy  Will        ^  n       I  •        r>  • 

Fare  Very  rcace  Conference  is  rremier 
^^"  Venizelos  of  Greece.  He  is  a 
European  statesman  of  the  highest  order  of 
ability.  Italy  had  demanded  a  sphere  of  in- 
fluence in  Asia  Minor,  including  the  great 
port  of  Smyrna.  This  important  town,  how- 
ever, has  always  been  a  Greek  community, 
and  with  the  defeat  of  the  Turks  Smyr- 
na's Greek  character  at  once  becomes  con- 
spicuous. To  have  given  Smyrna  to  Italy 
would  have  been  to  throw  Greece  and  the 
whole  Greek  world  into  revolution,  and  Ve- 
nizelos so  declared  at  Paris.  It  was  the 
failure  to  obtain  Smyrna,  as  we  have  some 
reason  to  believe,  that  upon  political  grounds 
made  it  necessary  that  Orlando  should  em- 
phasize  the   demand   for   Fiume.     The  war 


was  terribly  expensive  for  Italy,  but  the 
Peace  Treaty  gives  her  secure  frontiers  to 
the  Northward  where  she  obtains  more  of 
the  Tyrol  than  she  had  once  expected,  besides 
her  acquisition  of  Trieste,  and  the  Istrlan 
territory  at  the  head  of  the  Adriatic.  She 
will  be  in  full  naval  control  of  the  Adriatic, 
and  will  of  course  receive  substantial  mone- 
tary payments  from  Austria. 


Austrians  Also 

Called  to 

Paris 


AREAS  (IN  BLACK)  ACQUIRED  BY  ITALY  AS  A  RESULT  OF  THE  WAR 

(  The  map  shows  also  the  relation  of  the  port  of  Fiume  to  the  new  Italy  and 
to  the  territory  of  the  Jugoslavs) 


The  Austrian  delegates  arrived 
on  May  14  at  the  ancient  palace 
in  the  suburbs  of  Paris  that  had 
been  fitted  up  for  their  use.  Though  at  some 
future  time  Austria  may  join  the  German 
Empire,  there  is  no  immediate  prospect  of 
such  a  union  and  Austria  is  expected  to  sign 
a  separate  Treaty,  which  was  virtually 
finished  by  the  middle  of  May.  It  was  stated 
that  this  would  call  for  payments  amounting 
to  a  billion  dollars.  Austria  will  strongly  re- 
sent the  cession  to  Italy  of  parts  of  the  Tyrol 
that  were  never  Italian  and  that  now  include 
a  German-speaking  population  of  about  300,- 
000.  This,  however.  Is  to  give  Italy  Alpine 
defenses  and  a  strategic  advantage  that  Aus- 
tria has  held  hitherto.  The  new  frontier 
was  agreed  upon  by  France  and  England  In 
1915  as  a  part  of  the  secret  'Tact  of  Lon- 
don," and  it  was  also  Included  In  the  armis- 
tice terms  that  Italy  pre- 
sented to  Austria  In  Octo- 
ber. It  Is,  of  course,  unfor- 
tunate that  populations  and 
natural  boundaries  do  not 
coincide.  Austria*s  future 
seems  to  be  that  of  one  of 
the  numerous  powers  of  the 
third  class,  and  her  pros- 
perity must  depend  largely 
upon  a  freedom  of  trade 
and  Intercourse  that  ought 
to  be  established,  in  so  far 
as  possible,  throughout  con- 
tinental Europe.  The  Aus- 
trian delegation  to  Paris 
was  headed  by  the  Chan- 
cellor, Karl  Renner,  and 
was  courteously  received. 
There  were  few  surprises 
In  store  for  the  Austrians, 
inasmuch  as  the  general  re- 
adjustment of  the  Hapsburg 
dominions  had  already  gone 
into  effect.  Nearly  one- 
fourth  of  the  population  of 
the  present  Austria  resides 
in  and  about  Vienna. 


THE   PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


573 


Information     about     affairs     in      functions  of   ceremonial   headship.      Liberal 
u"der        Hungary  has  not  been  complete      constitutions  will  prevail,  and  revolutionary 
Communists    ^^  reliable.     Early  in  May  we      anarchy  will  yield  to  law  and  order. 


Russia's 
Ferment 


As  respects  the  interior  condi- 
tions of  Russia,  reports  have  been 
so  conflicting  about  many  things 


were  told  that  the  Communist  Government 

at  Budapest,   of  which   Bela  Kun  was   the 

chief,  was  near  its  collapse,   and  that  Bela 

and  his  group  had  sent  a  large  sum  of  money 

to  Vienna  in  preparation  for  their  flight.     A      that  the  more  careful  reader  is  disposed  to 

Rumanian  army  was  advancing  toward  Buda-      hold   a  suspended  judgment.     The  Lenine- 

pest    from   one    direction,    and    a    Bohemian      Trotzky    Bolshevist    Government    does    not 

army  from  another.    The  Communist  regime      function  in  Siberia  and  North  Russia,  those 

in    Hungary    had    invited    the    support    of      vast  regions  being  under  the  control  of  the 

Lenine's   Red  Army   from   Russia;   and   the      "All-Russian"    Government   that   centers   at 


Rumanian  and  Bohemian  gov- 
ernments felt  that  their  own  se- 
curity required  the  prevention 
of  a  junction  between  the  revo- 
lutionists of  Russia  and  Hun- 
gary. But  after  Bela  Kun  and 
his  government  had  been  in- 
vited by  the  Allies  to  send  dele- 
gates to  Paris,  the  Czecho- 
Rumanian  advance  ceased  and 
the  Communist  rule  at  Buda- 
pest was  accordingly  strength- 
ened. Conditions  in  Hungary 
in  respect  to  food  and  work  are 
probably  better  than  in  most 
parts  of  Europe. 


National 
Political 
Systems 


After  another 
month  w  e  shall 
doubtless  have  a 
much  clearer  picture  of  condi- 
tions in  Russia.  In  the  mean- 
time the  independence  of  Fin- 
land has  been  fully  recognized 
by     Great     Britain     and     the 


Omsk  under  the  headship  of 
Admiral  Kolchak.  In  the  Cos- 
sack country,  Gen.  Denekin 
commands  a  formidable  army 
which  the  ''Reds"  of  Lenine 
are  evidently  unable  to  conquer. 
The  Omsk  Government  seems 
to  have  been  receiving  increas- 
ingly large  contributions  of  mil- 
itary supplies  from  the  Allies. 
Last  month  it  was  reported  that 
a  well-equipped  military  expe- 
dition against  the  "Reds,"  with 
British  and  French  aid,  was  or- 
ganizing at  Helsingfors  in  Fin- 
land. If  the  present  Soviet 
Government,  with  its  fanaticism 
and  tyranny,  is  not  overthrown 
by  military  effort,  it  must  in 
due  time  be  transformed  or 
superseded  through  the  re-asser- 
tion of  the  oppressed  elements 
of  the  Russian  people.     It  is  un- 


Press  Illustrating  Service 

ADMIRAL   KOLCHAK 
(Formerly    of    the    Russian        dcrstOod     that     the     prOpOSal     of 

Thr-ir  Russia!,"  \Ztn.     Dr.  Friedjof-Nansen  to  supply 
United  States;  a  Finnish  Min-      ment  at  Omsk)  the  starving  population  of  Rus- 

ister  has  reached  Washington;  sia  with  food — a  plan  in  which 

and  this  new  nation  is  reported  as  in  normal  Mr.  Hoover  was  cooperating — has  failed  to 
political  condition.  Of  the  six  small  countries  go  into  effect  because  it  was  dependent  upon 
on  the  Baltic  and  North  Sea,  Finland  is  the  necessary  agreements  that  Lenine  and 
first  to  adopt  a  Republican  Government,  Trotzky  would  not  make,  regarding  the  ces- 
Sweden,  Norway,  Denmark,  Holland,  and  sation  of  hostilities. 
Belgium  all  being  democratic  monarchies.  Of 


the  larger  countries  opening  upon  those  or 
adjacent  waters,  Poland,  Germany,  and 
France  are  Republics.  That  the  Baltic  Prov- 


Oermany's 

Strong  Man, 

Noshe 


For  the  present  at  least,  the  at- 
tempts of  the  Bolshevists  to  seize 
control   of   Germanv    have   been 


inces  will  remain  a  part  of  Russia  is  likely,  frustrated.   The  so-called  Spartacides  of  Ber- 

but  not  yet  certain.     It  is  probable  that  Rus-  lin  and  North  Germany  have  been  completely 

sia  will  never  go  back  to  monarchical  rule.  suppressed.     Bavaria,  for  a  little  while,  had 

With    the    disappearance    of    the    Hohenzol-  detached  herself  and   fallen  under  the  sway 

lerns,  the  Hapsburgs  and  the  Romanoffs,  the  at  Munich  of  a  fantastic  group  of  extreme 

dynastic  system  of  Europe  is  destroyed,  never  socialists  and  communists.     This  episode  was 

to  emerge  again.     Royal  families  will  cease  of     brief     duration.      Somewhere     from    the 

to    be    a    separate    international    caste,    and  bosom  of  the  German  people  a  man   named 

monarchs  become  strictly  national,  with  the  Noske  has  come  forward,  and  he  is  Minister 


574 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


@  Press  Illustrating  Service 

HERR    GUSTAVE     NOSKE,     MINISTER    OF    DEFENSE    IN 

GERMANY 

(Six  months  ago   unknown,   now  the  leading  personality 
in   Germany's  effort  to  restore  order) 

of  Defense  in  the  present  Government. 
What  is  left  of  army  and  navy  is  under 
Noske  as  civilian  head.  He  has  put  down 
the  anarchist  mobs,  restored  Bavaria  to  the 
Empire,  and  established  law  and  order. 
Whether  Germany  will  hold  together  under 
the  imposition  of  the  burdens  of  the  Peace 
Treaty  remains  to  be  seen.  Our  readers  will 
be  much  interested  in  Mr.  Simonds'  article 
cabled  from  Paris  in  this  number  of  the 
Review  (see  page  595),  in  which  he  shows 
serious  apprehension  regarding  Germany's 
acceptance  of  the  economic  terms.  It  is  well 
to  face  the  thing  from  all  standpoints,  and 
there  is,  of  course,  ground  for  Mr.  Simonds' 
forebodings.  It  is  to  be  remembered,  how- 
ever, that  the  course  of  history  will  go  on, 
and  that  this  Peace  Treaty  is  not  the  end  of 
things,  but  only  the  beginning. 

Some  of  the  difficulties  that  Mr. 

Oermanu'a        r-  ^        r  ii 

Economic  bimonds  Toresces  are  not  really 
Outlook  ^£  ^^  economic  character,  but 
chiefly  political.  Thus  when  it  is  stated  that 
Germany  is  to  be  deprived  of  ore,  coal, 
potash,  and  other  supplies,  it  is  easy  to  con- 
found two  distinct  things.  These  materials 
have  not  been  the  property  of  the  German 


Government,  but  of  private  owners.  Fur- 
thermore, the  industries  which  have  utilized 
these  raw  materials  have  also  been  private 
enterprises.  In  some  lines  the  German  tex- 
tile industries  have  been  the  greatest  in  the 
world ;  yet  these  were  dependent  upon  cotton 
and  other  fibres  imported  into  Germany  from 
the  United  States  and  elsewhere.  The  great 
electrical  and  other  metal-using  industries  of 
Germany  will  have  exactly  the  same  opportu- 
nity to  buy  copper,  zinc,  iron,  and  steel  as 
before.  The  Lorraine  ore  will  be  sold  to 
those  who  have  the  money  to  buy  it,  as  here- 
tofore. For  the  old  German  game  of  polit- 
ical  and  military  aggrandizement,  it  was  in- 
deed necessary  that  German  jurisdiction 
should  extend  over  as  much  of  Europe's  coal 
and  mineral  deposits  as  possible.  But  w^hen 
the  new  industrial  era  is  established  under 
the  moral  guidance  of  the  League  of  Na- 
tions, with  unreasonable  tariff  barriers  re- 
moved, Germany  will  have  no  more  difficulty 
in  buying  needed  supplies  than  will  any  other 
nation,  Italy  for  example. 


Ships 

and 

Markets 


It  is  quite  true  that  for  a  time 
Germany's  foreign  trade  will  be 
much  handicapped  through  lack 
of  ships  and  loss  of  markets.  The  British 
will  be  tempted  to  be  over-greedy  in  trying 
to  seize  the  world's  shipping  trade ;  but  there 
is  great  restraining  power  in  the  British  sense 
of  fair  play.  The  British  had  at  one  time 
intended  to  compel  Germany  to  pay  a  great 
part  of  their  war  cost.  This  proposal — 
though  openly  encouraged  by  the  present 
British  Government  in  the  December  elec- 
tions— has  been  virtually  abandoned.  No- 
body can  well  say  that  the  British  are  asking 
anything  unreasonable  when  they  require 
that  the  private  owners  of  merchant  ships  un- 
lawfully sunk  by  German  submarines  shall 
be  reimbursed  either  in  money  or  in  actual 
tonnage.  A  considerable  part  of  Germany's 
population  in  normal  times  depended  upon 
the  outlet  of  foreign  trade.  It  will  be  best 
for  England  and  for  Europe  as  a  whole  to 
extend  some  commercial  help  to  Germany 
in  case  there  is  honest  acceptance  by  the  Ger- 
mans of  the  Peace  conditions. 


Colonies 
and  the 


This  brings  us  to  the  problem  of 

the  colonies.     Under  the  League 

'Mandates"  ^^  Nations  plan,  the  German 
colonies  are  not  to  be  apportioned  to  rival 
empires,  but  are  to  be  administered  for  the 
good  of  the  world  by  governments  accepting 
what  are  termed   '"mandates."     Thus  Ger- 


THE    PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


575 


man  Southwest  Africa  is  not  presented  to 
the  British  Empire  or  to  the  South  African 
Government  of  Generals  Botha  and  Smuts, 
but  is  under  control  of  the  League  of  Na- 
tions; and  the  Union  of  South  Africa  will 
exercise  authority  there  on  behalf  of  the 
League.  In  due  time,  if  Germany  conducts 
herself  with  propriety,  she  will  be  admitted 
to  the  League.  And  meanwhile,  peace  be- 
ing fully  established,  Germany  will  have  the 
same  commercial  rights  in  Southwest  Africa 
that  the  League  will  have  established  there 
for  all  Other  countries.  All  nations  may  as 
well  recognize  the  fact  that  the  day  of  colo- 
nial exploitation  is  approaching-  its  end.  If 
Germany  can  see  things  in  the  true  light, 
she  will  discover  that  she  is  playing  in  down- 
right good  luck  to  be  relieved  of  the  burdens 
of  a  colonial  empire  that  it  was  a  deadly  mis- 
take ever  to  have  assumed.  The  best  thing 
that  has  happened  to  Spain  in  two  genera* 
tions  was  to  have  been  separated  from  the 
lingering  remnants  of  her  once  vast  empire. 
Cuba,  at  this  moment,  is  worth  more  to  Spain 
than  at  any  previous  time  in  a  hundred 
years.  The  United  States  assumed  the  atti- 
tude of  a  ''mandatory"  in  looking  after  Span- 
ish and  other  international  interests  in  Cuba 
and  the  Philippines.  Cuba  is  to-day  an  inde- 
pendent country,  and  the  Philippines  will 
have  that  position  in  the  early  future.  When 
Germany  shall  have  made  some  atonement 
for  the  crimes  of  the  recent  war,  she  will 
stand  much  better  with  her  neighbors  and 
with  the  world  at  large  for  having  no  colo- 
nial empire. 

It  should,  of  course,  be  well  un- 
The  Islands     derstood  that  the  mandatory  sys- 

and  Africa  .      -^     / 

tem  must  not  degenerate  mto  im- 
perialism. The  immediate  occasion  of  the 
Great  War  of  1914  was  Austria's  miscon- 
duct in  announcing  the  imperial  annexation 
of  Bosnia — that  district  having  been  assigned 
to  her  by  mandate  of  the  Berlin  Congress  in 
1878  for  temporary  administration.  This 
was  a  trust,  and  Austria  violated  it.  Bosnia 
now  goes,  where  she  naturally  belongs,  with 
the  adjacent  Serbian-speaking  peoples.  The 
former  German  islands  in  the  Pacific  south 
of  the  equator  will  be  administered  by  Aus- 
tralia, and  those  north  of  the  equator  by 
Japan.  It  is  obvious  that  the  more  exten- 
sive the  British  responsibilities  become  in 
Africa,  the  more  necessary  it  becomes  that 
Africa  should  not  be  exploited,  and  that  all 
nations  should  have  equal  commercial  oppor- 
tunities.     If   the  League  of   Nations  is  well 


supported,  and  if  it  rises  to  the  height  of  its 
possibilities,  it  will  steadily  gain  in  influence 
over  the  administration  of  backward  regions. 

In  any  case,  having  lost  the  war, 

Japanese  Ex-    ^^  ^       i  n  i 

citementOuer  Vjermany  had  naturally  no  nope 
China  ^j.  regaining  the  Chinese  port  of 
Kiau-chau  and  the  domination  of  the  Prov- 
ince of  Shantung.  Immediately  following 
the  intense  flare-up  of  the  Italians  over  the 
question  of  Fiume,  there  echoed  throughout 
the  world  a  surprisingly  vigorous  protest 
against  Japan's  claim  to  be  Germany's  lega- 
tee in  China.  It  was  hopeful  and  promising 
that  China  could  speak  out  with  so  much 
unison  of  tone.  All  through  the  period  of 
the  war,  China  has  been  paralyzed  by  civil 
strife  between  her  Northern  and  her  South- 
ern provinces.  Until  she  can  establish  inter- 
nal harmony,  she  will  be  at  a  serious  disad- 
vantage in  outside  affairs.  A  few  years  ago 
she  was  on  the  verge  of  dismemberment  from 
without,  and  the  attitude  of  the  United 
States  and  Japan,  more  than  aught  else, 
saved  her  through  critical  periods  from  the 
imperial  designs  of  Russia  and  Germany,  and 
at  times  of  certain  other  governments  that 
are  not  now  proud  of  the  conspiracies  they 
were  then  fomenting.  All  this  major  danger 
is  at  an  end.  China  has  only  herself  to  fear. 
It  has  been  provided  at  Paris  that  China 
shall  resume  political  sovereignty,  but  that 
Japan  shall  acquire  certain  railroad  and  com- 
mercial concessions  that  had  been  previously 
awarded  to  the  Germans. 


China 


Meanwhile    the    United    States, 
to"6e         Great  Britain,  Japan,  and  other 

vided  with  a  large  fund  for  the  development 
of  her  resources  and  her  transportation  s^'^s- 
tem.  With  her  industrious  and  skilful  popu- 
lation, China  may  progress  so  greatly  in  the 
next  half  century  that  she  will  be  far  beyond 
the  point  of- fearing  external  foes.  It  will  be 
well  for  every  nation  to  think  carefully  about 
China's  future,  and  to  lay  the  foundation  for 
friendship  in  honorable  conduct.  China  has 
need  of  Japan's  help  just  now;  but  Japan  has 
also  even  greater  need  of  access  to  China's 
resources.  The  two  countries  should  learn 
to  cooperate  with  mutual  good-^^■ill. 

Great    Britain    apparentlv    gains 

Britain's  Power  ,      ,  i        ti  '-r*       "  i 

and  much  by  the   reace    1  reaty,  but 

Prestige  ^.j^^^^  alone  Can  tell  whether  ap- 
parent gains  are  assets  or  liabilities.  The 
question    of    freedom    of    the    seas    has    been 


576 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


carefully  ignored  in  order  not  to  disturb 
British  feelings.  The  British  navy,  there- 
fore, will  be  the  chief  police  agency  through- 
out all  the  world's  great  highways  of  trade 
and  travel.  But  the  rules  for  the  govern- 
ment of  the  seas  will  be  established  by  the 
League  of  Nations,  as  it  performs  the  ma- 
jestic task  of  perfecting  and  codifying  inter- 
national law^  It  will  be  a  heavy  expense  for 
Great  Britain  to  police  the  world  for  the 
world's  own  benefit ;  yet  this  is  what  the 
British  state  of  mind  now  demands.  No 
other  nation  except  the  United  States  can 
afford  to  maintain  a  large  navy,  and  Japan 
will  not  be  able  to  keep  up  the  naval  pace. 
We  shall  be  compelled  to  build  merchant 
ships  and  operate  them  under  the  American 
flag,  because  other  ocean-carrying  nations 
will  no  longer  give  our  foreign  trade  the 
facilities  that  we  require.  Britain  will  be  se- 
cure, and  preeminent;  but  her  prestige  will 
be  very  expensive. 

Canada,  Australia,  New  Zea- 
Speaking  land  and  South  Africa  emerge 

Commonwealths         ^^^^      ^^^     ^^j.     ^g     virtually 

independent  countries,  and  will  be  directly 
represented  in  the  League  of  Nations.  Japan's 
principal  object  at  Paris  was  to  secure  full 
recognition  of  other  governments,  on  the 
principle  of  racial  equality.  This  claim  was 
so  resolutely  opposed  by  the  Government  of 
Australia  that  it  met  with  defeat.  The  w^hole 
position  of  Australia  at  Paris  was  that  of  a 
country  independent  of  Great  Britain.  A 
mark  of  the  independence  of  the  Federal 
Government  of  South  Africa  was  the  assign- 
ment to  it  rather  than  to  Great  Britain  of 
the  mandate  to  administer  German  South- 
west Africa.  In  like  manner  the  German 
Islands  were  assigned  to  New  Zealand  and 
Australia.      The    relationships    of    intimacy 


^fO-JiSt  "tCN   LIKE  TO  ^ ^ 
START  SC>MeTHJ^4C»       /*  „^- 

HERE?  ^f^-  f^^ 


GUARANTORS  OF  THE  LEAGUE  OF   NATIONS 

From  the  Tribune  ©  (^«^ew  York) 


and  association  between  Great  Britain  and 
the  rest  of  the  English-speaking  world,  in- 
cluding the  United  States,  bid  fair  to  grow 
more  intimate  rather  than  less ;  but  the  bonds 
will  be  rather  those  of  voluntary  association 
for  mutual  security  and  the  general  good 
than  relationships  involving  old-fashioned 
doctrines  of  authority.  The  tendency  of  an 
enlightened  world  is  now  to  be  towards  the 
removing  of  obstructions  to  trade  between 
countries,  although  revenue  tariffs  and  tem- 
porary forms  of  protection  may  remain. 

American      ^^^  example,  the  United  States 
Tariffs        will   by   general   agreement   per- 

and  Industries         •        ,  i  •      i  c 

mit  the  great  chemical  manufac- 
tures stimulated  here  by  war  conditions  to 
become  firmly  established  before  opening  the 
gates  to  a  German  flood  of  dye-stuffs,  drugs 
and  the  like  which  would  destroy  the  Ameri- 
can industry  at  this  stage  of  its  development. 
This  subject  is  presented  with  much  knowl- 
edge of  the  facts  in  an  article  of  unusual  im- 
portance elsewhere  in  this  number  of  the  Re- 
view by  Professor  Baskerville.  There  are 
doubtless  reasons  of  wise  national  policy  in 
many  countries  for  the  imposition  of  protec- 
tive tariffs,  or  for  the  payment  of  bounties 
upon  merchant  shipping,  or  upon  some  spe- 
cial product  such  as  sugar.  But  wise  states- 
men and  economists  will  look  upon  these  spe- 
cial forms  of  protection  as  but  preliminary 
steps  toward  a  broad  freedom  of  trade  that 
should  be  the  goal  of  those  who  wish  to  pro- 
mote conditions  that  will  make  for  perma- 
nent peace  and  goodwill. 

It  was  on  the  28th  of  April  that 

The  League      t-j        •  i  Ann  j     l 

of  Nations"  in  r  resident    Wilson    appeared    be- 
the  Treaty      f^j.^    ^    plenary    session    of    the 

Peace  Conference  and  presented  the  covenant 
of  the  League  of  Nations  in  its  perfected 
form.  The  changes  comprised  many  im- 
provements in  phraseology,  and  several  im- 
portant suggestions  of  American  origin  had 
been  adopted.  This  constitution  or  "Cove- 
nant" of  the  League  is  made  a  part  of  the 
Treaty  of  Peace,  of  which  it  forms  the  first 
section.  It  is  to  be  remembered  that  the 
Treaty  with  Germany  as  made  public  was 
only  a  summary,  the  great  document  not  hav- 
ing been  given  to  the  press.  We  know 
enough,  however,  through  the  extended  offi- 
cial summary,  to  see  how  important  the 
League  becomes  in  relation  to  the  reconstruc- 
tion of  the  world.  An  immense  number  of 
matters  are  yet  to  be  worked  out  in  detail  or 
else  require  continuous  supervision.     Expert 


THE   PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


577 


committees  of  various  kinds  will  at  once  be 
at  work  under  the  guidance  of  the  execu- 
tive committee  of  the  League.  This  execu- 
tive group  will  consist  of  one  representative 
of  each  of  the  five  principal  Allies  (France, 
Great  Britain,  Italy,  United  States  and 
Japan),  and  four  representatives  of  other 
countries,  these  four  at  the  beginning  being 
Spain,   Belgium,  Greece,  and  Brazil. 

A  Hopeful  'The  great  object  of  the  League 
View  of  This  is  to  promote  law  and  order  in 
eomnino  ^^^  world,  and  to  diminish  the 
appeal  to  arms.  It  will  require  the  investi- 
gation  of  all  disputes  and  it  will  provide 
means  for  judicial  settlement.  Back  of  the 
League  must  be  the  moral  power  of  the 
world's  opinion.  Sustaining  this  moral 
power  during  the  early  future  must  be  the 
armies  and  navies  of  the  principal  Allies. 
There  are  those  who  are  optimistic  enough 
to  believe  that  the  League  can  do  so  much 
for  the  welfare  and  the  progress  of  peoples, 
especially  those  of  Europe,  through  adjust- 
ment of  differences  and  promotion  of  justice 
and  freedom,  that  it  will  acquire  great  pres- 
tige and  be  accorded  increasing  authority,  so 
that  disarmament  may  proceed  gradually  and 
all  nations  gain  relief  from  the  financial  bur- 
dens of  militarism.  There  will  be  many  dif- 
ficulties to  be  encountered,  but  we  believe 
that  the  League  ought  to  be  supported  and 
that  the  United  States  will  have  to  partici- 
pate in  its  labors.  Everything  must  depend 
upon  the  vitality  the  League  gains  from  good- 
will and  good  conduct. 

The  Peace  Treaty,  including  the 
American      League  of  Nations  project  with 

Opinion  .         *=  ^         u  U  11 

Its  amendments,  has  been  well 
received  in  the  United  States ;  and  there  is 
little  reason  to  think  that  if  Germany  should 
accept  it  the  United  States  Senate  w^ould 
greatly  delay  ratification.  Under  our  Con- 
stitution the  state  of  war  continues  technic- 
ally until  the  Treaty  of  Peace  is  ratified  by 
a  two-thirds  vote  of  the  Senate.  It  is  ex- 
ceedingly important  that  we  should  resume 
peace  conditions  in  every  sense  of  the  term. 
Every  facility  should  be  given  to  the  Sena- 
tors for  advance  study  of  the  Treaty,  in  or- 
der to  save  time  and  to  limit  the  period  of 
debate  after  the  President  submits  the  docu- 
ment. It  is,  of  course,  possible  that  some 
modifications  may  be  made  as  a  result  of  the 
many  points  raised  by  the  Germans  in  their 
numerous  memoranda  last  month ;  but  it  is 
not  expected  that  there  will  be  any  vital 
June— 2 


ANXIOUS    MOMENTS — WILL    HE    GIVE    ME    HIS    BOOT 

OR    HIS   BLESSING? 

From  the  Spokesnvan-Reinew  (Spokane,  Wash.) 

changes  that  would  have  a  bearing  upon  the 
action  of  the  United  States  Senate.  The 
Treaty  will  go  first  to  the  Committee  on 
Foreign  Relations,  of  which  Senator  Lodge 
of  Massachusetts  now  becomes  chairman. 


Tiie  Senate 
and  the 
Treaty 


The  President,  by  cable  from 
Paris,  had  called  the  new  Re- 
publican Congress  into  special 
session  on  May  19.  At  the  close  of  the  last 
session  Republican  Senators,  under  the  lead 
of  Mr.  Lodge  to  the  number  of  nearly  forty, 
had  signed  a  paper  sharply  protesting  against 
certain  features  of  the  first  draft  of  the 
League  of  Nations  project.  This  number 
of  Republican  Senators  would  suffice  to  re- 
ject the  Treaty;  but  it  is  not  now  believed 
that  many  Senators — if  any — will  vote 
against  the  terms  of  peace  as  perfected.  It 
will  be  quite  possible  for  the  Senate  to  ratify 
the  Treaty  and  at  the  same  time  to  adopt 
a  declaratory  statement  embodying  its  under- 
standing regarding  the  policies  of  the  United 
States.  Many  of  the  Senators  are  of  opin- 
ion that  the  most  vital  of  the  objections 
raised  three  months  ago  by  Republican  Sena- 
tors have  been  met  in  the  final  draft  of  the 
League  covenant.  While  careful  study  and 
frank  discussion  are  not  only  permissible  but 
imperative,  it  is  reasonable  to  hope  that  the 
Senate  may  see  its  way  to  an  acceptance  of 
the  Treaty  when  presented  without  a  long 
period  of  delay.  Friends  of  the  League  must 
remember  that  the  Treaty  will  also  be  ana- 


578 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


@  Harris  &  Ewiiig 

HON.   ALBERT  B.   CUMMINS,  OF  IOWA 
(Selected  as   President  pro  tern  of  the   Senate) 

lyzed  and  debated  in  the  British  Parliament 
and  the  French  Chambers,  and  will  be  the 
subject  of  searching  discussion  in  Italy  and 
Japan,  while  the  enemy  countries  will  be 
torn  with  passionate  controversy  in  the  proc- 
ess of  adjusting  themselves  to  the  situation, 
provided  their  delegates  sign  the  Treaty. 

^       .  .        With  the  change  from  a  Demo- 

Organizing  .  n  i  i  •  •       • 

the  cratic  to  a  Republican  majority, 

the  Senate  has  undergone  the 
customary  shift  in  the  party  complexion  of 
committees.  It  was  inevitable  that  there 
should  be  some  sharp  disputes  between  the 
old-time  leaders  of  the  conservative  wing  of 
the  party  and  the  Western  Progressives.  The 
principle  of  seniority  recognition  operated  in 
favor  of  the  old  leaders  like  Lodge,  Penrose, 
Gallinger  and  Warren.  In  the  matter  of 
filling  the  distinguished  post  of  President 
pro  tern — the  officer  who  must  under  the 
Constitution  preside  over  the  body  in  the 
absence  of  the  Vice  President  of  the  United 
States — the  Progressives  were  permitted  to 
name  their  choice.  The  honor  was  unani- 
mously accorded  to  Senator  Albert  B.  Cum- 
mins of  Iowa,  than  whom  no  member  of  the 
Senate  is  better  fitted  by  digiuty,  exnerience 
and  ability  to  be  the  titular  head  of  the  upper 


(r)  Harris  &  Ewing 


HON.   BOISE  PENROSE,   OF   PENNSYLVANIA 
(A  leader  of  the  conservative  Republican  Senators) 

house.  Senator  Cummins  is  also  Chair- 
man of  the  Interstate  Commerce  Committee, 
and  will  thus  have  a  foremost  part  in  the 
devising  of  the  new  legislation  under  which 
the  railroads  will  return  from  Government 
operation  to  private  management. 


Progressives 

Assert  Their 

Views 


Senator  Penrose  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, though  the  ranking  Re- 
publican member  of  the  Finance 
Committee,  was  unacceptable  to  the  Western 
Progressives  for  the  Chairmanship;  but  their 
views  did  not  prevail  and  Penrose  was  fa- 
vored in  the  preliminary  proceedings.-  There 
was  a  period  when  the  so-called  **stand-pat- 
ters"  dominated  the  Senate  in  a  supercilious 
way,  and  undertook  to  outlaw  the  Progres- 
sive Republicans  of  the  West  who  opposed  ' 
the  worst  features  of  the  Payne-Aldrich 
tariff.  The  old  wing  has  now  abandoned 
that  reactionary  pose,  and  has  experienced 
a  considerable  change  of  heart.  The  Senate 
will  not  be  dominated  by  a  clique  or  a  party 
faction,  and  every  Senator  will  insist  upon 
his  own  full  rights  regardless  of  Chairman- 
ships and  defiant  of  caucuses.  The  country 
as  a  whole  is  decidedly  Progressive ;  and  old 
leaders,  to  keep  their  places,  must  go  for- 
ward with  the  times. 


THE   PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


579 


Naturally  the  Republicans  hope 
Republican     for    Victory    in    the    Presidential 

Prospects  ,         .  at^,  .,, 

election  next  year.  1  hey  will 
not  win,  however,  by  fault-finding,  by  scold- 
ing, or  by  abusing  President  Wilson.  If 
they  are  to  carry  the  country,  it  must  be  not 
because  the  country  condemns  the  Democrats 
but  because  the  country  believes  the  Repub- 
licans are,  upon  the  whole,  better  fitted  for 
the  great  problems  of  the  reconstruction 
period.  We  need  the  highest  order  of  finan- 
cial ability  ( 1 )  to  cut  down  waste  and  ex- 
travagance in  expenditure;  (2)  to  reduce 
taxes;  and  (3)  to  handle  the  problems  of  our 
domestic  debt  and  our  financial  relations  with 
Europe.  We  shall  also  need  the  best  talent 
in  the  country  to  deal  with  military  and 
naval  problems,  and  to  get  the  maximum  of 
defensive  strength  at  a  minimum  of  cost.  We 
shall  need  extraordinary  business  ability  to 
take  up  and  carry  on  the  policy  of  creating 
the  necessary  merchant  marine.  As  for  the 
railroad  question,  it  is  one  of  the  most  funda- 
mental and  critical  problems  this  country  has 
ever    faced.      We    need    able    and    brilliant 


©  Harris  &  Ewlng 

HON.    JAMES    W.    GOOD,   OF   IOWA 

(Congressman  Good  as  Chairman  of  the  House  Committee 
on  Appropriations  will  play  a  leading  part  in  the  special 
session.  Seven  of  the  annual  apjjrojjriation  hills  faile(i 
of  passage  in  the  last  IFouse,  hesides  the  measure  pro- 
viding funds  for  the  Railroad  Administration.  New 
legislation  will  have  to  he  passed  by  both  House  and 
Senate.) 


Statesmanship  to  adopt  and  carry  out  a  land 
improvement  and  settlement  policy  on  a  great 
scale.  Questions  of  labor  and  immigration 
must  be  treated  with  breadth,  sympathy  and 
courage.  What  the  country  wants  from  the 
Republican  party  is  constructive  statesman- 
ship. Those  Republican  leaders  will  be  wise 
who  have  frankness  enough  to  recognize  the 
many  valuable  things  that  the  Democrats 
have  done,  including  their  support  of  the 
series  of  war  measures  that  emanated  from 
the  patriotism  and  the  necessities  of  the 
whole  country. 

Saloons  ^^^  American  people  are  ap- 
*o^c/o5e  proaching  the  date  set  for  full 
prohibition  of  the  liquor  traffic 
under  President  Wilson's  declaration  of  war 
policy.  Unless  this  decision  should  be  with- 
drawn before  June  30th  (which  has  been  ex- 
pected in  no  quarter),  July  1  will  find  a 
"dry"  nation.  The  President  is  authorized 
to  maintain  this  status  through  the  period  of 
demobilization.  In  any  case,  prohibition  un- 
der the  new  Eighteenth  Amendment  of  the 
Constitution  takes  effect  in  January.  The 
distilling  and  brewing  interests  have  been,  for 
the  most  part,  busy  in  finding  new  spheres  of 
effort.  Realizing  the  approach  of  prohibi- 
tion, most  of  them  had  long  ago  discounted 
the  situation  and  fully  written  off  the  depre- 
ciation in  advance.  Through  exceedingly 
high  prices,  also,  they  have  recouped  them- 
selves in  selling  out  their  accumulated  stocks 
of  liquor.  On  account  of  the  scarcity  of 
building  space,  due  to  the  suspension  of  con- 
struction of  houses  and  stores  during  the  war 
period,  there  will  be  a  keen  demand  for  the 
vacated  saloon  properties  at  high  rentals  for 
other  business  uses.  So  great  is  the  demand 
for  workers  in  many  fields  that  men  displaced 
by  the  shut-down  of  the  liquor  traffic  can 
readily  find  better  kinds  of  employment. 
Many  people  are  afraid  that  the  new  era  of* 
nation-wide  prohibition  will  be  hard  to  main- 
tain and  will  create  incidental  evils.  On 
the  other  hand,  it  promises  immense  social 
benefits,  and  the  country  ought  to  accept  it 
hopefully  and  make  it  a  great  success. 

The  Postmaster  General  has  not 

Returning        111  •  •   i  1 

the  "Wire"  had  a  happy  experience  with  ad- 
eruices  ministcriug  the  wire  services. 
The  taking  over  of  the  ocean  cables  was  a 
logical  step  in  completion  of  the  policy  en- 
tered upon  by  the  Administration  wlieii  it 
took    in    hand    the    teleplione    and    telegraph 


580 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


lines  of  the  country.  The  ocean  cables,  how- 
ever, were  not  assumed  until  after  the  armis- 
tice; and  it  was  charged  that  there  could 
have  been  no  war  necessity  to  justify.  The 
Administration  was  accused  of  seizing  the 
cables  in  order  to  control  the  news  from 
Paris,  the  President  being  then  abroad ;  but 
this  charge  was  not  proved.  Early  last 
month  the  cables  were  returned  to  their 
owners,  and  it  was  announced  that  the  tele- 
graph and  telephone  lines  would  also  be 
handed  back  in  the  near  future,  some  legisla- 
tion being  deemed  requisite  by  Mr.  Burleson. 
Meanwhile,  there  had  been  turmoil,  espe- 
cially in  the  telephone  service,  because  of  de- 
mands for  wage  increase ;  and  it  had  been 
found  necessary  to  increase  telegraph  rates, 
which  annoyed  the  public.  Mr.  Burleson 
•was  the  victim  of  unmeasured  criticism, 
much  of  which  was  not  justified.  He  has 
long  been  an  enthusiastic  believer  in  the  per- 
manent operation  of  telegraph  and  telephone 
lines  as  a  part  of  the  postal  service.  He  con- 
siders that  the  war  conditions  have  not  given 
public  operation  a  fair  chance  to  show  what 
it  can  do.  There  is  much  to  be  said  for  his 
views  in  point  of  theory,  but  little  reason  to 
think  that  public  ownership  and  operation 
would  work  well  in  practice  under  existing 
American  conditions. 


means  have  been  attracted  to  it  in  such  vast 
numbers,  in  spite  of  the  absence  of  the  war 
stimulus,  and  in  spite  of  a  year  of  high  taxes, 
high  cost  of  living  and  the  many  financial 
and  industrial  derangements  coming  in  the 
transition  period  between  war  activities  and 
settled  peace. 


The 

Course  of 

Fricea 


The 


In  spite  of  many  anticipatory 
Victory  Loan  doubts,  the  Campaign  to  sell  the 
"Qoesover"  $4^500,000,000  Victory  notes 
closed,  on  May  10,  in  a  blaze  of  glory.  It 
was  estimated  by  the  Treasury  officials  that 
more  than  fifteen  million  people  were  sub- 
scribers to  this  last  of  our  World  War  bond 
issues.  Practically  every  district  in  the  coun- 
try subscribed  more  than  the  quota  assigned 
to  it.  As  the  total  amount  of  the  loan  will 
be  strictly  limited  to  the  $4,500,000,000, 
while  subscribers  to  sums  of  $10,000  and  less 
_will  receive  all  the  notes  they  asked  for,  it  is 
evident  that  larger  subscribers  will  have  their 
allotments  cut  down  quite  generally.  It  was 
thought  that  the  total  of  subscriptions  might 
reach  six  billion  dollars  or  more.  One  of  the 
very  best  features  of  this  tremendous  sale  of 
securities  was  that,  more  than  in  any  pre- 
vious loan,  the  bonds  were  actually  distrib- 
uted to  individuals,  relieving  the  banks  of 
the  necessity  of  bolstering  up  the  loan  and 
leaving  their  resources  freer  for  industrial 
requirements.  The  result  brings  great  credit 
to  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  Carter  Glass 
for  his  wisdom  in  so  fixing  the  terms  of  the 
issue  that  investors  of  small   and   moderate 


The  most  important  and  puz- 
zling  single  economic  question  in 
this  post-war  transition  period  is 
whether  the  high  prices  of  war-times  are  now 
to  disappear  quickly  or  whether  America  is 
in  for  a  protracted  period  of  high  prices  for 
everything  that  the  individual  or  industrial 
organization  has  to  buy,  prices  that  look  ut- 
terly abnormal  beside  those  of  the  generation 
preceding  the  great  war.  It  is  not  of  so  much 
importance  that  prices  are  high  as  that  people 
should  know  whether  the  high  level  is  going 
to  persist.  Tens  of  thousands  of  people 
would  like  to  begin  building  houses,  for  in- 
stance, but  do  not  dare  to  enter  on  such  en- 
terprises until  they  are  reasonably  certain  that 
next  year  the  newly  erected  structures  will 
be  worth  something  like  what  they  will  cost 
this  year.  This  doubt  and  holding-off  is  most 
largely  responsible  for  the  stagnant  condition 
of  industry  in  America  now — for  mills  run- 
ning on  half  time,  and  copper  mines  afraid 
to  produce  metal  that  may  not  be  salable 
at  a  profit. 


Money 
/nflation 


In  the  war  period  the  money  in 
circulation  in  the  United  States 
has  increased  from  $35.00  per 
capita  to  $54.56.  This  extraordinary  change 
in  less  than  five  years  has  come  about  largely 
because  ( 1 )  the  United  States  has  received 
in  this  period  a  billion  dollars  gold  from  Eu- 
rope; because  (2)  we  have  issued  Federal 
Reserve  notes  against  Liberty  bonds  to  the 
amount  of  more  than  another  billion  dollars, 
and  because  (3)  the  bank  deposits  have  been 
increased  more  than  three  billion  dollars  by 
loans  against  Liberty  bonds.  Few  people 
expect  any  general  reduction  of  wages  in  the 
near  future,  certainly  not  until  the  cost  of 
living  has  subsided  to  such  a  point  that  re- 
duced payments  to  labor  will  give  the  work- 
man as  much  of  the  necessities  and  comforts 
of  life  as  he  is  receiving  now  for  a  larger 
money  wage.  But  the  all-important  thing 
for  the  individual  and  for  the  industrial  or- 
ganization is  to  form  a  reasonably  correct 
judgment  of  the  course  of  prices.  No  one 
has  been  more  helpful  in  analyzing  the  causes 
of    price    changes   and    the    probable    future 


THE    PROGRESS    OF    THE    WORLD 


581 


course  of  the  cost  of  living  than  Dr.  Irving 
Fisher,  of  ^'ale,  who  undertakes  in  this  issue 
of  the  Ri-vniW  (see  page  591)  to  answer  the 
question  w  hether  we  are  facing  a  post-war 
period  of  fwirly  stable  high  prices. 

'I'hese  are  the  months,   just  be- 
^FaZlt       fore  the  new  harvest,  when  Eu- 
^'"'^         rope   is   feeling   most  keenly   the 
pinch  of  hunger  and  when  America  is  send- 
ing the  greatest  supplies  of  foodstuffs  abroad. 
It^is,    in    Mr.    Hoover's   words,    ''the  worst 
phase    of    the    European    famine    inevitable 
after  tlie  war.     With  50,000,000  men  in  Eu- 
rope out  of  production  and  turned  to  work 
of  destruction  there  could  be  no  other  end- 
ing."    A  hirge  and  energetic  organization  is 
enabling  the  Economic  Food  Council  to  cope 
with  the  situation.     America,  it  is  estimated, 
will    have   sent   29,000,000   tons   of   food   to 
Europe   during  the  year   ending  with  July, 
the    total    valued    at    about    $2,500,000,000. 
After  the  first  of  August,  Europe's  own  har- 
vests will   probably  feed  her  people  for  sev- 
eral months.     The  countries  of  our  Allies  in 
the    war    are    being   supplied    through    funds 
appropriated    by   Congress;   enemy   and   neu- 
tral countries  are  paying  cash  for  what  they 
receive.       Mr.    Hoover    believes    that    these 
great    demands    from    abroad    will    not   only 
prevent  any   lowering  of  food   prices  in  the 
United    States,  but  may  cause  a  decided  in- 
crease of   price  even   from   the   present   high 
levels,  unless  there  is  firm  Government  con- 
trol of  prices. 

It  appears  probable  that  the  new 
RnuX'nd       Congress  called  by  the  President 
Rrobie.m       ^^  couvcne  on  May  19  will  pro- 
ceed rapidly,  after  the  peace  treaty  is  disposed 
of,   to  attack  the  railway  problem,  which  is 
gro\\  ing   formidable  with   accelerated   rapid- 
itv.      Director-General    Hines    is    expecting, 
later  in  the  year,  operating  results  not  so  bad 
as  those   now  being  published  ;  but  thus   far 
each  month  is  worse  than  the  one  preceding; 
and  the  unprejudiced  observer  can  only  look 
for   the    early   disappearance   of    all    net    in- 
C(jme    whatsoever.      Only   five    railroads   out 
ot   the  entire  list  earned  enough   in   1918  to 
save    the    ( lovernment    a    deficit    after    the 
stand ;m(1  return  was  paid.     According  to  the 
Government  reports  there  were  recently  145,- 
000    more    employees    on    the    Government- 
operated  roads  than  there  were  in  December, 
1^17,    the    last   month   of   private   operation, 
and  this  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  these  roads 
"v^-ere  showing   in   the   spring   of    1919    from 


"^IMz 


NOTHING   TO    DO    BUT    VV^ALK 
From  the  Evening  Tefegram   (New  York) 

4,000,000,000  to  9,000,000,000  less  ton  miles 
of  freight  traffic  per  month  than  they  were 
doing  a  year  before.  Mr.  Hines  is  an  able 
and  energetic  manager  and  that  he  is  a  ca- 
pable man  makes  the  actual  results  look  all 
the  worse  for  Government  ownership.  En- 
thusiasm for  a  nationalized  railroad  system 
is  at  a  low  ebb. 

One  of  the  depressing  features  of 
a  Railroad     the  problem  of  the  railroads  has 
Policy  been  the  diversity  and  conflict  of 

opinion  as  to  the  w^ay  out  of  the  present 
trouble.  There  have  been  almost  as  many 
conflicting  programs  as  program  -  makers. 
Some  focusing  of  conviction  is  now  appar- 
ent. In  addresses  before  the  Economic  Club 
of  N^ew  York  on  May  9,  Director-General 
Hines,  President  Howard  Elliot,  of  thn 
Northern-  Pacific,  and  Senator  Albert  B. 
Cummins  advocated  measures  for  relief  ot 
the  situation  that  showed  very  little  conflict 
of  opinion.  The  importance  of  their  agree- 
ment is  heightened  by  the  fact  that  Senator 
Cummins  will  be  Chairman  of  the  Senate 
Committee  on  Interstate  Commerce.  Their 
programs  agreed  in  providing  for  the  return 
of  the  railroads  to  private  operation  xnider 
radically  new^  forms  of  regulation.  All  three 
recommended,  too,  that  instead  of  several 
hundred  individual  railroad  corporations 
there  should  be  regional  groupings  of  the 
roads  into  not  more  than  fifteen  or  twent> 
large   companies,   each   of   the   consolidations 


582 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OE    REVIEWS 


to  include  the  weak  as  well  as  the  strong 
roads  of  its  region.  The  only  essential  dis- 
agreement, in  fact,  was  that  Senator  Cum- 
mins and  Director-General  Hines  favored 
making  this  process  of  consolidation. compul- 
sory, on  the  ground  that  if  it  were  discre- 
tionary it  would  never  be  fully  accomplished, 
while  Mr.  Elliot  felt  that  the  merging  should 
only  be  "urged"  on  the  existing  lines. 


The  importance  of  the  regional 

The  Value  of  ^•  i    ^'  c  M  j       •     ^ 

Regional  Consolidation  or  railroads  into  a 
Grouping  ^^^^^  great  Companies  lies  in  its 
bearing  on  rate-makiiig.  The  bugbear  of 
rate-fixing  has  always  been  the  impossibility 
of  making  rates  high  enough  for  weak  roads 
without  getting  them  so  high  that  the  pros- 
perous lines  would  make  altogether  too  great 
a  profit.  The  result  has  been  schedules  of 
rates  that  were  utterly  inadequate  for  tens 
of  thousands  of  miles  of  weaker  roads  which 
have  been  starved  into  a  condition  where  it 
was  quite  impossible  to  give  the  service  the 
public  ought  to  have.  If  all  the  railroads  of 
New  England,  however,  are  consolidated  into 
one  company,  including  the  strongest  and 
weakest,  the  problem  becomes  comparatively 
easy.  Mr.  Hines  suggested  that  the  Govern- 
ment regulatory  bodies  should  be  represented 
on  the  boards  of  directors  of  the  railroads 
to  obtain  better  cooperation.  He  decried  the 
public  tendency  to  think  of  our  American 
railroads  as  over-capitalized,  terming  this  a 
"popular  misconception,"  and  one  of  the 
most  serious  obstacles  to  fair  and  effective 
regulation. 

The     Boy     Scouts     of     America 

Stand  by         ,     ,        .      cr        •       ^  •        l 

the  Boy        helped  eiiectively  to  win  the  war. 

Scoutsi  Xhey  are  not  under  militaristic 
influences  or  ideals,  but  in  a  time  when  "the 
nation  needed  every  ounce  of  its  manpower 
in  service  either  in  France  or  at  home  it  was 
fortunate  that  its  boypower  was  not  lacking 
in  organization  or  training  for  the  tasks  that 
fell  to  it.  How  well  those  tasks  were  done 
was  told  last  month  by  President  Wilson  in 
a  proclamation  designating  the  period  begin- 
ning on  June  8  and  ending  on  Flag  Day, 
June  14,  as  "Boy  Scout  Week,"  to  be  ob- 
served throughout  the  country  in  a  united 
effort  to  strengthen  the  work  of  the  Boy 
Scouts.  It  is  urged  that  this  national  effort 
be  directed  to  three  ends — (1)  an  increase 
in  the  membership  (there  are  10,000,000 
boys  of  Scout  age  in  America  and  only  375,- 
000  Scouts)  ;  (2)  enrollment  of  adult  vol- 
unteers   as   leaders,    associate    members,    and 


advisers,  and  (3)  contributions  of  money 
and  equipment  to  enable  this  worthy  organi- 
zation to  make  the  most  of  its  big  opportu- 
nity. Two  articles  on  pages  623-629  show 
in  outline  how  the  Scouts  are  measuring  up 
to  their  responsibilities  and  how  they  are  fit- 
ting themselves  for  leadership  in  the  days  to 
come.  They  are  brief  statements,  but  to  the 
thoughtful  man  and  woman  they  are  a  reve- 
lation of  the  American  boy-life  of  to-day. 
The  war  gave  us  all  a  new  conception  of  the 
value  of  American  manhood.  Let  us  keep 
the  standard  high  by  doing  what  we  can  to 
keep  American  boyhood  sound  and  alert  and 
"prepared." 


Ocean 
Flying 


Readers  of  the  article  in  the 
May  Review  on  "Travel  by 
Air  Routes  over  Land  and  Sea" 
must  have  gained  a  realizing  sense  that  the 
dream  of  transoceanic  flight  was  fast  ap- 
proaching the  stage  of  actuality.  That  arti- 
cle described  the  great  "NC"  seaplanes 
equipped  and  manned  by  the  Navy  Depart- 
ment, and  outlined  the  plans  that  had  been 
made  for  an  ocean  patrol  of  torpedo-boat 
destroyers  from  Newfoundland  to  the 
Azores,  and  other  careful  preparations  for 
the  safety  of  the  hardy  navigators  of  the  air 
who  had  been  chosen  to  make  the  trial  voy- 
age to  Europe.  Two  of  these  giant  flying 
boats,  each  with  a  wing  spread  of  125  feet, 
propelled  by  four  Liberty  motors,  giving  a 
total  of  1600  horsepower,  and  carrying  a 
crew  of  five  men,  left  Rockaway  Beach,  near 
New  York  City,  on  the  morning  of  May  8 
and  easily  covered  the  distance  of  540  miles 
to  Halifax  in  nine  hours.  Two  days  later 
they  arrived  at  Trepassey  Bay,  Newfound- 
land, completing  the  first  "leg"  of  the  jour- 
ney from  the  United  States  to  England. 
There  they  awaited  favorable  weather  condi- 
tions before  attempting  the  "hop"  of  1200 
miles  to  the  Azores. 

Meanwhile,     the    NC-4,    which 
The  Azores     had    been    compelled    by    engine 

Reached  ,  ,  ,         ,  ^         i\  r  ^ 

trouble  to  land  on  the  Massa- 
chusetts coast  during  the  first  flight  of  the 
seaplanes  from  Rockaway  to  Halifax,  re- 
sumed her  voyage  on  May  14  and  made  a 
record  by  sending  a  wireless  message  to  the 
Navy  Department  at  Washington  and  re- 
ceiving a  reply,  all  within  three  minutes! 
She  rejoined  her  sister  seaplanes  at  Trepassey 
Bay  and  at  six  o'clock  p.  m.  (New  York 
time)  on  May  16  all  three  started  for  the 
Azores.     For    the     first     half     of     the    trip 


THE    PROGRESS    OF    THE    JfORLD 


583 


rhulugrai)lis  by  Internationai  Film  ^eiviie 

THE  THREE  SEAPLANES  OF   THE   UNITED   STATES   NAVY   LEAVING   NEW   YORK.   AT  THE  START  OF 

THEIR  TRANSATLANTIC  FLIGHT 

(Seaplanes  arise  from  and  alight  upon  the  water) 


weather  conditions  were  all  that  could  be  de- 
sired and  good  speed  was  maintained.  With 
the  morning  came  heavy  fogs  that  made 
progress  difficult,  but  the  NC-4,  directed  by 
Lieut. -Commander  A.  G.  Read,  with  a  crew 
of  five  men,  landed  on  the  island  of  Fayal, 
of  the  Azores  group,  fifteen  hours  and  eight- 
een minutes  after  her  departure  from  New- 
foundland. The  NC-3  (Commander  Tow- 
ers) and  the  NC-1  (Lieut.-Commander  Bel- 
linger) were  less  fortunate,  being  compelled 
to  come  down  in  the  open  ocean.  The  great 
point  is  that  mid-ocean  has  been  spanned  by 
American  airmen  in  a  type  of  ship  devised 
and  perfected  by  American  brain,  initiative, 
and  energy.  All  credit  is  due  to  the  Navy 
Department,  which  has  been  at  work  for  two 
years  in  preparation  for  this  outcome,  as  well 
as  to  the  brave  men  who  manned  the  aircraft. 
In  striking  contrast  with  the  great,  powerful 
machines  that  flew  from  Trepassey  Bay  is 
the  tiny  Sopwith  plane  in  which  the  British 
fliers,  Henry  G.  Hawker  and  Lieut.-Com- 
mander Mackenzie  Grieve,  took  the  air  at 
St.  John's,  N.  F.,  on  May  18  for  a  flight  to 
the  Irish  coast.  For  a  time  everyone  hoped 
against  hope  that  so  bold  a  challenge  of  the 
elements  might  have  its  reward  in  a  success- 
ful   landing. 

j^^  Not  content  with  showing  what 

"Blimp's-'      could  be  done  with  seaplanes  on 

Perfornuiiice         ,  i         xt  ■»  t  i    i 

the  ocean,  the  Navy  on  May  14 
started  a  dirigible  ("C-5")  from  Montauk 
Point,   L.   I.,   for  a  non-stop  flight  to   New- 


foundland. The  "Blimp"  behaved  admirably 
in  the  heavy  weather  that  was  encountered, 
and  completed  the  trip  of  over  1200  miles  to 
St.  John's  within  twenty-six  hours  of  con- 
tinuous day-and-night  flying.  There  seemed 
no  reason  to  doubt  that  she  could  have  gone 
on  across  the  Atlantic.  Her  performance 
was  calculated  to  Inspire  confidence  in  the 
dirigible  as  a  transoceanic  airship.  The  fact 
that  the  *'C-5"  was  later  torn  from  her  moor- 
ings by  the  stiff  winds  of  the  Newfoundland 
coast  and  driven  out  to  sea  in  no  way  de- 
tracts from  the  importance  of  her  feat.  A 
suitable  hangar  should  have  been  provided. 


TlIK    NAVIGATOR    AXD    HIS    1  X  STRT  M  F.XTS 

(Steering  for  and  finding  a  small  group  of  islands 
1200  miles  out  at  sea,  while  traveling  night  and  ilav 
at  the  rate  of  a  mile  a  minute,  retjuircs  many  delicate 
instrununts-sevcral  being  constructed   for  the  occasion) 


RECORD  OF  CURRENT  EVENTS 

{From  April  15  to  May  15,  1919) 


SIR    JAMES    ERIC    DRUMMOND,    SECRETARY-GENERAL 

OF   THE   LEAGUE    OF    NATIONS 

(The    chief   organizer   and    director   of   the    League    was 

formerly    private   secretary    to    the    British    Secretary    of 

State  for   Foreign   Affairs — first  under   Sir  Edward   Grey 

and  more  recently  under  Mr.  Balfour) 

THE  PEACE  CONFERENCE  AT  PARIS 

April  16. — The  associated  powers  agree  on 
sending  food  to  Russia,  on  condition  that  the  Bol- 
shevists cease  hostilities;  the  work  to  be  organized 
by  a  neutral  commission  under  Dr.  Nansen,  the 
Norwegian  explorer. 

April  18. — It  is  reported  in  Paris  that  Presi- 
dent Wilson  has  yielded  to  the  French  demand 
for  guarantee  of  aid  if  France  should  be  attacked 
again    by    Germany. 

April  19. — It  is  reported  that  Great  Britain  and 
France  have  arran'T;ed  a  new  alliance,  more  spe- 
cific than  the  old  "entente  cordiale." 

April  20. — After  many  days  of  consideration 
of  counter-claims  to  the  Adriatic  coast,  by  Italians 
and  Jugoslavs,  President  Wilson  withdraws  from 
further  participation   in   the  discussion. 

April  23. — President  Wilson  issues  a  statement 
on  the  controversy  over  Fiume,  explaining  his 
reasons  for  insisting  that  the  port  should  be  as- 
signed to  the  Jugoslavs,  as  their  only  outlet  to  the 
sea,   rather  than   to  the   Italians. 

April  24. — Premier  Orlando  of  Italy  issues  a 
statement — in  the  nature  of  a  reply  to  President 
Wilson — setting  forth  the.  Italian  claim  to  Fiume. 

584 


It  is  officially  denied  at  Washington  that  the 
President  has  entered  into  any  secret  alliance  with 
France. 

April  25. — It  is  stated  that  the  Polish  question 
has  been  finally  solved,  granting  to  Poland  a 
"corridor"  across  East  Prussia  to  the  Baltic  Sea, 
with  Danzig  a  free  city  under  the  League  of 
Nations,  and  with  East  Prussia  accorded  right 
of  way   across  the  corridor. 

April  25-26. — The  three  principal  members  of 
the  Italian  delegation — Premier  Orlando,  Foreign 
Minister  Sonnino,  and  ex-Premier  Salandra — 
abandon  the  sessions  of  the  Conference  and  re- 
turn to  Rome  as  a  protest  against  the  public  ap- 
peal  of  President  Wilson. 

April  26. — The  Council  of  Three  approves  the 
reports  of  the  Commission  on  Ports  and  High- 
ways   and    the    Commission    on    Finance. 

April  27. — The  report  of  the  Commission  on 
International  Labor  Legislation  is  made  public; 
an  International  Labor  Office  is  to  be  established 
at  the  seat  of  the  League  of  Nations,  to  collect 
and  distribute  information,  and  an  annual  inter- 
national conference  is  provided  for,  with  each 
country  sending  two  Government  delegates  and 
one   each   from   employers   and   employees. 

April  28. — The  revised  covenant  of  the  League 
of  Nations  is  presented  to  the  plenary  session  of 
the  Conference ;  President  Wilson,  as  chairman  of 
the  commission,  explains  alterations  that  had  been 
made — mostly  as  a  result  of  constructive  criti" 
cism  in  the  United  States. 

April  30. — The  Council  of  Three  decides  to 
transfer  German  concessions  at  Kiau-chau  to 
Japan ;  under  treaty  agreements,  which  China 
seeks  to  repudiate,  Japan  has  agreed  ultimately 
to  restore  the  territory  to  China. 

May  1. — At  Versailles,  the  German  plenipoten- 
tiaries to  the  Peace  Congress  present  their  cre- 
dentials. 

May  5. — The  organizing  committee  of  the 
League  of  Nations  holds  its  first  meeting;  Sir 
Eric  Drummond,  of  Great  Britain,  takes  office  as 
secretary-general. 

May  6. — The  Council  of  Three  agrees  upon 
the  disposition  of  former  German  colonies — Great 
Britain  and  her  colonies  and  dominions  becoming 
mandatories  for  German  East  Africa,  German 
Southwest  Africa,  and  the  German  islands  in  the 
South  Pacific;  Japan  becomes  mandatory  for  the 
islands  north  of  the  equator. 

May  7. — At  Versailles,  a  treaty  of  peace — 
framed  by  representatives  of  the  twenty-seven 
Allied  and  associated  powers  in  conference  at 
Paris  since  January  18 — is  handed  to  the  German 
plenipotentiaries  (see  page  636)  ;  fifteen  days  are 
allowed  the  Germans  to  submit  observations  in 
writing. 

It  is  announced  that  President  Wilson  has 
pledged  himself  to  propose  to  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States,  and  Premier  Lloyd  George  has 
pledged  himself  to  propose  to  the  Parliament  of 


RECORD    OF   CURRENT  EVENTS 


585 


Great  Britain,  an  engagement — subject  to  the  ap- 
proval of  the  Council  of  the  League  of  Nations — 
to  come  immediately  to  the  assistance  of  France  in 
case  of  unprovoked  attack  by  Germany. 

The  Italian  delegates  return  to  Paris,  upon  in- 
vitation. 

May  ,11. — The  German  President,  Friedrich 
Ebert,  denounces  the  peace  treaty  as  a  "monstrous 
document,"  without  precedent  in  history  for  the 
treatment  of  a  vanquished  people. 

May  12. — Philipp  Scheidemann,  German  Chan- 
cellor, in  a  speech  before  the  National  Assembly, 
characterizes  the  peace  treaty  as  a  sentence  of 
sixty  million  people  to  hard  labor  with  their  own 
land  a  prison  camp. 

A  petition  from  the  Korean  people  is  received, 
asking  for  recognition  as  an  independent  state  and 
nullification  of  the  treaty  of  1919  under  which 
Japan  virtually  annexed  Korea. 

May  14. — The  Austrian  peace  delegation,  headed 
by   Chancellor   Karl   Renner,    arrives    in   Paris. 

AMERICAN  POLITICS  AND  GOVERNMENT 

April  17. — The  Iowa  House  of  Representatives 
adopts  a  resolution  censuring  Governor  Harding 
for  his  action  in  a  pardon  case,  rejecting  a  com- 
mittee's   impeachment    recommendation. 

April  18. — The  New  York  legislature  places  a 
State  tax  of  from  1  to  3  per  cent,  on  incomes,  and 
increases  the  corporation  tax  (from  3  per  cent.)  to 
4J^  per  cent. 

April    22. — The   Pennsylvania    House    passes    a 


(r)  Paul  Thompson 

HON.  LEWIS  NIXON,  NEW  YORK  CITY's   NEW  PUBLIC 
SERVICE    COMMISSIONER 

(A  commission  of  five  members  has  been  abolished,  and 
Mr.  Nixon  becomes  sole  vvatchdoj^  for  the  people  of  tiie 
mctroi)olis  in  all  matters  i)ertaiiiinRf  to  transportation, 
lighting,  and  other  services  rendered  by  public  utilities. 
Mr.  Nixon  became  known  to  the  country  a  yuarter  of  a 
century  ago  as  designer  and  constructor  of  warships  and 
merchant  vessels.  He  has  had  wide  experience  as  an 
executive  in   large  manufacturing  enterprises) 


Harris  &  Ewing 

HON.    JOSEPH    W.    FORDNEY,   OF    MICHIGAN 

(As   Chairman  of  the  Ways  and   Means   Committee   Mr. 
Fordney  will  occupy  a  post  of  vast  importance  and  use- 
fulness   in    the   new   House  as    organized   by  the   Repub- 
lican majority) 

woman-suffrage  amendment  to  the  State  constitu- 
tion, a  similar  measure  having  been  rejected  two 
years  earlier. 

April  23. — The  Rhode  Island  House  (following 
similar  action  in  the  Senate)  passes  a  bill  de- 
claring "non-intoxicating"  all  beverages  contain- 
ing 4  per  cent,  of  alcohol  or  less. 

April  26. — In  the  federal  court  at  Chicago,  the 
Postmaster-General  is  permanently  enjoined  from 
interfering  with  telegraph  rates  fixed  by  the 
State    Public    Utilities    Commission. 

April  28. — The  Postmaster-General  announces 
that  he  has  recommended  that  the  Government 
return  cable  lines  to  their  owners,  and  that  he 
will  recommend  restoration  of  telegraph  and  tele- 
phone lines  as  soon  as  legislation  can  be  secured 
from   Congress  safeguarding  interests  of  owners. 

May  2. — The  child-labor  section  of  the  War 
Revenue  bill,  levying  a  tax  of  10  per  cent,  on 
products  of  child  labor,  is  declared  unconstitu- 
tional by  a  federal  judge  in  North  Carolina,  as 
invading    the    State's    regulatory    authority. 

May  3. — The  United  States  Government  pur- 
chases from  the  Alien  Property  Custodian  the 
great  Cierman-owned  piers  at  Hoboken,  in  the 
port  of  New  York. 

May  6. — The  War  Department  announces  that 
287,595  American  soldiers  overseas  embarked  for 
home    during    April, 

The  voters  of  Baltimore  elect  a  Republican  as 
Mayor  for  the  first  time  in  twenty  years — ^Wil- 
liam  F.  Broening  defeating  Cieorge  W.  Wil- 
liams   (Dem.). 

May    7. — The   President,    by   cable    from    Paris, 


586 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWii 


THE    BEAUTIFUL     CITY    OF     GENEVA  -  HOME    OF    THE     LEAGUE    OF 

(In   the   left  half  of  the  picture  can  be  seen  the  snow-capped    ridges    of   the    Western    Alps,   with   the   famous    Mont 

its  watches,  jewelry,  and  scientific  instruments.     The  city  is  rich  in  historical 


summons  Congress  to  meet  in  special  session  on 
May   19. 

May  10. — The  campaign  for  the  Victory  Loan, 
fifth  and  last  of  the  Government's  popular  war- 
finance  issues,  is  closed  with  a  heavy  over-sub- 
scription of  the  offering  of  $4,500,000,000. 

The  Attorney-General  holds  that  the  Indus- 
trial Board,  created  by  the  Secretary  of  Commerce 
with  a  view  to  determining  proper  prices  for  basic 
manufacturing  materials,  is  unauthorized  by  law; 
and  the  board   is  disbanded. 

May  ,14. — At  a  caucus  of  Republican  members 
of  the  Senate,  Mr.  Cummins  of  Iowa  is  named 
president   pro   tempore. 

FOREIGN  POLITICS  AND  GOVERNMENT 

April  16. — Premier  Lloyd  George  returns  from 
the  Peace  Conference  and  answers  criticisms  in 
the  British  Parliament;  he  emphasizes  the  gi- 
gantic task  of  the  conferees  at  Paris,  the  problems 
affecting  every  country  in  Europe  and  every  con- 
tinent,  and  he   asks  for  calm  deliberation. 

In  the  French  Chamber,  Foreign  Minister 
Pichon  declines  to  outline  in  advance  the  peace 
agreement;  the  Chamber  expresses  its  confidence 
in  the  Government  by  vote  of  344  to   166. 

April  17. — Gen.  Aurelio  Blanquet,  leader  of  a 
new  revolt  in  Mexico  (War  Minister  in  former 
President  Huerta's  cabinet),  is  reported  killed  in 
an  engagement  with  Government  forces  near 
Vera   Cruz. 

The  French  Chamber  of  Deputies  passes  a  bill 
establishing   an   eight-hour  day  for   workmen. 

A  mob  of  unemployed  in  Vienna  stones  and  at- 
tempts to  burn  the  Parliament  buildings. 

April  18. — Vienna  Communists  launch  an  un- 
successful attempt  to  seize  control  of  the  Gov- 
ernment; the  movement  is  of  Bolshevist  tendency, 
instigated  by  a  similar  element  in  power  in 
Hungary. 

April  20. — The  Russian  Bolshevist  "First 
Arn\v,'  operating  on  the  Pripet  River  northeast 
of  Kiev,  is  reported  to  have  surrendered  to 
Ukrainians. 

April   21. — The   Russian    faction   maintaining    a 


government  at  Omsk,  led  by  Admiral  Kolchak,  re- 
ports a  severe  defeat  of  Bolshevist  forces. 

April  22. — Final  count  of  votes  in  the  New  Zea- 
land plebiscite  on  the  question  of  prohibition  (held 
on  April  11)  results  in  a  majority  of  1800  against 
prohibition. 

April  23. — The  French  Senate  passes  the  eight- 
hour  labor  bill,  which  thereby  becomes  a  law. 

April  24. — Anti-Japanese  disturbances  in  Korea 
are  declared  by  the  Japanese  to  have  been  exag- 
gerated, the  casualties  totaling  331  killed  and  735 
wounded. 

April  29. — The  Italian  Chamber  of  Deputies 
sustains  Premier  Orlando's  position  at  the  Peace 
Conference  (the  Fiume  question)  by  vote  of 
382  to  40. 

May  ,1. — The  Mexican  Congress  convenes  in 
special  session,  to  deal  particularly  with  legisla- 
tion regulating  natural  resources,  urged  by  Presi- 
dent Carranza. 

May  4. — The  Communist  government  in 
Munich,  Bavaria,  is  overthrown  by  the  govern- 
ment of  Premier  Hoffmann  with  the  help  of  troops 
from  Berlin. 

May  8. — The  unrecognized  government  of 
President  Tinoco,  in  Costa  Rica,  is  threatened  by 
a  revolutionary  uprising  along  the  Nicaraguan 
frontier. 

May  9. — The  budget  committee  of  the  French 
Chamber  endorses  a  bill  authorizing  the  Govern- 
ment to  borrow  three  billion  francs  ($600,000,000). 

May  13. — Admiral  Kolchak,  head  of  the  "All 
Russian"  government  at  Omsk  (favored  by  the 
Allies),  declares  that  he  will  endeavor  to  establish 
communication  with  Archangel  in  the  north  and 
with  the  forces  of  General  Denekin  in  the  south. 


INTERNATIONAL  RELATIONS 


first 


April    15. — Hugh    Gibson    is    selected    as 
American  Minister  to  Poland. 

April  20. — An  American  missionary  in  Korea 
is  sentenced  to  six  months'  imprisonment  at  hard 
labor  for  permitting  use  of  his  premises  for  dis- 
seminating propaganda  for  Korean  independence 
from  Japan. 


RECORD    OF    OTHER    EVENTS 


587 


NATIONS  —  ON  LAKE  GENEVA  AT  THE  OUTLET  OF  THE  RIVER  RHONE 

Blanc  plainly  visible  forty   miles  away,   in  France.     Geneva  is  essentially  a  manufacturing  community,   famous   for 
associations  but  lives  in  the  present,  for  the  population  has  trebled  in  thirty  years) 


The  national  assembly  of  Montenegro  votes  to 
unite  with  the  Kingdom  of  the  Serbs,  Croats,  and 
Slovenes   (Jugoslavia). 

April  23. — The  Mexican  Department  of  Foreign 
Relations  announces  that  the  Mexican  Govern- 
ment "has  not  recognized  and  will  not  recognize 
the  Monroe  Doctrine  or  any  other  doctrine  that 
attacks  the  sovereignty  and  independence  of 
Mexico." 

April  25. — A  Rumanian  official  statement  de- 
clares that  Rumanian  armies  continue  to  advance 
in   Hungary,   dispersing  a   Communist   army. 

May  3. — It  is  understood  that  the  Czech, 
Serbian,  and  Rumanian  troops  encircling  Buda- 
pest have  decided  not  to  occupy  the  Hungarian 
capital ;  the  Soviet  government  declares  that  it 
is  making  an  honest  effort  for  good  government. 

May  13. — The  Russian  Bolshevist  government 
refuses  to  cease  hostilities  in  return  for  Allied 
food. 

OTHER  OCCURRENCES  OF  THE  MONTH 

April  15. — A  strike  of  girl  operators  ties  up 
telephone  service  throughout  New  England;  the 
operators  refuse  to  submit  wage  demands  except 
to  one  with  full  power  from  the  companies  and 
the    Government. 

April  17. — It  is  announced  at  Washington  that 
46,846  enlisted  men  and  2164  officers,  in  the  United 
States  Army,  were  killed  in  battle  or  died  of 
wounds  during   the   war. 

A  United  States  Army  aviator.  Major  Mac- 
auley,  arrives  at  Jacksonville,  Fla.,  completing  a 
flight  from  San  Diego,  Cal.,  in  nineteen  hours' 
flying  time,  at  an  average  speed  of  137  miles 
an  hour,  with  four  stops. 

April  19. — The  first  airplane  flight  between 
Chicago  and  New  York,  without  stop,  is  made  by 
Capt.  E.  F.  White,  in  an  Army  plane;  he  lands 
in  New  York  City  6  hours  and  50  minutes  after 
leaving    Chicago,    flying    727    miles. 

April  20. — The  strike  of  telephone  operators  in 
New  England  is  ended  by  a  compromise  wage 
increase. 

April  26. — A  United  States  naval  seaplane  (of 
the   F-5   type)    at  Hampton   Roads   remains   in   the 


air  for  more  than  20  hours,  at  a  speed  of  60 
miles  an  hour,  breaking  all  records  for  endurance 
flight. 

April  27. — Acting  concurrently  with  the  Allied 
governments,  the  War  Trade  Board  at  Washing- 
ton removes  prohibition  against  trading  with 
enemy-controlled  business  interests  throughout  the 
world,  with  the  exception  of  those  in  Germany 
and  Austria. 

April  28. — Fire  destroys  2000  buildings  in 
Yokohama,  including  part  of  the  business  section. 

April  30. — Thirty-six  bombs  are  discovered  in 
the  mails,  deposited  in  New  York  City  and  ad- 
dressed to  men  throughout  the  country  known  to 
have  aroused  the  enmity  of  anarchistic  elements. 

It  is  officially  stated  that  more  than  half  of 
French  youths  between  twenty  and  thirty  were 
killed  in  the  war. 

May  1. — May  Day  demonstrations  by  radical 
labor  elements  pass  off  with  comparative  quiet 
throughout  the  United  States;  in  Paris  hundreds 
of  persons  are  injured,  and  the  city  goes  without 
newspapers,  transportation,  and  all  services  ren- 
dered by  shops;  in  Germany  there  is  complete 
suspension  of  work  without  disturbances. 

May  8. — Three  United  States  Navy  seaplanes 
start  from  New  York  on  the  first  'leg"  of  a  flight 
to  Europe;  two  of  them  reach  Halifax,  Nova 
Scotia,  as  planned  (flying  540  nautical  miles  in 
9  hours),  the  third  plane  stopping  for  repairs  at 
Chatham,  Mass. 

May  10. — Two  of  the  American  seaplanes  fly 
from  Halifax  to  Trepassey  Bay,  Newfoundland — 
460   nautical   miles   in   less   than    7   hours. 

May  14-15. — The  United  States  dirigible  air- 
ship C-5  flies  from  Montauk  Point,  N.  Y.,  to 
St.  John's,  Newfoundland,  without  stop — a  dis- 
tance of  more  than  1000  miles,  in  25  hours  and 
40    minutes. 

May  15. — The  third  American  seaplane  joins 
the  first  two  in  Newfoundland,  flying  from  Hali- 
fax. 

The  body  of  Edith  Cavell,  the  English  nurse 
executed  by  the  (lermans  in  Belgium  in  1915,  is 
buried  with  honors  at  Norwich,  England. 


588 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


(g)  UncJerwooc]  &  Underwood 

A  MODERN  GERMAN  SUBMARINE.  MANNED  BY  AMERICAN  SAILORS 

(The  U-SI,  and  several  of  her  sister  ships,  visited  American  ports  last  month 
as  a  "Victory  Loan"  arg-ument.  The  photograph  was  taken  on  ]\tay  7,  the 
Lusitania  anniversary,  while  the  U-boat  was  carrying  a  wreath  out  to  sea  in 
commemoration  of  the  sinking  of  the  famous  liner  by  a  German  submarine) 


OBITUARY 

April  15. — Jane  A.  Delano,  former  superin- 
tendent of  the  Army  Nurse  Corps  and  ex-presi- 
dent of  the  American   Nurses'  Association,    57. 

April  16. — Robert  S.  McCormick,  who  had  been 
American  Ambassador  to  Austria,  Russia,  and 
France,  69.  .  .  .  Charles  A.  Sulzer,  Delegate 
from  Alaska  to  the  House  of  Representatives, 
40.  .  .  .  Henry  Morse  Stephens,  head  of  the  de- 
partment of  history  in  the  University  of  Cali- 
fornia, 61. 

April  17. — J.  Cleveland  Cady,  a  nrominent  New 
York    architect,   82. 

April  18. — Harlow  Niles  Higinbotham,  retired 
Chicago  merchant,  president  of  the  World's  Co- 
lumbian Exposition,   and   noted   philanthropist,  81. 

April  19. — Arthur  D.  Chandler,  for  many  years 
prominent  in  the  publishing  business  in  New  York, 
later  devoting  his  life  to  educational  and  indus- 
trial   work    among   delinquent  boys,    65. 

April  20. — Richard  Wilson  Austin,  for  eight 
years  Representative  in  Congress  from  Ten- 
nessee, 61.  .  .  .  Charles  Brinkerhoff  Richards, 
emeritus  professor  of  mechanical  engineering  at 
Yale,  85.  .  .  .  Dr.  George  Ferdinand  Becker, 
chief  of  the  division  of  chemical  and  physical 
research  in  the  United  States  Geological  Sur- 
vey, 72.  .  .  .  Verner  Zevola  Reed,  Colorado 
capitalist  prominent  in  federal  mediation  of  labor 
controversies,   65. 

April  21. — Jules  Vedrines,  the  noted  French 
aviator. 

April    23. — Elijah    Embree   Hoss,    Bishop   of   the 
Methodist    Episcopal     Church     South,    70.     . 
Darius    Cobb,   painter   of   portraits   and    scriptural 
scenes,  84. 

April  24. — Camille  Erlanger,  the  French  com- 
poser of  operas,   56. 


April  25. — Augustus  D.  Ju- 
illiard,  the  New  York  mer- 
chant and  capitalist,  70. 

April  27. — Imre  Kiralfy,  the 
British  creator  of  pageants  and 
spectacular    productions,    74. 

April  28. — Albert  Estopinal, 
Representative  in  Congress 
from  Louisiana,  74.  .  .  . 
James  Kennedy  Lynch,  of  Cal- 
ifornia, Governor  of  the  Fed- 
eral Reserve  Bank  for  the 
Twelfth  District,   62. 

April  30.— Herbert  P.  Bis- 
sell.  Justice  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  New  York,  62.  .  .  . 
Sir  John  P.  Mahaffy,  provost 
of  Trinity  College,  Dublin, 
80. 

May  ,1. — Asher  C.  Hinds, 
for  many  years  parliamentary 
authority  in  the  House  of 
Representatives  and  later 
Representative  from  Maine,  56. 

May     4. — Rev.     Walter     J. 

Shanley,      of      Connecticut,      a 

widely    known    Catholic    educational    leader    and 

temperance      advocate,      64.  .  .  .  Joseph      Burrell, 

professor  of  geology  at  Yale   University,  49. 

May  6. — Very  Rev.  John  J.  Hughes,  Superior 
CJeneral  of  the  Paulist  Community. 

May  7. — Alexis  Anastay  Julien,  for  many  years 
an  authority  on  geology  at  Columbia  University, 
79.    .    .    .    George   Pomeroy   Goodale,   for   half   a 

century  dramatic 
editor  of  the  Detroit 
Free  Press,  75.  .  .  . 
Lyman  Frank  Baum, 
author  of  fairy  tales, 
63. 

May  10. — George 
Heber  Jones,  D.D., 
for  more  than  twen- 
ty years  a  Metho- 
dist Episcopal  mis- 
sionary in  Korea,  52. 

May  11.— Clifford 
B.  McCoy,  president 
of  the  Ohio  Manu- 
facturers' Associa- 
tion,  52. 

May  12. — Craw- 
ford Howell  Toy, 
emeritus  professor 
of  Hebrew  at  Har- 
vard University,  83. 

May  13. — John  L. 
Burnett,  Represen- 
tative in  Congress 
from  Alabama,  and 
chairman  of  the 
House  Committee  on 
Immigration,  65. 


(T)  Harris  &  Ewing 

THR  LATE   ASHER  C.    HINDS 

(After  many  years  of  con- 
sjjicuous  service  as  parlia- 
mentary expert  at  the  Speak- 
er's table  in  the  House,  Mr. 
Hinds  was  himself  elected  a 
member,  from  Maine,  for 
three    terms  — 191 1-191  7). 


THE  CARTOONISTS'  STORY 
OF  THE  MONTH 


CAPITOL    HILL   MAY    19tH 

From  the  Herald   (New  York) 


WHILE  THE  RINGMASTERS  DECIDE  WHERE  TO  PUT 
THE  OTHER  THREE  FEET 

From  the  Ledger  (Tacoma,  Wash.) 


COMING  INTO  SMOOTH   WATERS 
From  the  News  (Dayton,  Ohio) 


LIVE    WIRE   ENTANGLEMENTS 
From  the  Chronicle   (San  Francisco) 


589 


590 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


S^ii^-^%T>#^ 


:^^ 


LOOK  OUT,   below! 
From  the  Citizen  (Brooklyn,  N.  Y.) 

American  cartoons  are  still  largely  given 
over  to  international  affairs,  but  with  the 
meeting  of  Congress  all  eyes  turn  toward 
Washington  again,  and  even  in  the  ab- 
sence of  the  President  there  is  abundant 
material  for  sly  thrusts  at  the  Administra- 
tion, as  well  as  the  Republican  opposition. 
Getting  back  to  the  factory  and  the  farm  and 
caring    for   the    big   crops    are    matters   that 


"back  to  the  soil  !'* 

From  the   Central  Press  Association 

count  to-day  with  men  who  a  year  ago  were 
giving  their  whole  thought  to  the  winning 
of  the  war.  In  England  they  do  not  find  it 
so  easy  to  make  the  change  from  a  war  to  a 
peace  basis.  They  have  grown  very  weary 
of  war-time  restraints  and  are  trying  to  shake 
them  off.  The  famous  ''Dora" — "Defense 
of  the  Realm  Act" — is  getting  to  be  a  might)^ 
unpopular  old  lady,  as  Punch  testifies. 


FEELING    HIS   OATS 

From  the  Chronicle  (San  Francisco) 


CRAMPING  HIS  STYLE 

British   Lion:    "I'm   getting  a  bit  tired  of  this  lady. 
After  all,  I  am  a  lion,  and   not  an  ass." 
From  Punch  (London) 


THE  CARTOONISTS'  STORY  OF  THE  MONTH 


591 


GERMANIA'S   THREAT 

•If  you  don't  make  haste,  I  will  cast  the  brand  into  my  own  house!" 
From  De  Amsterdammer   (Amsterdam,   Holland) 


The  Dutch  cartoonist  represents  the  Al- 
lied fire-engine  crew  watching  the  spread  of 
the  Bolshevist  flames,  while  Germany  threat- 
ens to  add  arson  to  her  other  crimes. 


PLAYING   POSSUM 

(Germany's  statement  to  her  creditors) 

From  the  Passing  Show   (London) 


WITH    FUSS    AND    FIUME 
From  the  Times  (Los  Angeles,  Cal.) 


592 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


'r^'7*  '   J: 


JOHN,   FRANCOIS,    SAM    AND   COMPANY, 

UNDERWRITERS    OF    WORLD   PEACE 

From  the  Evening  Dispatch    (Columbus,   Ohio) 


The  group  of  cartoons  on  this  page  ex- 
presses the  vaguely  defined  views  of  many 
men  of  many  minds — and  varied  nationali- 
ties— on  the  peace  terms  and  the  conference 
that  made  them.  It  will  be  noted  that  two 
of  the  drawings  are  French,  one  English, 
and  two  American. 


THE  LEAGUE  OF   NATIONS 

The  President:  "More  wars!  Those  who  want  to 
provoke  them  will  have  to  withstand  the  great  cannon 
of  the  League." 

A  Voice  from  the  Crowd:  "Ves,  if  that  is  not  camou- 
flage." 

From   Le   Eire    (Paris) 


,.'7-^ 


^'~^-. 


WHAT  A   CHILD   CAN    UNDERSTAND 

"The  bases  of  the  Peace  Treaty?     There  they  are!" 

From  L'Avcnir   (Paris) 


^^^^*^ 


m^mMWMiKiMmm 


^SMEMSmSM. 


CHINA  :    LORD    HELP   THEIR    ENEMIES  ! 
From  the  Post-Dispatch   (St.  Louis) 


THE   MASTERPIECE.      WILL  IT  BE  ACCEPTED? 
From   the  Daily   Express    (London) 


THE  CARTOONISTS'  STORY  OF  THE  MONTH 


593 


.--ilf^^ 


HE  WOULD  TURN    THE   CLOCK   BACK   A   THOUSAND 

YEARS 

From  the   Telegram    (Portland,   Ore.) 

The  Bolshevists  and  their  friends  in  this 
country  insist  that  America  does  not  under- 
stand them.  The  retort  is  that  the  Bolshe- 
vists do  not  understand  America  if  they 
think    their    ideas   can    make    headway    here. 


SLEEPERS    AWAKE  ! 
From  the  Passing  Show  (London) 

The  cartoonists  of  the  Dayton  News  and  the 
Portland  Oregonian  think  they  know  how 
Bolshevism  and  anarchism  should  be  dealt 
with.  The  Passing  Show,  of  London,  Eng- 
land, is  also  awake  to  the  menace. 


WttT    LKHO  OF    /      -X'UI 


yf/'^^^-^^    A^\T^o4<-^      r-V^^^/'V^ 


-p^ 


:s^ 


SWAT   THE   POISON    CARRUCR    NOW  I 
From  the  News   (Dayton,  Ohio) 
June — 3 


NOT  n-^  YOUR   UXCLE   SAM    HAS    HIS   WAY 
From   the   Oregonian    (Portland,    Ore.) 


594 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


TRIED   AND    SENTENCED 

From  the  News   (Dayton,   Ohio) 

(One  of  the  cartoons  representing  the  judgment 

pronounced    on    William    HohenzoUern    in    the 

court  of  Public  Opinion) 


1912. 

"Majestat,  the  President  of 
the  Reichstag  is  without  and 
begs  to  pay  his  respects." 

"Certainly   not!" 


1932. 

"Mr.  President,  my  name  is 
William  HohenzoUern,  agent. 
May  I  pay  my  respects?" 

"Certainly   not!" 


Current  cartoon  comments  on   the 
fate  of  the  former  Kaiser  are  severe 
enough,  but  not  more  caustic  than  the 
remarkable    Austrian    cartoon    published    in 
1912  and  reproduced  above.     The  prediction 
has  been  more  than  verified  long  before  1932. 


LTHE  HOHENZOLLERN  HOROSCOPE 

(The  above  cartoon  appeared  in   the  Austrian   paper   Gliichlichter 
[Vienna]    in    1912) 


Did  the  Austrian  artist  suspect  that  his  own 
country  would  be  involved  in  William 
Hohenzollern's  downfall  ? 


g)  Press  Publishing  Company 

the  fiddler  presents  his  bill  and  it  '^staggers 
humanity'" 

From  the  Evening  World  (New  York) 


next! 

From   the  Evening  Telegram    (New   York) 


ARE  PRICES  COMING  DOWN? 

BY  IRVING  FISHER 

(Professor   of    Political   Economy,    Yale  University) 


AT  the  present  time  there  is  a  halt  in 
production.  Industry  is  slowed  down. 
Some  industrial  concerns  are  failing  to  earn 
profits,  and  others  are  suffering  the  dissipa- 
tion of  their  accrued  profits,  because,  even 
by  shutting  their  plans  down,  they  cannot 
save  certain  of  their  expenses  or  any  of  their 
fixed  charges.  We  are  threatened  with  busi- 
ness depression  and  from  peculiar  causes,  for 
the  unsound  conditions  usually  preceding  a 
business  depression  are  absent. 

The  main  reason  why  business  is  not  go- 
ing ahead  better  is  that  most  people  have 
been,  and  are  still,  expecting  prices  to  drop. 
The  merchant  is  selling,  but  not  buying.  The 
manufacturer  holds  up  the  purchase  of  his 
raw  materials.  People  quote  the  disparity 
between  present  prices  and  those  prevailing 
''before  the  war,"  and  decide  they  will  not 
buy  much  until  present  prices  get  down  to 
"normal."  This  general  conviction  that 
prices  are  sure  to  drop  is  putting  a  brake 
upon  the  entire  machinery  of  production  and 
distribution.  Readjustment  waits  because  we 
keep  on  waiting  for  it.  We  have  now  wait- 
ed in  vain  for  over  six  months. 

A  New  Level  Reached — and  Held 

Dun's  index  number,  which  was  121  in 
August,  1914,  before  the  war,  averaged  229 
in  1918,  and  223  so  far  in  1919,  increasing 
slightly  in  April. 

Gibson's  index  number,  which  was  58.1  in 
1913  and  122.8  in  1918,  averaged  for  the 
first  four  months  of  1919,  122.3.  In  Novem- 
ber, 1918,  the  figure  was  118.8.  It  has  since 
risen   to    131.1    for  the   first  week  of   May. 

In  many  cases,  high  prices  are  blamed  on 
high  wages.  The  recent  rent  increase,  for 
instance,  is  excused  by  the  fact  that  the  land- 
lords have  to  pay  so  much  more  for  the  la- 
bor involved  in  the  upkeep  of  their  property. 

Gradually  business  is  beginning  to  recog- 
nize the  stubborn  fact  of  a  new  price  level. 
The    Government    started    out    jauntily    tc 
lower  prices  by  price-fixing,  but  has  given  it 
up  as  a  bad  job  and  the  price-fixing  commis- 


sion has  resigned.  Yet  business  men  are 
sorely  puzzled  to  know  w^hy  prices  don't 
drop  of  their  own  weight  and  can't  even  be 
pulled  down  by  force.  One  of  the  leading 
business  men  of  St.  Louis  recently  said  that 
prices  stayed  up  without  "the  slightest  rea- 
son under  the  sun." 

Actual  Wage  Decrease  During   Ten   Years 

It  is  interesting  to  observe  that  many 
manufacturers,  although  they  think  that 
prices,  including  the  price  of  labor,  77iust 
come  down,  are  nevertheless  ready  to  demon- 
strate to  you  that  their  own  prices  cannot 
come  down,  nor  can  they  pay  lower  wages. 
Almost  everything  they  buy  somehow  costs 
twice  as  much  as  before  the  war,  and  their 
labor  is  twice  as  dear.  They  cannot  pay 
their  labor  less  if  labor  is  to  meet  the  in- 
creased cost  of  living.  And  yet,  since  the 
twentieth  century  began,  wages  reckoned  in 
commodities,  not  money,  have  been  actually 
decreasing  while  profits  have  been  increasing. 
The  purchasing  powder  of  wages  over  food  in 
1917  was  only  a  little  over  two-thirds  of 
what  it  was  ten  years  before.  There  were 
indeed  individual  workmen  who  earned  ex- 
traordinarily high  wages  in  1918  for  certain 
forms  of  skilled  labor,  but  such  cases  are  not 
representative. 

The  body  of  workmen  are  asking  for 
higher  wages  to  keep  up  with  the  rising  cost 
of  living.  In  Lawrence,  Mass.,  47  per  cent, 
of  the  adult  male  workers  were  earning  less 
than  $1000,  whereas  $1500  is  the  amount 
specified  by  the  National  War  Labor  Board 
as  necessary  for  the  maintenance  of  a  family 
on  a  decent  standard  of  living. 

Individual  and  General  Changes 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  when  we  investigate 
almost  any  individual  one  of  the  so-called 
high  prices  for  industrial  products,  we  are 
likely  to  find  that  individually  it  is  not  high  ; 
that  is,  it  is  not  high  relatively  to  the  rest. 
Our  quarrel  is  with  the  general  level  of 
prices. 

595 


596 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


Variations  in  the  general  price  level  may 
be  compared  to  the  tides  of  the  sea,  while 
individual  prices  may  be  compared  to  waves. 
Individual  prices  may  vary  from  this  general 
level  of  prices  for  specific  reasons  peculiar  to 
individual  industries,  just  as  the  height  and 
depth  of  waves  vary  from  the  general  level 
established  by  the  tide.  The  causes  control- 
ling the  general  price  level  are  as  distinct 
from  those  controlling  individual  prices  as 
the  causes  controlling  the  tides  are  distinct 
from  those  controlling  individual  waves. 

All  prices  have  risen,  but  some  have  risen 
more,  some  less,  than  the  average  for  par- 
ticular reasons  affecting  each  industry.  The 
war  brought  about  an  abnormal  demand  for 
certain  products  like  copper  and  steel,  and 
they  advanced  faster  than  the  average.  The 
abnormal  demand  having  disappeared,  these 
prices  are  being  adjusted  dowwward.  Wheat 
is  a  case  where  demand  increased  and  at  the 
same  time  certain  of  the  usual  sources  of  sup- 
ply— Russia,  Australia,  and  Argentina — dis- 
appeared, with  a  resultant  abnormal  price 
increase.  The  closed  sources  of  supply  have 
opened  again,  and  wheat  prices  in  the  world 
market  have  dropped.  In  some  cases,  as  in 
many  of  the  industries  making  building  ma- 
terials, the  war  meant  a  great  slackening  in 
demand,  an  enforced  curtailment  in  use  by 
Government  order.  In  such  instances  we 
are  likely  to  see  an  upward  swing  in  prices 
as  the  suppressed  demand  again  makes  itself 
felt.  To-day  we  are  witnessing  throughout 
the  country  such  price  readjustments,  up  and 
down,  but  the  general  price  level  has  shown 
little  sign  of  falling,  as  is  evidenced  by  price 
index  numbers.  It  is  apparent  to  every 
thoughtful  observer  that  some  great  force  has 
affected  all  prices,  creating  a  new  standard 
to  which  they  are  all  conforming. 

The  Higher  Level  Permanent 

We  are  on  a  permanently  higher  price 
level,  and  the  sooner  the  business  men  of  the 
country  take  this  view  and  adjust  themselves 
to  it  the  sooner  will  they  save  themselves 
and  the  nation  from  the  misfortune  which 
will  come  if  we  persist  in  our  false  hope. 

The  general  level  of  prices  is  dependent 
upon  the  volume  and  rapidity  of  turnover  of 
the  circulating  medium  in  relation  to  the 
business  to  be  transacted  thereby.  If  the 
number  of  dollars  circulated  by  cash  and  by 
check  doubles  while  the  number  of  goods  and 
services  exchanged  thereby  remains  constant, 
prices  will  about  double. 

The  great  price  changes   in  history  have 


come  about  in  just  this  manner.  The  ''price 
revolution"  of  the  sixteenth  century  came 
upon  Europe  as  a  result  of  the  great  influx 
of  gold  and  silver  from  the  mines  of  the 
New  World.  Europe  was  flooded  with  new 
money.  More  counters  were  used  than  be- 
fore in  effecting  exchanges  and  prices  became 
''high."  People  talked  then  of  temporary  "in- 
flation," just  as  they  talk  of  it  now.  But  it 
was  not  temporary ;  it  was  a  new  price  level. 

A  similar  increase  in  prices  all  over  the 
world  occurred  between  1896  and  1914,  fol- 
lowing the  discovery  of  the  rich  gold  fields 
of  South  Africa,  Cripple  Creek,  and  Alaska, 
the  invention  of  the  cyanide  process  in  min- 
ing, and  the  vast  extension  of  the  use  of 
bank  credit. 

Circulating  credit — that  is,  bank  deposits 
subject  to  check  and  bank  notes — is  a  mul- 
tiple of  the  banking  reserve  behind  these  de- 
posits and  notes ;  and  the  essence  of  this 
reserve  is  gold.  .Our  present  monetary  sys- 
tem is  an  inverted  pyramid,  gold  being  the 
small  base  and  bank  notes  and  deposits  be- 
ing the  large  superstructure.  The  super- 
structure usually  grows  faster  than  the  base. 
The  deposits  are  the  important  elements. 
They  are  transferred  by  check  from  one  in- 
dividual to  another;  that  is,  the  circulation 
of  checks  is  really  the  circulation  of  deposits. 

Effect  of  Increase  in   Gold  Supply 

Thus  any  increase  in  the  country's  gold 
supply  has  a  multiplied  effect.  The  possible 
extent  of  that  effect  is  dependent  upon  ( 1 ) 
the  amount  of  gold  available,  and  (2)  the 
gold  reserve  requirements,  determining  the 
volume  of  credit  that  can  be  put  into  circu- 
lation based  upon  the  gold.  Over  a  billion 
dollars  in  gold  has  come  into  this  country 
from  abroad  since  1914,  and  a  large  amount 
has  disappeared  from  domestic  circulation. 
The  gold  from  both  these  sources  has  found 
its  way  into  the  United  States  Treasury  and 
into  bank  reserves.  On  June  30,  1918,  the 
portion  of  the  gold  reserve  of  the  Federal 
Reserve  banking  system  which  supported  na- 
tional bank  deposits  and  Federal  Reserve 
notes  was  more  than  three  times  as  large  as 
the  gold  reserves  under  the  old  national 
banking  system  on  June  30,  1914 — $1,786,- 
000,000  compared  to  $592,000,000. 

During  the  same  period  credit  instruments 
(demand  deposits  and  notes)  increased  about 
twofold— from  $6,100,000,000  to  $11,700,- 
000,000.  This  increase  of  credit  instru- 
ments is  typical  of  the  banking  situation  for 
the  country  as  a  whole  and  largely  explains 


ARE    PRICES    COMING    DOWN? 


597 


the  present  high  level  of  prices.  The  increase 
of  gold  has  been  so  great,  however,  that  the 
base  has  grown  faster  than  the  superstructure 
— which  is  contrary  to  the  normal  tendency. 
The  ratio  of  gold  to  credit  has  risen  from 
9.6  per  cent  to  15.3  per  cent.  The  legal  re- 
serve requirements  of  the  present  system  are 
such  that  for  1918  there  is  an  excess  of  gold 
above  these  requirements  of  more  than  $700,- 
000,000.  The  reserve  required  by  law  to 
support  the  $11,700,000,000  of  credit  instru- 
ments of  1918  is  $1,070,000,000.  The 
$700,000,000  of  free  gold  could  support  an 
additional  superstructure  70  per  cent,  as 
large  as  the  existing  one,  which  indicates  that 
for  the  banking  of  the  country  as  a  whole 
a  potential  future  expansion  of  50  per  cent, 
is  a  conservative  estimate. 

Many  people,  referring  to  this  inflation  in 
the  circulating  medium,  and  assuming  that 
it  is  temporary,  are  waiting  for  this  inflation 
to  subside.  When  we  speak  of  inflation  we 
mean  more  circulating  medium  than  is  need- 
ed to  transact  the  business  of  the  country  on 
a  given  price  level.  But  what  price  level? 
Some  people  mean  the  price  level  of  1913-14. 
Our  currency  is  certainly  inflated  in  terms 
of  the  prices  of  that  period,  just  as  the  cur- 
rency in  1914  was  inflated  with  respect  to 
the  prices  of  1896,  but  our  currency  is  not 
inflated  at  the  present  time  relative  to  the 
new  level  of  prices  in  the  world  which  the 
war  has  brought.  The  country's  volume  of 
money  will  have  to  be  judged  in  terms  of 
this  new  price  level,  not  in  terms  of  a  price 
level  that  is  past.  To  speak  of  the  present 
"inflation"  as  temporary  is  to  assume  the 
very  thing  about  which  we  are  contending 
— to  assume  that  the  normal  prices  are  those 
of  1914. 

Let  us  examine  the  factors  upon  which  any 
future  price  movements  must  depend : 

( 1 )  Gold  will  not  return  to  circulation. — 
No  great  effect  in  the  direction  of  falling 
prices  can  be  expected  from  any  return  of 
gold  and  other  lawful  money  into  daily  cir- 
culation. Such  a  reversion  would  be  con- 
trary to  monetary  experience  everywhere. 
When  people  have  learned  to  leave  their  gold 
and  silver  in  the  banks  and  use  paper  money 
and  checks  instead  they  find  the  additional 
convenience  so  great  that  they  will  never 
fully  return  to  the  old  practice. 

(2)  No  great  outflow  of  gold  through 
international  trade. — It  shouhl  be  noted  that 
many  of  the  former  reasons  for  a  flow  of 
gold  from  America  abroad  have  disappeared. 
We  used  to  owe  Europe  a  huge  balance  of 

June — 3 


interest  payments  upon  American  securities 
she  held.  The  situation  is  reversed  to-day. 
Moreover,  Europe  must  pay  us  money  for 
the  materials  we  will  send  her  for  recon- 
struction, or  at  least  pay  us  interest  on  credit 
we  will  extend  her,  Thus  our  exports  will 
probably  exceed  our  imports  during  the  re- 
construction period.  We  used  to  pay  ocean 
freight  money  to  foreign  carriers ;  to-day  the 
American  merchant  marine  will  keep  in 
American  hands  tens  of  millions  of  dollars 
of  ocean  freight  money.  The  huge  volume 
of  American  tourist  travel  abroad,  for  whose 
expense  we  had  to  settle,  has  stopped  and 
cannot  resume  for  a  year  at  least.  For  all 
these  reasons  the  lines  are  laid  for  a  move- 
ment of  gold  from  Europe  here  rather  than 
a  movement  from  America  to  Europe. 

**Yes,  but,"  people  say,  "wait  until  trade 
is  resumed  between  the  United  States  and 
Europe,  then  surely,  'low-priced  European 
goods'  will  flow  over  here  in  such  enormous 
volume  that  they  will  liquidate  all  annual 
obligations  to  us  in  goods."  Ultimately  Eu- 
rope must  pay  her  obligations  to  us  in  goods, 
but  it  will  take  many  years.  Meanwhile, 
she  needs  our  tools,  machinery,  and  raw  ma- 
terials for  immediate  reconstruction. 

At  the  present  time  European  goods  are 
not  "low-priced"  (however  little  the  money 
wages  of  European  labor  will  buy).  Prices 
in  Europe  since  the  war  began  have  risen 
more  than  they  have  in  the  United  States. 
The  price  rise  has  been  less  the  farther  from 
the  seat  of  hostilities.  It  was  least  in  Aus- 
tralia and  New  Zealand.  It  was  next  least 
in  the  United  States,  Canada,  and  Japan. 
Then  came  neutral  Europe ;  then  our  pres- 
ent allies ;  and  finally  Germany  and  Russia. 
Gold  tends  usually  to  flow  from  high-priced 
countries  to  low-priced  countries,  so  that 
until  "inflated"  European  prices  fall  gold  is 
not  likely  to  flow  thither.  Prices  are  no 
more  likely  to  fall  there  than  here,  and  for 
the  same   reasons,   which   w'\\\   be   explained. 

(3)  Reduction  of  outstanding  credit. — 
The  chief  dependence  of  those  wlio  predict 
lower  prices  is  on  a  reduction  of  the  super- 
structure of  credit  resting  upon  our  gold 
rather  than  on  any  reduction  in  the  vokmie 
of  this  gold  itself.  The>'  look  for  a  con- 
traction of  bank  credit,  a  reduction  in  the 
vohime  of  deposits  subject  to  check,  wlu'ch 
circulate  throughout  the  country. 

But  the  main  cause  for  the  present  exten- 
sion of  bank  credit  is  the  method  of  finan- 
cing the  war  by  loans.  Over  16^  j  billion 
dollars'  worth  of  Liberty  Bonds  were  floated, 


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THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


including  this  last  Victory  Loan  of  4^/2  bil- 
lions. Subscribers  for  the  Victory  loan  did 
not  pay  for  their  bonds  in  full  any  more 
than  they  did  in  the  previous  cases,  but 
rather  less.  Many  of  them  deposited  the 
bonds  with  the  banks  as  security  for  loans 
to  be  repaid  later.  The  effect  on  our  circu- 
lating medium  will  be  the  same  as  if  the 
Government  had  imposed  a  levy  of  $4,500,- 
000,000  of  credits  upon  the  Federal  Reserve 
banks,  and  then  ordered  them  to  apportion 
these  credits  out  among  the  banks  of  the 
country.  This  process  has  naturally  led  to 
an  expansion  of  credits.  The  former  issues 
of  Liberty  bonds  are  still  carried  by  the  banks 
to  a  considerable  extent.  As  soon  as  the 
Government  needs  additional  money,  it  will 
issue  new  Treasury  certificates,  resulting  in 
new  extension  of  bank  credit.  Moreover, 
there  is  little  doubt  that  there  will  be  at 
least  one  more  Government  bond  issue  during 
the  reconstruction  period,  and  this  will  tend 
to  further  increase  our  credit  structure. 

The  banks  must  lend  credit  and  create  de- 
posits to  meet  the  expenditures  not  only  of 
our  own  Government,  but  of  foreign  gov- 
ernments as  well.  The  same  thing  results 
even  if  these  governments  are  served  di- 
rectly by  private  investors  here  instead  of  via 
the  United  States  Treasury.  These  inves- 
tors pay  for  foreign  government  bonds  as 
they  do  for  our  Liberty  bonds — on  the  in- 
stalment plan — paying  a  small  part  down 
and  borrowing  the  rest  from  the  bank.  This 
increased  purchasing  power  will  be  mostly 
spent  in  this  country  for  supplies  to  be  sent 
abroad  for  rehabilitation.  This  continuance 
of  vast  loan  issues,  connected  with  war  and 
reconstruction  throughout  the  world  is  a 
factor  which  will  maintain  the  high  price 
level  temporarily,  which  means  many  months. 

It  is  also  worth  keeping  in  mind  that 
Liberty  bonds  and  other  Government  securi- 
ties held  here  do  not  wholly  cease  being  a 
source  of  credit  expansion  when  the  individ- 
ual subscribers  have  completed  their  pay- 
ments on   the   bonds   and    really  own   them. 

The  availability  of  the  vast  issues  of  war 
bonds  as  bases  for  future  credit  expansion, 
coupled  with  the  fact  that  our  banking  sys- 
tem has  still  many  unusued  reefs,  sure  to  be 
taken  out  later,  when  business  wishes  to 
spread  more  sail,  is  the  chief  reason  why 
prices  will  keep  up  permanently;  that  is,  for 
many  years. 

Between  the  period  of  temporary  and  the 
period  of  permanent  effects  there  may  be  a 
slight  dip  in  the  price  level,  say  a  year  from 


now.     If  so,  it  is  the  more  incumbent  upon 
business  to  proceed  now;  for  it  cannot  wait. 

Reduction  in  Bank  Credits  Not  Wanted 

During  the  war  the  flotation  of  stocks 
and  bonds  of  commercial  concerns  has  been 
very  greatly  diminished.  During  the  period 
upon  which  we  are  now  entering,  the  issue 
of  such  securities  will  increase  greatly. 

Against  any  considerable  reduction  in  bank 
credit  and  hence  in  the  general  level  of 
prices,  we  shall  find  the  whole  business  com- 
munity in  arms.  Falling  prices  mean  hard 
times  for  the  individual  and  for  the  nation 
and  everyone  resists  the  tendency.  At  the 
end  of  the  Civil  War  the  Treasury  started  to 
reduce  the  quantity  of  greenbacks.  A  start 
had  hardly  been  made,  however,  before  the 
business  depression  of  1866  and  1867  caused 
Congress  to  forbid  any  further  reduction. 

Looking  into  the  still  more  remote  future, 
there  will  be  in  Europe,  particularly  on  the 
Continent,  a  vast  increase  in  deposit-banking. 
The  need  of  the  governments  there  for  funds 
during   wartimes   hastened    the    introduction 
of  deposit-banking.     Money  went  out  of  cir- 
culation into  bank  vaults,  and  there  became 
the  basis  for  circulating  credits.    This  means 
a  new  habit  which  will  lead  to  a  great  cur- 
rency  expansion.      Far-away    countries,    like       - 
India  and  China,  are  also  learning  to  use  de-       \ 
posit-banking.     It  is  as  if  a  new  source  of 
gold  supply  had  been  discovered.     W^hat  has 
been  discovered  is  a  new  way  of  using  the 
gold  supply.     The  world,  during  the  course 
of  the  war,  has  thus  started,  or  has  hastened,       J 
an  equivalent  of  the  price  revolution  of  the       " 
sixteenth  century. 

Business  men  should  face  the  facts.  To 
talk  reverently  of  1913-14  prices  is  to  speak 
a  dead  language  to-day.  Price  recessions 
have  been  insignificant.  The  reason  is  that 
we  are  on  a  new  high-price  level,  which  will 
be  found  a  stubborn  reality.  Business  men 
are  going  to  find  out  that  the  clever  man  is 
not  the  man  who  waits,  but  the  one  who 
finds  out  the  new  price  facts  and  acts  ac- 
cordingly. 

But  the  new  price  level  will  not  be  steady 
or  constant.  We  shall  continue  to  have, 
about  this  new  average,  fluctuations  of  va- 
rious degrees  of  severity.  We  shall  never 
be  able  to  predict,  with  any  surety,  the 
course  of  prices.  The  only  final  solution  of 
the  prices  problem  is  one  which  will  do  away 
with  the  injustices  and  economic  crises  due 
to  price  fluctuation  by  stabilizing  the  mone- 
tary unit. 


ISSUES  OF  THE  PEACE 
CONFERENCE 

BY  FRANK  H.  SIMONDS 

{By  Cable  from  Paris,  May  13) 


THE  month  which  has  passed  since  my 
last  cable  has  seen  the  presentation  to 
Germany  of  peace  terms  fixed  by  the  Paris 
Conference,  and  presented  by  a  united  Con- 
ference despite  the  temporary  Italian  with- 
drawal which  has  left  pending  the  question 
of  Fiume  and  surviving  possibility  of  later 
dissension.  Looking  first  to  the  terms  which 
we  have  served  upon  Germany,  it  is  essential 
to  recognize  that  while  the  territorial 
changes  follow  lines  generally  expected,  and 
frequently  indicated  by  me  in  this  magazine, 
these  territorial  changes  are  relatively  in- 
significant as  contrasted  with  economic 
penalties. 

I.   Terms  Imposed  on  Germany 

By  the  terms  of  the  treaty  with  which  the 
G-erman  delegates  are  now  wrestling,  Ger- 
many will  restore  to  France,  to  Denmark,  to 
Poland,  and  to  Belgium  those  territories 
which  represent  various  successes  of  Prussian 
armies  in  wars  of  aggression  extending  from 
the  time  of  Frederick  the  Great  to  the  hour 
of  William  II.  By  these  changes  Germany 
will  lose  upwards  of  30,000  square  miles, 
with  seven  millions  of  people.  She  will  be- 
come in  area  smaller  than  Spain ;  and  in  ad- 
dition East  Prussia  will  be  divided  from  the 
bulk  of  German  territorv  by  the  famous 
Polish  ''corridor." 

In  addition  to  territories  directly  returned 
to  the  nations  from  which  they  were  stolen, 
France  will  receive  a  fifteen-year  mandate 
for  the  Saar  coal  region — which  may  become 
her  permanent  possession  if  the  inhabitants 
of  the  district  so  elect  fifteen  years  hence — 
and  Danzig  becomes  a  free  city  within  the 
Polish  customs  area.  A  plebiscite  will  also 
determine  the  ultimate  disposition  of  portions 
of  East  and  West  Prussia,  and  the  transfer 
of  Schleswig  to  Denmark  will  be  conditional 
upon  a  similar  vote. 


In  sum,  on  the  territorial  side,  Germany 
loses  an  area  five  or  six  times  as  large  as 
France  lost  in  1870,  with  a  population  ap- 
proximating that  of  Belgium  when  war 
broke  out.  But  this  territory  was  held 
against  the  will  of  inhabitants,  and  repre- 
sented booty  of  other  wars  of  plunder.  If 
the  Conference  of  Paris  has  sinned  in  any 
direction,  it  has  been  in  that  of  moderation 
so  far  as  territorial  considerations  are  in- 
volved. 

Alilitary  and  Political  Aspects 

On  the  military  side,  Germany  is  required 
to  reduce  her  armies  to  100,000  with  4000 
officers;  to  abolish  the  General  StafI  and 
conscription ;  to  surrender  all  but  a  ridicu- 
lously insignificant  portion  of  her  fleet.  A 
sentence  of  death  is  thus  passed  upon  Prus- 
sian militarism,  limited  only  by  the  capacity 
and  willingness  of  the  Allies  to  enforce  these 
decisions.  For  fifteen  years  Allied  armies 
will  occupy  portions  of  German  territory  be- 
tween the  Rhine  and  the  French  and  Belgian 
borders,  all  evacuation  to  be  conditioned  on 
performance  by  Germany  of  the  terms  of  the 
treaty.  This  is  again  a  logical  and  rational 
step,  modelled  exactly  upon  the  course  pur- 
sued against  France  by  the  victorious  Allies 
of  1815  and  by  Germany  after  the  Franco- 
Prussian  war.  In  addition,  German  military 
establishments,  fortifications,  and  bases  of  in- 
vasion on  either  side  of  the  Rhine,  from 
which  she  has  launched  her  invasions  to  the 
westward,  are  to  be  levelled. 

On  the  political  side,  the  terms  of  peace 
compel  Ormany  to  make  restitution  of  terri- 
tories taken  by  force  but  of  right  belonging 
to  other  nations,  to  disarm,  and  to  destroy 
fortifications  in  the  Rhine  valley.  It  is  wortli 
recalling,  as  to  disarmament,  tliat  Napoleon 
at  the  height  of  his  power  failed  to  enforce 
a  similar  decision.  But,  short  of  permanent 
occupation    of    Germany,    no    more    effective 


600 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


method  of  disarmament  can  be  conceived  of. 
We  have  taken  boot)^  from  the  robber  and 
weapons  from  the  assassin. 

The  EcoTioniic  Side 

But  it  is  the  economic  aspect  of  these  terms 
of  peace  which  is  ahnost  staggering.  Actually 
we  take  from  Germany  her  whole  mercantile 
fleet,  and  compel  her  to  build  ships  for  an  in- 
definite period  of  time  to  transfer  to  her  con- 
querors. We  take  from  her  all  of  her  iron, 
much  of  her  coal,  and  a  considerable  percent- 
age of  her  phospTiates,  in  restoring  lost  prov- 
inces to  Poland  and  to  France.  We  take 
from  her  many  hundred  thousand  head  of 
cattle,  together  with  some  of  her  richest  agri- 
cultural districts.  We  provide  that  she  shall 
in  principle  pay  for  all  destruction  she  has 
done  to  property  and  lives  of  civilians  in  the 
war,  and  we  fix  twenty-five  billions  of  dollars 
in  three  instalments  as  the  first  payment  on 
account,  with  responsibility  to  pay  more  in 
future. 

There  are  many  other  details,  intricate  but 
all  converging  upon  the  same  point.  Act- 
ually for  fifteen  years  at  least  Germany  will 
work  for  the  nations  she  attacked,  while  their 
armies  will  occupy  the  portion  from  which 
she  drew  materials  which  gave  her  great 
economic  development  in  the  last  half-cen- 
tury. She  will  surrender  the  mercantile 
marine  which  she  built  up  to  carry  her  manu- 
factures over  the  world.  She  will  retain  a 
population  of  sixty  millions  of  people,  but  she 
will  be  deprived  of  a  large  portion  of  raw 
materials  necessary  to  the  industry  of  these 
people. 

"A  Sentence  of  Industrial  Death'' 

I  do  not  see  how  anyone  can  regard  these 
economic  phases  of  terms  of  peace  as  less 
than  a  sentence  of  industrial  death ;  and  this 
I  think  is  the  sober  judgment  of  Paris,  which 
— however  much  it  had  known  in  detail  con- 
cerning this  part  of  the  settlement — saw  with 
unmistakable  surprise  what  the  details  meant 
in  the  aggregate. 

Germany  has  lost  her  markets,  her  mer- 
cantile marine,  her  raw  materials.  She  is 
compelled  to  pay  an  indemnity  which  can 
only  be  paid  in  instalments  over  many  years. 
During  that  period  her  territory  will  in  part 
be  occupied.  All  her  payments  foreseen  and 
hoped  for  cannot  make  good  the  destruction 
which  she  has  wrought  on  land  and  on  sea, 
wanton  destruction  deliberately  designed  to 
bring  economic  ruin  to  her  enemies.    The  re- 


sult of  the  war  has  merely  shifted  to  her 
shoulders  the  burden  of  her  destruction;  but 
yet  it  is  necessary  to  see  how  staggering  is 
that  burden. 

And  on  the  economic  side  there  is  to  be 
added  the  loss  of  German  colonies,  a  million 
square  miles  of  territory — certain  portions  of 
it  rich  in  possibilities,  some  of  it  of  little  value 
— from  which  she  might  hope  in  future  to 
have  drawn  an  appreciable  amount  of  raw 
material.  Not  a  single  colony,  not  a  single 
place  in  the  sun  outside  of  Europe,  is  left  to 
her;  and  this  completes  the  destruction  of 
that  edifice  erected  in  the  forty-eight  years 
that  separate  the  treaty  of  Frankfort  from 
the  session  at  Versailles. 

II.   A  Proposed  New  Triple 
Alliance 

It  remains  to  discuss  the  relation  of  the 
League  of  Nations  to  this  proposed  treaty  of 
peace  with  Germany.  The  Covenant  of  the 
League  of  Nations,  as  amended  and  incor- 
porated in  the  treaty,  is  designed  to  provide 
the  framework  for  an  international  associa- 
tion, under  recognized  principles  of  interna- 
tional law,  to  the  end  that  wars  may  be 
avoided  in  future.  But  inextricably  joined 
with  these  provisions  is  the  treaty  with  Ger- 
many, which  carries  with  it — justly  but  un- 
mistakably— a  sentence  of  economic  death  to 
the  German  Empire. 

This  was  long  ago  foreseen  in  Europe.  It 
was  long  ago  recognized  that  the  very  mini- 
mum of  terms  which  could  be  served  upon 
Germany  would  carry  with  them  such  a 
burden  as  to  arouse  in  Germany  opposition 
and  enduring  resentment  comparable  with 
that  of  France  following  the  loss  of  Alsace- 
Lorraine.  It  was  realized  that  peace  could 
only  be  preserved  on  the  basis  proposed  by 
giving  to  the  League  of  Nations  an  addi- 
tional force,  by  securing  from  at  least  the 
Great  Powers  an  underwriting  of  the  treaty 
of  peace  and  a  guarantee  to  maintain  it  by 
force  of  arms  if  necessary. 

As  a  logical  consequence,  we  have  had  the 
announcement  made,  at  the  moment  the 
terms  of  peace  were  published,  that  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  and  the  British 
Prime  Minister  had  agreed  with  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  French  Council  to  lay  before 
Parliament  and  Congress  a  proposal  that 
each  should  pledge  its  respective  nation  to 
come  to  the  support  of  France  immediately  if 
France  should  be  attacked  by  Germany.    We 


ISSUES  OF  THE  PEACE   CONFERENCE 


601 


have  thus  created  a  Triple  Alliance  to  main- 
tain peace,  to  defend  the  League  of  Nations, 
and  to  uphold  the  terms  of  the  treaty  of 
peace  joined  with  the  covenant  of  the  League 
of  Nations;  and  only  by  doing  this  have  we 
been  able  to  preserve  the  League  of  Nations 
against  the  future. 

It  must  be  clear  to  everyone  that,  whether 
Germany  signs  the  treaty  of  peace  proposed 
or  not,  the  terms  are  so  heavy  that  she  will 
observe  them  only  so  far  as  she  is  compelled 
to.  It  must  be  recognized  that  this  treaty 
of  peace  on  the  economic  side  is  no  settle- 
ment, but  a  basis  of  settlement.  It  foresees 
a  period  of  fifteen  years  during  which  Ger- 
many will  have  to  pay  vast  sums  of  money, 
and  it  recognizes  that  this  payment  can  only 
be  assured  by  a  permanent  preservation  of  the 
instrumentality  of  force. 

Guarantee  of  the  League  of  Nations 

I  have  said,  and  I  repeat,  that  except  for 
the  guarantee  of  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain,  who  were  jointly  its  authors,  the 
covenant  of  the  League  of  Nations  has  only 
limited  value.  The  French  have  abandoned 
their  just  claims  to  a  military  frontier  on  the 
Rhine  only  in  return  for  the  promise  of 
Anglo-American  aid  at  a  frontier  fixed  in 
accordance  with  Anglo-American  principles 
expressed  in  the  League  of  Nations.  The 
Italians  have  shown  their  utter  lack  of  re- 
gard for  the  idea  of  a  League  of  Nations  as 
the  basis  of  permanent  peace,  by  insistence 
upon  the  forcible  annexation  of  hundreds  of 
thousands  of  Slavs,  with  the  certainty  of 
creating  a  new  ''Irredenta."  And  Great 
Britain  and  France,  despite  their  desires, 
have  found  themselves  compelled  to  recog- 
nize the  validity  of  old  secret  treaties,  which 
did  essential  violence  to  the  League  of  Na- 
tions principles  but  were  the  price  of  Italian 
enlistment.  Finally,  Japan  —  invoking  a 
similar  secret  treaty — has  laid  hands  upon 
China  in  a  fashion  which  must  excite  grave 
apprehension  in  the  Western  Hemisphere. 

The  Italian  matter  remains  unsettled,  and 
no  solution  is  now  possible  which  will  not 
preserve  the  rivalry  and  animosity  of  Slavs 
and  Italians.  The  problem  of  Poland  in  the 
East,  that  of  Hungary  in  the  center,  and  the 
stupendous  question  of  Russia  beyond  these, 
remain  to  be  discussed  and  dealt  with.  So 
far  as  a  European  settlement  is  concerned, 
the  Conference  of  Paris  has  only  begun  its 
task. 

The  failure  of  the  Congress  of  Berlin  to 


solve  the  Balkan  problem  and  the  folly  of 
the  Congress  of  Vienna  in  dealing  with  the 
Italian  question,  supplied  the  occasion  for 
most  of  the  wars  down  to  and  including  the 
World  War.  The  single  hope  of  settlement 
now,  as  one  can  see  it  in  Paris,  the  sole 
chance  of  preserving  the  League  of  Nations 
as  a  real  and  enduring  mechanism,  must  be 
found  in  the  association  of  Great  Britain, 
the  United  States,  and  France  on  the  basis 
of  the  principles  of  the  League  of  Nations 
and  on  the  agreement  to  defend  those  prin- 
ciples until  such  time  as  they  are  universally 
accepted. 

Nothing  seems  clearer  in  Paris  to-day  than 
that  whether  Germany  signs  or  refuses  to 
sign  the  treaty,  more  than  sixty  millions  of 
people  will  remain  sullen,  hostile,  and  re- 
sentful over  a  period  of  from  fifteen  to  thirty 
years  by  external  pressure — literally  com- 
pelled to  work  for  nations  they  have 
wronged,  and  actually  deprived  of  a  large 
fraction  of  those  resources  on  which  modern 
Germany  was  built. 

That  these  millions  of  people  w^ill  accept  it 
in  the  future,  except  as  their  incapacity  for 
resistance  makes  resistance  impossible,  can- 
not be  believed.  If  the  United  States  and 
Great  Britain  withdraw  their  guarantee  to 
France,  nothing  seems  more  certain  than 
that  Germany  will  seek  to  escape  the  burden 
of  costs  of  this  war  by  a  new  attack.  Aus- 
tria deprived  of  her  Czech  provinces  and  be- 
come an  insignificant  state,  Hungary  reduced 
to  the  condition  of  Portugal,  Bulgaria  shorn 
of  all  her  hopes,  will  remain  ready  allies  of 
the  Germans  for  a  long  period  of  time,  while 
the  certain  survival  of  Italian-Jugoslav  hos- 
tility will  provide  further  material. 

In  other  words,  while  we  have  passed  a 
just  sentence  upon  the  Germans,  moderate 
in  its  territorial  demands,  inferior  to  our 
deserts  in  the  economic  field,  we  have  no  less 
imposed  a  sentence  from  the  consequences  of 
which  the  German  will  seek — directly  pos- 
sibly, indirectly  certainly — to  escape.  For 
him  to  join  the  League  of  Nations  now 
would  be  to  accept  a  period  of  economic 
servitude  extending  for  fifteen  years  at  tlie 
minimum,  and  involving  transfer  of  the 
larger  part  of  his  earnings  to  nations  he  has 
wronged.  The  time  may  come,  after  Ger- 
many has  discharged  her  obligations,  when 
(German  entry  into  the  League  of  Nations 
loyally  and  unreservedly  may  be  possible;  but 
until  that  time  comes  the  League  of  Nations 
means  exacth'  as  much  as  the  L^nited  States, 


602 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


Great  Britain,  and  France — the  three  great 
liberal  powers  of  the  world — choose  to  make 
it  mean. 

And  in  a  very  real  sense  this  League  of 
Nations,  which  Europe  has  accepted- (so  far 
as  it  is  accepted  at  all)  under  our  leadership, 
will  remain  what  we  choose  to  make  it. 
President  AVilson  has  seen  this  clearly,  and 
has  made  his  pledge  to  France  accordingly. 
If  we  withdraw  our  material  as  well  as  our 
moral  support,  I  do  not  think  there  is  any- 
body in  Paris  who  believes  that  the  League 
of  Nations  will  endure.  On  the  other  hand, 
if  we,  intimately  associated  with  the  English, 
stand  surely  pledged  to  support  France 
against  new  German  aggression,  that  aggres- 
sion will  in  all  human  possibility  be  avoided. 

The  thing  that  I  am  trying  to  say  to  my 
readers  is  that,  so  far,  we  have  only  laid 
down  bases  for  settlement  alike  with  Ger- 
many and  for  the  future  of  world  peace  in 
the  League  of  Nations.  The  terms  which 
we  have  imposed  upon  Germany  are  so 
drastic  that  they  will  be  accepted  only  be- 
cause Germany  is  powerless  to  resist,  to  be 
fulfilled  only  if  she  remains  incapable  of  re- 
sistance. The  League  of  Nations  will  only 
be  the  thing  everybody  has  hoped  it  would 
become  if  it  has  behind  it  the  force  of  the 
United  States  acting  in  concert  with  Great 
Britain  and  guaranteeing  the  safety  and  ex- 
istence  of  France.  Unquestionably  the  other 
nations  allied  against  Germany,  and  the 
neutrals,  will  enter  it;  but  until  Germany 
and  Russia  also  join  it  will  remain  an  ex- 
periment, the  success  of  which  must  depend 
in  large  measure  upon  the  degree  to  which 
we  are  willing  to  contribute  materially  to  the 
maintenance  of  ideals  for  which  we  are 
morally  responsible. 

To  think  of  the  peace  terms  as  settling  the 
war,  and  the  League  of  Nations  as  making 
war  for  the  future  impossible,  without  recog- 
nizing the  responsibilities  and  problems  in- 
volved, is  to  miss  the  underlying  fact  of  the 
European  situation  to-day. 

III.   The  Histortc  Background 

And  now  I  should  like  to  ask  my  readers 
for  a  moment  to  lay  aside  the  contemporary 
view  of  the  work  of  the  Paris  Conference 
and  review  it  briefly  from  the  standpoint  of 
history.  For  something  like  five  centuries 
Europe  has  been  wrestling  with  questions 
and  with  evils  out  of  which  have  grown 
many  wars  and  out  of  which  developed  this 


last  and  most  terrible  war  of  all.  Since  the 
Turk  broke  into  Europe  and  destroyed  the 
life  of  the  smaller  peoples  of  the  Balkans  we 
have  had  an  Eastern  Question  growing  as 
Turkish  power  declined  and  the  ambitions 
and  the  appetites  of  the  great  powers  clashed 
in  the  estates  of  the  Osmanli.  At  the  Paris 
Conference  we  have  sought  once  more  to 
solve  the  Eastern  Question,  to  abolish  the 
wrongs  and  iniquities  growing  out  of  the  de- 
struction of  Eastern  nations  in  the  14th 
century. 

Reverting  to  a  still  more  distant  period 
is  the  problem  of  Italy.  The  decline  and 
fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  which  brought 
the  barbarians  to  the  Peninsula,  created  that 
condition  of  division  amongst  the  Italians 
which  successive  wars  from  Napoleon  to  the 
present  hour  have  only  partially  remedied. 
As  we  are  seeking  to  give  liberty  and  unity 
to  the  Balkan  peoples  we  are  in  Paris  stri- 
ving to  give  Italy  her  natural  frontiers  alike 
and  place  in  her  hands  permanently  the  bar- 
rier of  the  Alps  from  the  Ventimille  to 
Fiume. 

The  third  problem  which  has  for  long  gen- 
erations troubled  the  peace  of  Europe  dates 
from  the  18th  century,  when  Frederick  the 
Great  achieved  the  first  partition  of  Poland. 
Subsequent  partitions  were  followed  by  the 
ultimate  extinction  of  Polish  existence  at  the 
Congress  of  Vienna  and  for  more  than  a 
century  Poland  has  been  sore  at  the  injustice 
against  our  so-called  civilization. 

Less  ancient  is  the  grievance  of  Bohemia 
and  the  Czechs.  One  must  go  back  to  the 
period  of  the  opening  days  of  the  Thirty 
Years'  War  in  the  famous  Defenistration  of 
Prague  to  find  a  Bohemian  kingdom  extin- 
guished in  that  struggle  subjected  to  Austrian 
tyranny  through  all  the  centuries  that  fol- 
lowed but  preserving,  like  Poland,  the  mem- 
ory of  ancient  independence  and  enduring 
national  aspirations. 

And  finally  we  have  by  restoring  Alsace- 
Lorraine  to  France  abolished  the  consequence 
of  the  war  of  1870-71  and  the  iniquitous 
provisions  of  the  Treaty  of  Frankfort.  In 
Itali,?.  Irredenta  and  French  aspirations  for 
the  recovery  of  the  lost  provinces  we  have 
two  of  the  most  potent  emotions  in  Europe  in 
the  last  half-century,  two  of  the  great  histori- 
cal wrongs  against  free  peoples  of  the  West 
are  thus  righted. 

The  new  Europe  which  w^e  have  created 
is  based  thus  on  the  abolition  of  ancient 
wrongs.    We  have  done  away  with  the  crime 


ISSUES  OF  THE  PEACE   CONFERENCE 


603 


of  1871,  we  have  restored  to  France  her  an- 
cient frontiers  within  which  she  can  be  at 
once  safe  militarily  and  prosperous  economic- 
ally, and  we  have  placed  against  future  Ger- 
man attack  that  barrier  of  the  Rhine  which 
in  Roman  times  was  recognized  as  the  fron- 
tier of  Latin  civilization.  We  have,  in  fact, 
gone  back  to  the  Roman  era  to  erect  once 
more  barriers  at  the  Rhine  and  the  Alps 
against  the  invasion  of  Gaul   and   of   Italy. 

A    Reversion    to    Roman    Policy 

We  have  recognized  the  right  of  the  Ger- 
man tribes  settled  on  this  side  of  the  Rhine  to 
a  political  existence  of  their  own  while  we 
have  reaffirmed  the  doctrine,  reasserted  the 
sound  policy  that  the  Rhine  and  the  Alps  are 
the  true  military  frontiers  of  civilization 
against  Germanic  barbarism  which  at  succes- 
sive moments  throughout  all  history  has 
threatened  to  engulf  the  Western  world.  It 
is  of  more  than  passing  interest,  then,  that 
our  Western  settlement  in  the  Conference  of 
Peace  at  Paris  in  reality  is  a  restatement  of 
the  truth  as  old  as  the  days  when  the  Roman 
Empire  was  constituted.  After  1900  years 
Europe  in  a  new  settlement  reverts  to  the 
principles  of  Augustus  in  defining  the  mili- 
tary boundaries  of  Western   Europe. 

And  this  Roman  policy  finds  itself  ex- 
pressed so  far  as  Italy  is  concerned  not  alone 
with  the  Italian  frontiers  from  the  summit 
of  the  Brenner  pass  and  to  the  crests  of  the 
Julian  Alps,  including  the  Trentino  and 
Trieste,  which  for  half  a  century  constituted 
Italia  Irredenta,  but  it  is  also  expressed  in 
the  Italian  demand  repulsed  by  President 
Wilson  that  Italy  should  be  permitted  to 
dominate  both  shores  of  the  Adriatic  and  re- 
occupy  the  cities  and  the  islands  on  the  East- 
ern coast  of  that  sea  where  still  survive  some 
of  the  finest  monuments  of  Imperial  Rome. 
Here  the  old  and  the  new  meet  in  sharp  con- 
flict, and  here  one  begins  to  touch  upon  dan- 
gers for  the  future. 

Restoration   of  Poland  and  Bohemia 

In  resuscitating  Poland  the  Western  na- 
tions- have  gone  back  a  century  and  a  half 
and  sought  to  undo  one  of  the  great  crimes 
of  all  history.  Frederick  the  Great  coming 
to  the  throne  of  Prussia  and  having  success- 
fully stolen  Silesia  from  Austria,  sought  to 
complete  the  unity  of  the  Prussian  kingdom 
by  seizing  that  corridor  connecting  Poland 
with  the  Baltic,  which  separated  East  Prussia 
from  Brandenburg  in  Pomerania.  To  per- 
suade Russia  and  Austria  to  consent  to  his 


plan  he  assigned  to  them  far  larger  areas  of 
Polish  territory,  and  Polish  incoherence  sup- 
plied ever-increasing  opportunities  for  Rus- 
sia, Austria  and  Prussia  to  partition  and  abol- 
ish Poland. 

The  consequences  of  the  destruction  of  Po- 
land were  found  in  the  rivalries  between 
Germany  and  Russia,  which  have  gained 
ground  with  every  decade  from  the  Con- 
gress of  Vienna  to  the  outbreak  of  the 
world  war.  Through  all  these  years  Poland 
has  existed  in  the  hearts  of  the  Polish  people, 
but  for  the  Poles  liberty  has  seemed  an  im- 
possible aspiration  so  long  as  three  great 
powers,  Germany,  Russia  and  Austria,  w^ere 
united  in  a  common  policy  based  on  a  com- 
mon hostility  to  Polish  renaissance. 

To-day  Austria  has  ceased  to  exist,  Russia 
has  fallen  into  chaos,  the  outcome  of  which 
no  man  can  imagine,  and  Germany  has  been 
defeated  and  lies  at  the  mercy  of  the  West- 
ern nations  who  are  seeking  by  restoring  Po- 
land to  re-create  in  the  East  a  nation  w^hich 
shall  be  for  them  a  precious  ally  in  the  fu- 
ture and  at  the  same  moment  to  remove  one 
of  the  cancers  from  the  European  system. 

For  Bohemia,  for  the  Czechs  and  the  Slo- 
vaks inhabiting  the  highlands  in  the  very 
heart  of  Central  Europe  the  same  policy  is 
being  followed.  We  are  undoing  a  wrong 
nearly  three  centuries  old  in  the  case  of  Bo- 
hemia, as  we  are  atoning  for  a  crime  a  cen- 
tury and  a  half  old  in  the  case  of  Poland. 
In  the  highlands  of  Central  Europe  we  are 
erecting  a  Slav  state  which  also  must  be  an 
ally  of  the  West,  providing  only  the  West 
shall  recognize  its  responsibilities. 

A  New  Rumania 

Southward  in  the  Balkans  we  are  at  last 
rescuing  two  great  peoples,  the  Rumanians 
and  the  Jugo-Slavs,  from  that  chaos  and 
that  servitude  resulting  from  Turkish  inter- 
vention in  Europe.  But  once  more,  as  in  the 
case  of  France  and  Italy,  our  policy  in  the 
Balkans  goes  back  to  Roman  times,  and  in 
fact  in  re-creating  a  real  Rumania  we  are 
imitating  the  policy  of  Trajan,  who  for  a 
bulwark  to  civilization  placed  colonies  of  sol- 
diers in  the  lower  valley  of  the  Danube  and 
in  the  highlands  which  guard  the  Moldavian 
and  Wallachian  plains.  There  is  perhaps 
nothing  in  this  whole  peace  that  we  are  mak- 
ing more  interesting  than  the  fact  that  those 
nations  which  were  the  Roman  Empire,  Italy, 
France  and  l^ritain,  are  instinctively  if  un- 
consciously taking  notice  of  those  same  geo- 
graphic and  political  necessities  which  domi- 


604 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


natcd  Roman  policy  and  along  the  Rhine, 
the  Alps  and  the  Danube  seeking  those  securi- 
ties against  new  Germanic  attacks  which 
Rome  sought  in  her  greater  days. 

Jugo-Slavias  Natural  Fro?itiers 

In  creating  Jugo-Slavia  the  Western  na- 
tions are  again  recognizing  the  claims  of  a 
gallant  race.  In  the  14th  century  Serbia 
was  an  empire  with  laws  and  civilization  at 
least  comparable  to  those  of  England  and 
France.  Under  the  great  Dushan  she  ruled 
much  of  the  territory  between  the  i^gean, 
the  Danube,  the  Black  Sea  and  the  Adriatic. 
Against  the  Turkish  flood  she  maintained  for 
long  generations  a  gallant  but  despairing 
fight.  It  was  the  Serbs  who  were  the  first 
to  emerge  when  the  Turkish  tide  ebbed ;  it 
was  the  Serbs  who  from  that  moment  to  this 
have  most  gallantly  and  consistently  strug- 
gled for  their  liberties  against  the  Austrian 
tyrant  as  well  as  the  Turkish  oppressor.  To- 
day we  are  giving  Jugo-Slavia  her  natural 
frontiers  to  the  northward  as  far  as  the 
Drave,  thus  making  her  a  guardian  of  the 
common-  frontier  of  Western  civilization 
which  stretches  by  the  Rhine,  the  Alps  and  the 
Drave  to  the  Rumanian  fortress  which  holds 
the  frontiers  of  the  Theiss,  the  Southern  Car- 
pathians and  the  Dniester  River,  and  we  are, 
by  granting  Greece  her  just  rights,  making  of 
the  Hellenic  race  an  ally  and  an  aid. 

IV.    What  the  Settlement 

Means 

We  have  thus  in  a  very  large  sense  re- 
stored the  barriers  of  Rumania  against  the 
menace  of  the  North  and  center  of  Europe. 
We  have,  in  fact,  in  the  case  of  Belgium, 
France,  Italy,  Jugo-Slavia,  Rumania  and 
Greece  restored  in  a  fashion  at  least  striking 
the  conditions  of  2000  years  ago.  We  have 
consciously  or  unconsciously  sought  to  replace 
the  unity  of  Rome  by  an  alliance  of  Western 
Powers  to  erect  a  common  defensive  associa- 
tion from  the  British  Isles  to  the  Black  Sea 
with  the  purpose  of  restraining  that  pressure 
coming  out  of  Central  Europe  which  now, 
as  in  remoter  ages,  has  its  center  in  Ger- 
many. We  have  passed  the  Roman  achieve- 
ment by  erecting  on  the  flank  of  this  German 
world  two  states,  Poland  and  Bohemia, 
which  are  by  the  very  necessities  of  their  po- 
sition bound  to  the  West,  dependent  upon 
the  West  for  protection,  and  certain,  if 
Western  policy  pursues  a  rational  course,  to 
contribute  their  strength  in  any  later  strug- 


gle which  the  German  world  may  precipitate. 

But  in  erecting  this  new  barrier  we  have 
so  far  failed  in  many  details  and  our  failures 
may  have  fatal  consequences.  The  quarrel 
between  the  Italians  and  the  Jugo-Slavs  over 
the  eastern  shore  of  the  Adriatic  has  for  the 
future  a  very  obvious  danger,  that  our  bar- 
rier may  be  broken  and  that  the  Southern 
Slavs  or  the  Italians  may  seek  alliance  with 
Germany  and  thus  isolate  the  Allies  of  the 
East  from  those  of  the  West.  In  permitting 
rivalries  to  develop  between  the  Southern 
Slavs  and  the  Rumanians  in  the  Banat  we 
have  imperilled  that  bulwark  which  alone 
can  prevent  a  new  German  drive  southward 
along  the  pathways  of  victory  of  the  recent 
war  to  Constantinople  and  the  Black  Sea  and 
thence  to  Asia  Minor,  to  Egypt  and  to  India. 
If  the  defensive  frontier  of  Great  Britain  is 
henceforth  at  the  Rhine,  which  everyone 
must  recognize,  the  frontier  of  the  British 
Empire,  that  is,  of  India  and  Egypt,  is  hence- 
forth the  frontiers  of  Jugo-Slavia  and  Ru- 
mania. If  Allied  policy  in  the  future  fails  to 
reconcile  conflicting  claims  of  Italy,  Jugo- 
Slavia  and  Rumania  and  out  of  present  dis~ 
cord  to  create  a  firm  and  enduring  alliance 
the  greatest  part  of  that  security  purchased 
by  this  war  will  have  been  lost. 

And  in  the  same  way  in  permitting  rival- 
ries to  grow  up  between  Bohemia  and  Poland 
we  in  the  West  have  allowed  one  of  the 
greatest  guarantees  we  can  have  in  the  fu- 
ture, two  strong  Slav  allies,  to  be  weakened. 
We  have  opened  the  way  for  a  new  German 
onset  against  Poland  following  the  foot- 
steps of  Frederick  the  Great  and  a  new  de- 
struction of  Bohemia  imitating  the  example 
of  the  Thirty  Years'  War. 

As  I  see  it,  the  permanence  of  that  settle- 
ment which  we  are  now  to  make,  so  far  as 
Europe  is  concerned,  depends  on  two  totally 
different  sets  of  circumstances.  We  have 
created  a  League  of  Nations  which  opens 
the  way  for  a  new  era  if  all  mankind,  if  all 
nations  are  now  and  henceforth  to  be  di- 
rected by  a  common  spirit  of  pacifism  and  a 
mutual  recognition  of  the  rights  of  all  men. 
President  Wilson's  League  of  Nations  offers 
to  the  world  a  voluntary  pathway  to  perma- 
nent peace,  but  it  can  only  succeed  as  all 
nations  accept  in  the  same  spirit  the  prin- 
ciples it  lays  down. 

In  the  second  place,  we  have  by  redress- 
ing ancient  wrongs  given  liberty  to  many  mil- 
lions of  human  beings  and  eliminated  many 
of  the  causes  of  European  chaos  and  rivalry 
such    as    Alsace-Lorraine,    Italia    Irredenta, 


ISSUES  OF  THE  PEACE   CONFERENCE 


605 


Schleswig  and  the  Slav  and  Rumanian 
wrongs  of  the  East  and  the  Balkans.  At 
least  four  new  nations,  Poland,  Bohemia, 
Greater  Rumania  and  Jugo-Slavia,  have  been 
created  out  of  the  fragments  of  peoples  hith- 
erto at  most  only  partiallj^  liberated,  from 
the  slavery  of  monarchical  regimes  which 
have  passed.  Each  of  these  four  nations  has 
in  itself  all  the  requirements  for  national  life, 
each  of  them  represents  the  final  realization 
of  the  noble  aspirations  and  the  gallant  ef- 
forts of  millions  of  men  and  women  in  the 
long  past.  If  we  have  at  one  time  recon- 
ciled differences  among  these  four  new  states 
themselves  and  between  one  of  them  and 
Italy,  and  shall  preserve  an  association  be- 
tween these  states  and  the  great  powers  of 
the  West  until  the  former  shall  have  time 
to  work  out  their  own  domestic  problems 
and  achieve  that  state  of  unity  and  strength 
which  will  enable  them  to  defy  attack,  we 
shall  have  restored  the  balance  of  power 
in  Europe  which  will  be  a  guarantee  that 
the  principles  of  the  League  of  Nations  will 
prevail  because  all  these  nations,  big  and 
little,  will  be  associated  in  a  defense  of  those 
principles. 

If  there  shall  be  a  strong  Poland,  a  strong 
Bohemia,  a  strong  Rumania,  a  strong  Jugo- 
Slavia,  the  pathway  of  German  imperialism 
in  the  future  either  into  Russia  or  into  the 
Balkans  will  be  blocked.  Germany  will  find 
herself  halted  in  the  East  by  precisely  as  per- 
manent and  indestructible  barriers  as  blocked 
her  march  of  conquest  towards  Paris  and  the 
Channel  in  the  recent  war,  and  confronting 
impassable  obstacles  to  vain  and  wicked  am- 
bition she  may  in  her  own  time  and  way 
come  to  accept  the  ideas  and  the  ideals  of  the 
West  expressed  in  the  League  of  Nations.  If 
that  time  comes,  then  a  real  settlement  in 
Europe  and  the  world  will  have  been 
achieved. 

But  the  great  danger,  the  enduring  dan- 
ger, is  that  the  Western  Powers  shall  aban- 
don the  four  new  states  in  the  East  as  the 
great   powers   abandoned    the   small    Balkan 


states  which  they  called  to  existence  in  the 
last  century,  that  they  may  sacrifice  the  just 
rights  of  these  new  states  to  their  own  selfish 
interests  as  the  small  Balkan  states  were 
sacrificed,  that  they  may  permit  these  small 
states  to  become  rivals,  enemies,  tools  of  lar- 
ger rival  states,  and  thus  repeat  the  whole 
sad  history  of  the  Balkans  which  led  Europe 
straight  to  the  world  catastrophe  of  four 
years  ago. 

After  all  the  real  achievement  of  the 
Peace  Conference,  so  far  as  it  has  yet 
achieved  anything,  is  giving  liberty  and  po- 
litical existence  to  sixty-odd  millions  of  peo- 
ple in  Poland,  Bohemia,  Rumania  and  Jugo- 
Slavia,  three-quarters  of  whom  were  five 
years  ago  creatures  of  a. tyranny  which  they 
abhorred.  To  preserve  the  liberties  of  these 
sixty-five  millions  of  people,  to  ensure  that 
they  shall  achieve  national  life  in  the  future, 
is  the  single  fashion  in  which  the  nations 
who  have  won  the  war  can  preserve  their 
victory.  At  the  bottom  of  all  European 
wars  from  the  Napoleonic  era  on  has  lain 
the  will  of  various  races  to  be  free,  or  the 
determination  of  nations  to  regain  a  frag- 
ment of  their  own  peoples  torn  from  them 
by  violence.  Whatever  else  may  be  said  for 
the  peace  being  made  in  Paris  it  has  in  the 
main  sought  to  recognize  this  fundamental 
fact.  It  has  sought  to  avoid  the  errors  of 
all  its  great*  predecessors  of  all  the  councils 
of  the  world  by  recognizing  everywhere  the 
legitimate  demands  of  peoples  small  and 
large  for  self-determination.  It  has  made 
mistakes,  but  it  has  not  deliberately  sinned 
against  the  light,  and  it  is  no  little  thing  in 
human  history  for  all  the  future  that  more 
than  seventy  millions  of  human  beings  have 
achieved  independence  as  a  result  of  the  de- 
cisions here  taken.  Probably  no  international 
gathering  in  history  has  so  honestly  redressed 
ancient  evils  as  the  Paris  Conference  of 
Peace.  But  this  is  not  enough.  Its  work 
can  only  endure  if  the  nations  which  have 
made  the  great  sacrifice  to  achieve  a  noble 
result  are  prepared  to  guarantee  their  work. 


MENTAL  ENGINEERING 
AFTER  THE  WAR 

BY  RAYMOND  DODGE 

[Last  month  Professor  Dodge,  who  holds  the  chair  of  psychology  at  Wesleyan  University,  de- 
rcribed  the  remarkable  work  carried  on  by  psychologists  for  the  Army  in  the  war  period.  In  this 
present  article  he  indicates  industrial  and  social  possibilities  of  "mental  engineering,"  even  more 
important  for  the  welfare  of  the  nation  than  had  been  the  application  of  that  science  to  military 
needs — The  Editor] 


WHEN  our  boys  come  back  home  from 
the  training  camp  or  the  Western 
Front  we  are  interested  to  know  what  they 
did  in  the  national  crisis  and  what  part  they 
played  in  the  events  that  led  to  victory.  But 
we  are  even  more  interested  to  know  how 
those  experiences  have  influenced  their  de- 
velopment and  what  they  portend  for  the 
future.  In  a  similar  way  every  organic  re- 
action, including  the  war-time  service  of 
scientists,  may  be  separated  into  factors  which 
have  a  mere  historical  interest  and  factors 
which  are  permanent  and  prophetic. 

Earnest  desire  and  reasonable  expectation 
to  the  contrary  notwithstanding,  no  one  has 
the  right  to  assume  just  yet  that  the  last 
war  is  the  final  one.  But  as  .long  as  war 
still  threatens,  we  must  heed  the  military 
lessons  that  have  been  learned  at  such  cost. 
Among  those  military  lessons  the  importance 
of  the  mental  factors  in  modern  warfare 
stand  out  with  conspicuous  insistence. 

A  Military  Program  of  Mental  Engineering 

The  discovery,  graduation,  tabulation  and 
placement  of  the  technical  skill  that  is  needed 
by  our  armed  forces  will  never  again  offer 
such  almost  paralyzing  difficulties  as  they 
offered  in  the  summer  of  1917.  The  under- 
lying methods  have  been  thought  out,  tested, 
and  corrected  in  the  work  of  the  Committee 
on  the  Classification  of  Personnel  in  the 
Army.  The  perpetuation  and  development 
of  these  principles  to  meet  new  war  condi- 
tions is  a  straightforward  problem  in  which 
most  of  the  factors  are  known,  and  the  re- 
mainder oin  be  found  by  approved  methods. 

The  problems  of  discovery,  graduation, 
and  placement  of  the  capacities  to  learn  neces- 
sary military  tasks  are  in  a  much  less  satis- 
factory position.  The  Army  tests  for  general 
intelligence  which  were  worked  out  by 
Major    Yerkes    and    his    collaborators,    the 

606 


specific  mental  tests  for  prospective  aviators 
which  were  worked  out  by  Professor  Thorn- 
dike,  and  the  Naval  tests  for  prospective  gun- 
pointers,  listeners,  radio-operators,  pay- 
officers,  and  lookouts  have  shown  the  prac- 
ticability and  substantial  advantages  of  tests 
of  natural  aptitudes  where  speed  of  training 
was  a  consideration.  But,  at  least  as  far  as 
tests  of  specific  abilities  are  concerned,  this 
kind  of  military  service  has  only  made  a  start. 
In  the  last  war  an  enormous  amount  of 
time  was  wasted  in  trying  to  train  for  special 
tasks  men  who  were  relatively  poorly  fitted 
for  them.  Conversely,  the  chances  of  a 
drafted  man's  being  picked  for  training  in 
the  line  of  his  greatest  possible  usefulness  to 
the  service  were  almost  negligible.  The  de- 
velopment of  an  adequate  personnel  service 
for  the  quickest  possible  training  of  a  citizen 
army  with  every  man  in  the  position  of  his 
maximum  usefulness  will  need  years  of  pa- 
tient research.  It  should  not  be  l^ft  to  im- 
provisation when  the  next  war  starts. 

Military  Morale 

The  mental  engineering  problems  of  mili- 
tary morale,  both  defensive  and  offensive,  are 
quite  chaotic.  During  the  war,  responsi- 
bility for  morale  was  divided  between  a  num- 
ber of  practically  uncoordinated  agencies, 
partly  civil  and  partly  military.  But  there 
is  no  study  of  the  proper  reach  and  scope  of 
the  various  agencies.  A  systematic  doctrine 
of  the  condi-tions  that  affect  military  morale 
favorably  and  unfavorably  is  conspicuously 
lacking.  Close  observation  of  the  American 
soldier  by  trained  workers  and  by  officers  is 
still  available.  If  these  observations  are  not 
collected  and  systematized  it  will  be  an  in- 
tolerable loss  of  invaluable  military  experi- 
ence. I  believe  that  all  available  knowledge 
of  offensive  morale  should  be  collected  and 
systematized  with  equal  thoroughness. 


MENTAL   ENGINEERING   AFTER    THE    WAR 


607 


My  military  experience  leads  me  to  the 
conviction  that  somewhere  in  the  training  of 
every  young  officer  there  should  be  systematic 
indoctrination  in  the  best  available  traditions 
of  military  mental  engineering.  This  should 
include  not  only  the  selection  and  placement 
of  personnel  and  the  principles  of  morale, 
but  also  the  conditions  of  observation  and  re- 
port ;  the  nature,  results,  and  correction  of 
mental  fatigue ;  all  devices  by  which  the  ef- 
fective learning  of  new  coordinations  may  be 
speeded  up ;  the  possibility  of  training  by 
indirection ;  and  the  conditions  of  effective 
leadership. 

The  Industrial  Use  of  Intelligence  Tests 

It  would  be  a  very  narrow  view  of  the  pos- 
sibilities of  mental  engineering  that  saw  only 
its  military  value.  Doubtless  long  before  this 
some  of  my  readers  have  been  asking  why 
schemes  similar  to  those  proposed  for  increas- 
ing military  efficiency  would  not  be  useful 
for  improving  economic  and  social  efficiency. 
It  is  the  unanimous  belief  of  the  Psychology 
Committee  of  the  National  Research  Council 
that  the  mental  engineering  needs  of  peace 
are  even  more  important  for  the  welfare  of 
the  nation  than  those  of  war. 

We  have  grown  familiar  with  the  use  of 
intelligence  tests  for  discovering  the  condi- 
tions of  poor  scholarship,  and  of  juvenile 
crime  and  delinquency,  for  the  analysis  of 
feeble-mindedness,  the  study  of  racial  dif- 
ferences, mental  inheritance,  and  the  relative 
importance    of    inheritance    and    education. 


eral  education.  Professor  E.  L.  Thorndike 
of  Columbia  has  prepared  an  intelligence  ex- 
amination for  high-school  graduates  to  be 
used  as  an  alternative  to  the  regular  system 
of  entrance  examinations  at  Columbia  Col- 
lege and  elsewhere.  Aside  from  its  primary 
function  as  an  indication  of  fitness  for  college, 
such  intelligence  examinations  should  furnish 
college  authorities  with  more  detailed  and 
more  exact  information  concerning  the  men- 
tal equipment  of  prospective  students  than 
the  old  examinations.  In  the  case  of  each 
entering  student  they  should  show  the  various 
points  of  mental  strength  and  weakness. 
They  should  help  to  clarify  the  problem  of 
individualizing  the  educational  program. 
Taken  in  connection  with  scientifically  elab- 
orated tests  for  the  graded  schools,  it  is  not 
impossible  that  we  may  soon  expect  a  kind 
of  detailed  exploration  of  the  mental  capac- 
ities of  a  child  that  will  open  the  way  to  a 
scientific  orthopedic  and  corrective  education 
on  the  one  hand,  and,  on  the  other,  to  an 
individualized  education  of  each  child's  par- 
ticular genius. 

The  analysis  of  industrial  jobs  and  specific 
tasks  to  determine  what  kinds  of  special  skill 
and  capacity  they  demand,  is  not  new  in  ap- 
plied psychology.  The  testing  of  candidates 
to  discover  which  ones  possess  the  required 
skill  or  capacities  is  an  accomplished  fact  of 
employment  management.  Both  sides  of  the 
process  of  fitting  the  man  to  the  job  have 
been  improved  by  the  war  experiences.  The 
organization   of  the   old   Committee   on   the 


The  experience   that  was  gained   in   testing      Classification  of  Personnel  in  the  Army  with 


almost  two  million  men  in  the  National 
Army  guarantees  substantial  permanent  ad- 
vances in  the  technic  of  mental  testing 
and  an  incomparable  collection  of  data  for 
standardizing  test  performances.  One  of  the 
important  non-military  applications  of  this 
information  is  its  indication  of  the  grade  of 
intelligence  that  is  necessary  for  average  suc- 
cess in  the  various  skilled  trades  and  pro- 
fessions. 

Rapid  extension  of  the  use  of  standardized 
intelligence  tests  is  imminent  in  industrial 
and  technical  education.  In  the  absence  of 
other  specifications  as  to  the  mental  quali- 
ties that  are  necessary  for  success  in  the 
various  industrial  tasks,  a  mental  examina- 
tion that  will  show  whether  the  candidate 
possesses  the  grade  of  intelligence  that  the 
task  requires  will  be  useful  not  only  in  the 
selection  of  new  employees  but  in  the  trans- 
fer and  promotion  of  old  ones. 

A  similar  development  is  imminent  in  gen- 


its  enviable  service  record,  has  been  perpet- 
uated as  the  Scott  Company  of  Philadelphia. 
The  business  of  this  company  of  personnel 
experts  is,  however,  not  merely  the  analysis 
of  jobs  and  the  selection  of  qualified  person- 
nel. They  are  able  to  furnish  their  clients, 
whether  a  department  store  or  a  factor>% 
with  an  exhaustive  occupational  index  of 
their  business,  with  exact  occupational  speci- 
fications, rating  scales  of  efficiency  in  the  vari- 
ous tasks,  and  examination  blanks  for  the 
selection  of  promising  novices. 

One  aspect  of  its  work  which  is  even  more 
far-reaching  and  promising  is  an  imique  ex- 
periment in  the  organization  of  workers  to 
meet  the  present  complex  industrial  condi- 
tions. 

The  army  personnel  maxim  of  the  right 
man  in  the  right  place  is  as  imperative  for  the 
development  of  an  efficient  industrial  society 
as  it  was  for  the  development  of  an  efficient 
army.     With   the  experiment  in  organizing 


608 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


workers  a  new  and  equally  important  phase 
of  scientific  personnel  work  has  begun  in 
the  direction  of  industrial  morale. 

Engineering  for  Patriotism 

But  again  I  fear  that  some  of  my  readers 
are  impatient  at  the  narrowness  of  our  view. 
The  morale  of  a  people  is  just  as  important 
for  its  national  existence  as  the  morale  of 
its  armed  forces  or  the  industrial  morale  of 
its  workers. 

One  of  the  most  inspiring  phenomena  of 
the  war  was  the  overwhelming  wave  of 
patriotic  devotion  that  swept  aside  lifelong 
habits  and  social  barriers  in  behalf  of  service 
to  the  common  cause.  It  was  a  wonderful 
exhibition  of  the  latent  social  consciousness 
of  America.  Our  ladies  who  only  yesterday 
rebelled  at  the  little  clause  of  the  marriage 
ceremony  concerned  with  obedience  took  or- 
ders from  State  and  national  Councils  of 
Defense  not  only  with  complacence  but  with 
a  certain  fierce  joy  in  the  sacrifices  they  en- 
tailed. Almost  every  man,  woman  and 
child  in  the  country  gladly  did  what  he 
could  find  to  do  to  help  and  hunted  for  more 
exacting  duties.  Except  for  a  small  minority 
who  will  not  easily  be  forgiven,  the  question 
was  not  what  can  I  get,  but  what  can  I 
give?  Personal  ambition  and  financial  gain 
were  alike  forgotten  in  enthusiasm  for  na- 
tional service.  It  seemed  as  though  the 
whole  country  had  suddenly  been  purged  of 
selfishness  and  individualism. 

Our  conspicuously  high  war  morale  did  not 
just  happen.  It  was  achieved  by  a  combina- 
tion of  patriotic  agencies  that  few  of  us  could 
name.  But  the  marvelous  fact  is  that  the 
popular  mind  was  hungry  for  patriotic  self- 
sacrifice.  The  planning  and  effort  have  not 
relaxed.  Great  Americanization,  patriotic, 
and  religious  movements  are  under  way, 
but  some  of  them  do  not  find  the  same  mental 
Twuiainess  that  they  did  when  our  national 
traditions  and  existence  were  threatened  by 
autocratic  force.  The  first  conspicuous  break 
in  the  national  morale  came  before  the  armis- 
tice in  the  rebirth  of  political  partisanship. 
Soon  after  the  ebullition  of  patriotic  fervor 
at  the  signing  of  the  armistice,  manufacturers 
and  laborers,  men  of  affairs  and  even  the 
boys  in  the  training  camps  gradually  found 
themselves  thinking  more  and  more  in  terms 
of  the  old  individualism.  It  became  increas- 
ingly difficult  to  maintain  the  effective  or- 
ganization of  even  the  necessary  military 
forces.  The  wonderful  war-time  force  of 
patriotic  zeal  has  suffered  lamentable  depres- 


sion in  spite  of  all  the  efforts  to  keep  it  alive. 

Another  conspicuous  mental  consequence 
of  the  war  has  been  the  consistent  depression 
of  some  of  the  strongest  traditional  cohering 
forces  of  society.  Some  of  them  have 
suffered  to  a  degree  that  is  scarcely  possible 
to  estimate.  For  example :  whatever  our  per- 
sonal attitude  towards  autocratic  rulers  may 
be,  we  must  realize  that  the  king  as  the 
personal  representation  of  the  state  and  the 
object  of  the  allegiance  of  its  citizens  has 
commonly  served  as  a  potent  social  cohering 
force. 

The  moment  that  the  "Little  Father  of 
the  Russians"  disappeared  as  a  social  force, 
Russia  broke  into  numerous  contending  fac- 
tions that  no  power  has  yet  been  able  to  re- 
unite. Apparently  the  same  process  is  oc- 
curring in  Austria,  and  as  this  is  written  it 
threatens  to  occur  in  Germany.  The  old 
social  power  of  the  personalization  of  the 
state  is  widely  depressed  throughout  the 
world.  Where  it  has  disappeared  no  one 
seems  to  have  set  himself  the  task  of  develop- 
ing a  cohering  force  that  is  adequate  to  take 
its  place.  Such  forces  are  available  in  human 
nature,  if  only  they  can  be  found  and 
brought  into  action.  They  probably  lie  in 
the  direction  of  the  parental  instincts  rather 
than  the  instincts  of  the  herd.  To  make 
the  world  a  better  world  for  the  children  to  | 
live  in,  few  personal  sacrifices  are  too  great. 
But  the  relative  force  of  such  an  appeal 
depends  on  a  racial  psychology  of  which  we 
know  comparatively  nothing. 

Similarly,  however  we  may  deplore  it, 
the  cohering  power  of  the  Christian  Church 
lost  prestige  by  the  war.  In  part  this  may 
have  been  the  consequence  of  the  brutality 
of  the  professedly  Christian  German  nations, 
their  international  perfidy,  and  their  subver- 
sion of  religion  and  private  morals  to  military 
expediency.  I  have  not  seen  an  adequate 
analysis  of  the  facts.  Fortunately  the 
church  is  alive  to  the  importance  of  the  re- 
construction. Its  task  is  fundamentally  a 
great  mental  engineering  task.  It  has  a  legi- 
timate field  of  appeal  to  the  strongest  human 
instincts. 

Engineering   for    the    Social   and    Industrial 
Unrest 

While  some  of  the  great  cohering  forces 
in  society  have  lost  -prestige,  there  has  been 
a  conspicuous  increase  in  the  menace  of  some 
of  the  de-cohering  forces.  There  is  an  alarm- 
ing increase  in  social  restlessness,  in  intoler- 
ance of  restraint,  in  disguised  and  undisguised 


MENTAL   ENGINEERING   AFTER    THE    WAR 


609 


anarchistic  tendencies.  In  part  these  may 
be  viewed  as  the  inevitable  consequences  of  a 
great  war.  Analogous  social  movements  are 
familiar  historical  events  following  other 
wars.  But  this  time  the  social  and  economic 
unrest  is  almost  world-wide.  It  has  been 
most  acute  in  the  defeated  countries  of  Eu- 
rope, reaching  its  maximum  proportions  in 
Russian  chaos.  But  recent  events  in  widely 
scattered  sections  of  the  United  States  clearly 
indicate  a  menace  to  which  it  would  be  folly 
to  shut  our  eyes.  The  total  restlessness  in 
the  world  is  appalling.  It-  is  not  merely  the 
sum  of  individual  voices  that  we  hear,  but 
the  protests  of  great  organized  groups. 

These  problems  cannot  be  annihilated  by 
ignoring  them.  They  demand  causal  analysis 
of  human  motives,  and  of  the  interaction  of 
economic  and  social  forces ;  the  wisest  use  of 
our  educational  resources ;  the  discovery  and 
development  of  a  social  consciousness ;  some 
tangible  basis  for  a  nation-wide  spirit  of  co- 
operation. This  is  not  a  matter  for  force  or 
legislation.  It  is  a  matter  of  social  morale. 
We  cannot  afford  to  let  matters  muddle 
along  if  good  mental  engineering  can  help 
to  find  a  quicker  and  more  adequate  solution. 

New  Problem  of  a  League  of  Nations 

With  the  imminence  of  world  politics  and 
a  league  of  nations  the  scientific  study  of 
racial  psychology  takes  on  unprecedented 
importance.  Some  of  the  necessary  interna- 
tional adjustments  and  accommodations  will 
be  effected  by  the  close  contact  of  representa- 
tives of  the  different  races  and  a  free  expres- 
sion of  different  points  of  view.  But  if 
these  representatives  are  elected  by,  and  are 
responsible  to  democratic  states  there  must 
be  something  more. 

There  is  an  inevitable  tendency  in  the  hu- 
man mind  to  understand  all  other  people  in 
terms  of  one's  own  experience  and  traditions. 
One  of  our  Wesleyan  alumni  w^ho  is  con- 
spicuous in  foreign  educational  work  reports 
overhearing  the  end  of  a  discussion  about 
himself,  in  which  an  aged  Chinese  sage  in- 
sisted to  his  baffled  fellow  countrymen  that 
the  impossible  stranger  was  probably  still  a 
member  of  the  human  race.  If  ,we  are  to 
have  a  political  unity  that  is  more  than  a 
mockery,  the  various  nations  must  know  and 
respect  each  others'  traditions,  points  of  view, 
and  aims.  There  can  be  no  interracial  sym- 
pathy and  no  benevolent  mutual  helpfulness 
without  knowledge.  The  dream  of  a  world- 
wide democracy  is  absurd  unless  we  can  dis- 
cover  and   develop   an   adequate    inter-racial 

June — 4 


consciousness,   unless  we   can    discover   some 
common  aim  on  which  we  can  unite. 

A  College  of  JMental  Engineering 

It  seems  to  me  that  the  time  has  come 
when  we  may  venture  to  think  and  speak 
openly  both  of  the  need  and  of  the  practi- 
cability of  a  General  College  of  Mental 
Engineering.  As  an  organized  scientific  body 
the  business  of  such  an  institution  would  be 
to  collect  and  systematize  the  available  data 
in  all  important  fields  of  mental  engineering, 
to  investigate  the  most  pressing  problems 
with  all  the  resources  of  the  human  sciences, 
and  to  indoctrinate  qualified  students  and 
groups. 

The  ideal  College  of  Mental  Engineering 
that  exists  in  the  minds  of  some  of  us,  is  not 
a  direct  parallel  to  the  schools  of  mechanical, 
electrical  and  chemical  engineering.  It  is 
rather  an  institution  for  cooperative  and  in- 
tensive practical  research  in  the  conditions 
of  human  efficiency  and  morale.  On  the 
basis  of  our  actual  experience  I  have  indi- 
cated certain  military,  industrial,  and  educa- 
tional desiderata.  But  it  seems  to  some  of 
us  that  the  great  problems  for  such  an  insti- 
tution to  face  would  be  after  all  the  prob- 
lems of  the  social  mind. 

On  the  whole,  scientists  in  the  allied  fields 
of  history,  sociology,  political  economy,  edu- 
cation, and  psychology  realize  the  complexity 
of  these  problems  better  than  men  of  affairs. 
They  have  larger  scientific  resources  to  meet 
them.  And  they  have  the  advantage  of  the 
confidence  of  the  community  not  only  in  their 
ability  but  also  in  their  non-partisanship. 
Many  scientists  are  devoting  a  large  part  of 
their  time  to  the  study  of  such  problems. 
But  all  of  us  work  at  an  enormous  disad- 
vantage for  the  lack  of  that  scientific  coopera- 
tion that  was  the  most  precious  development 
of  scientific  work  under  the  National  Re- 
search Council. 

Practical  mental  engineering  wisdom  is 
widely  scattered.  One  finds  it  often  inar- 
ticulate and  un-self conscious  in  politicians, 
physicians,  dentists,  lawyers,  and  business 
men,  \\\  emploj^ers  and  leaders  of  labor,  in 
administrators,  editors,  and  publicists.  But 
it  is  often  a  kind  of  trade  secret,  destined 
to  die  with  its  possessor.  The  College  of 
Mental  Engineering  must  be  catholic  enouizh 
to  collect  and  systematize  all  this  practical 
wisdom — the  products  of  the  laboratory  of 
affairs  as  well  as  of  the  laboratories  of 
science. 

But  at  least  in  its  investigation  and  exploi- 


610 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


tcition  of  the  stabilizing  forces  in  society  it 
must  do  more  than  enlist  the  cooperation  of 
a  group  of  scientists  and  men  of  affairs. 

Oj'ganization  of  Stabilizing  Agencies- 

In  an  informal  meeting  of  a  group  of  those 
who  were  interested  in  morale,  at  the  office 
of  the  Secretary  of  War,  one  of  the  psychol- 
ogists pointed  out  the  enormous  social  poten- 
tialities of  existing  clubs  and  societies  with 
more  or  less  pronounced  patriotic  interests. 
Most  of  those  potentialities  are  barely 
touched.  There  is  no  tabulation  of  their 
reach  and  power,  no  miechanism  for  enlist- 
ing their  cooperation,  no  deliberative  mutual 
formulation  of  plans,  no  available  scientific 
basal  knowledge  of  the  relation  of  any  acci- 
dentally suggested  plan  to  the  goal  that  it  is 
expected   to   accomplish. 

A  few  weeks  ago  I  was  consulted  about 
the  value  of  some  Americanization  propa- 
ganda that  was  being  started  by  a  metropoli- 
tan organization.  My  practical  wisdom  in 
the  matter  was  verj^  small.  But  it  became 
perfectly  obvious  to  all  concerned  after  a 
little  deliberation  that  the  plan  proposed  was 
entirely  inadequate  to  the  task  and  that  some 
of  the  specific  instruments  were  not  only  in- 
effective but  really  harmful  to  the  real  aim. 
Such  an  accidental  dissipation  of  patriotic 
zeal  ought  to  be  impossible.  It  is  too  dis- 
couraging in  its  results.  Our  capital  is  too 
valuable  to  waste. 

A   N eo-humanitarian   Revival 

A  College  of  Mental  Engineering  should 
include  at  least  four  great  schools.  These 
are  a  Central  School  of  Social  Engineering 
for  the  discovery  and  reinforcement  of  such 
cohering  and  stabilizing  social  forces  as  are 
still  available;  a  School  of  Industrial  Engi- 
neering for  studying  the  mental  problems  of 
our  industrial  life;  a  School  of  Educational 
Engineering  that  looks  to  the  future;  and  a 
School  of  Expression  to  study  the  problems 
of  "putting  things  across." 

In  all  these  directions  there  are  well-estab- 
lished scientific  and  academic  traditions.  But 
nowhere  in  the  world,  as  far  as  I  can  learn, 
does  there  exist  any  agency  for  coordinating 
the  available  fragments  of  our  science  of  the 
social  mind  for  the  practical  solution  of  our 
pressing  social  problems. 

I  have  no  illusions  of  wisdom  as  to  the 
exact  form  that  such  a  cooperative  scientific 
institution  should  take.  But  it  is  clear  to 
some  of  us  that  to  be  a  safe  as  well  as  a  vital 
factor  in  the  reconstruction  period.  The  Col- 


lege of  Mental  Engineering  must  be  rigidly 
scientific  and  absolutely  free  from  any  sus- 
picion of  being  controlled  in  the  interests  of 
any  social  group.  It  must  be  able  to  com- 
mand the  services  of  the  best  trained  minds 
in  the  several  fields  of  mental  engineering  no 
matter  where  in  the  world  they  may  be 
found.  It  must  be  able  to  collect  its  data 
wherever  the  data  exist.  It  must  be  able  to 
consult  with  a  wide  group  of  experts. 

We  may  be  reasonably  sure  that  if  it  once 
gets  a  proper  start  such  an  institution  will 
have  very  wide  influence.  It  should  become 
a  center  for  a  neo-humanitarian  revival — a 
balance  both  for  the  tendencies  to  social 
mechanization,  and  to  extreme  individualism. 

To  be  thoroughly  successful  it  must  enlist 
the  active  cooperation  of  all  scientists  every- 
where who  can  contribute  relevant  scientific 
data,  or  aid  the  scientific  analj^ses  that  it 
undertakes.  Personally  I  would  go  farther 
than  that.  I  believe  that  in  some  way  or 
other  it  must  stimulate  the  widest  possible 
popular  cooperation,  reinforcing  in  every 
legitimate  way  the  splendid  latent  humani- 
tarianism  that  the  war  disclosed. 

As  the  hours  of  routine  work  tend  grad- 
ually towards  an  unknown  lower  limit,  and 
the  aggregate  of  leisure  for  self-determined 
activity  increases,  our  social  salvation  will 
depend  on  whether  the  average  of  the  self- 
determined  activity  is  social  or  anti-social. 
In  some  way  or  other,  as  occurred  during  the 
stress  of  war,  the  whole  people  must  feel 
their  participation  in  a  social  consciousness, 
as  necessary  parts  in  the  great  social  advance. 
So  some  of  us  have  come  to  believe  that  if 
ever  a  nucleus  of  scientists  is  actually  called 
into  being  for  a  College  of  Mental  Engineer- 
ing, it  should  not  regard  itself  as  an  instru- 
ment for  leadership  so  much  as  a  center  for 
colligating  the  several  functions  of  widely 
scattered  cooperating  members. 

Our  tentative  program  for  continuing  the 
essential  factors  of  war-time  mental  engi- 
neering is  obviously  vastly  larger  than  any 
single  science,  pregnant  with  more  important 
social  issues  than  any  effort  that  has  hitherto 
been  made  to  organize  scientific  research  for 
practical  social  ends.  To  be  even  moderately 
successful  it  will  not  only  require  brains  but 
large  and  independent  financial  resources. 
It  probably  ought  not  to  start  at  all  rather 
than  to  start  wrong,  or  to  start  trivially.  But 
it  seems  to  some  of  us  that  whatever  the  cost 
in  money,  time,  or  effort,  we  who  are  living 
in  this  supreme  moment  of  social  evolution 
cannot  afford  to  neglect  the  investment. 


GARDEN  WORK  BY  PUPILS  AT  A  GARY  SCHOOL 

(They  plant,  cultivate,  and  harvest — not  only  giving  ordinary  care,  but  also  doing  the  heavy  work.    By  indoor  related 
study   and  by   experimenting,   stress   is   laid   upon   such   matters  as  soils,   fertilizers,   seed   selection,   and  transplanting) 

THE  GARY  SYSTEM  EXAMINED 


A  Review  of  the  Report  by  t 
ON  THE  Schools 


HE  General  Education  Board 
OF  Gary,  Indiana 

BY  HENRY  W.   HOLMES 


(Professor  of   Education  at   Harvard   University) 


TO  most  people,  Gary,  Indiana,  means 
steel.  To  many,  it  means  also  an  ex- 
tremely significant  experiment  in  public  edu- 
cation. Before  the  war,  the  schools  of  Gary 
had  attained  a  national,  even  an  interna- 
tional, reputation.  Educators  everywhere 
agreed  that  Gary  was  making  a  radical  at- 
tempt to  put  into  practical  operation  a 
thoroughly  modern  conception  of  education 
and  that  William  F.  Wirt,  Superintendent 
of  the  Gary  schools,  had  devised  some  very 
ingenious  plans  for  doing  it.  In  1916  Mr. 
Wirt  was  called  to  New  York  to  demonstrate 
the  value  of  the  Gary  scheme  for  city  schools. 
This  attracted  to  the  principles  and  practice 
of  the  Gary  plan  a  public  attention  even  more 
widespread  and  serious  than  before,  and  it 
was  clear  that  a  thorough,  sympathetic,  and 
impartial  examination  of  the  Gary  schools 
would  be  a  service  of  national  importance. 

A  Survey  by  Expert  Investigators 

At  the  request  of  the  Gary  authorities  the 
General  Education  Board  undertook,  there- 
fore, to  make  a  careful  survey  of  the  system 
in  Gary  itself,  seeking  to  understand  its  aims 
in  their  broad  relation  to  the  conditions  and 
needs  of  the  community  and  the  times,  and 
to  assess  its  results  by  every  available  measure 
of  educational  achievement. 


The  very  undertaking  was  notable.  The 
Gary  Schools  are  a  distinctively  American 
product.  The  General  Education  Board  is 
equally  a  distinctive  American  institution. 
Founded  and  endowed  by  John  D.  Rocke- 
feller, Sr.,  incorporated  by  the  Congress  of 
the  United  States,  and  free  to  forward  edu- 
cation in  every  way  its  ingenuity  might  sug- 
gest and  its  funds  and  influence  permit,  the 
Board  has  rendered  notable  service  to  the 
schools  and  colleges  of  the  country.  It  has 
made  a  number  of  independent  studies  of 
educational  undertakings  and  has  gained  the 
reputation  of  conducting  investigations  efl^i- 
ciently,  without  prejudice,   and  with  vision. 

The  responsible  agents  of  the  Board  in  the 
Gary  study  had  already  commended  them- 
selves for  the  clarity,  sanity,  and  forward- 
looking  character  of  their  views  on  public 
education.  Students  of  education  knew  that 
the  Board  would  assess  the  work  of  the  Gary 
schools  fairly,  and  that  what  was  of  per- 
manent good  in  them  would  be  made  clear 
for  the  use  of  all,  what  was  of  dangerous 
tendency  or  precarious  value  made  clear  for 
avoidance.  The  Board  had  no  rival  system 
to  protect,  no  previous  pronouncement  to 
substantiate.  It  could  take  the  standpoint  of 
an  objective  inquirer,  eager  to  find  anything 
of  promise  for  the  schools  of  America. 

611 


612 


THE    AMERICAN    REFIEPF    OF    REVIEWS 


A  PLAYGROUND  SCENE— PHYSICAL  TRAINING  OUT  OF  DOORS 

(The  Gary  scheme  abandons  "setting  up"  and  "breathing"  exercises  in  the  classroom,  and  takes  the  pupils  to  the 
gymnasium,  swimming-pool,  and  playground.  Special  teachers  are  responsible  for  everything  that  i)ertains  to  physical 
education.    The  illustration  shows  also  the   "portables"  which  often  supplement  the  main  building  in  a  Gary  school) 


The  Published  Findings 

The  report  of  the  Board  is  published  un- 
der the  general  title,  "The  Gary  Public 
Schools."  It  consists  of  eight  volumes,  some 
of  which  are  still  in  preparation.  The  first 
of  these,  called  "The  Gary  Schools:  A  Gen- 
eral Account,"  summarizes  the  results  of 
the  special  studies  reported  in  the  other  seven 
volumes.  The  special  studies,  undertaken 
by  a  corps  of  experts  in  various  phases  of 
school  work,  deal  with  "Organization  and 
Administration,"  "  Costs,"  "  Industrial 
Work,"  "Household  Arts,"  "Physical  Train- 
ing and  Play,"  "Science  Teaching,"  and 
"Measurement  of  Classroom  Products." 
The  summarizing  report,  which  is  the  vol- 
ume here  under  review,  was  written  by  Dr. 
Abraham  Flexner,  Secretary  of  the  General 
Education  Board,  and  Dr.  Frank  P.  Bach- 
man,  who  has  participated,  as  an  agent  of  the 
Board,  in  a  number  of  its  investigations. 
Any  of  the  reports  may  be  secured  from  the 
Board  at  a  nominal  cost. 

What,  then,  are  the  findings  as  to  the 
Gary  schools?  What  may  we  learn  of  Gary 
for  that  enrichment  and  increased  effective- 
ness of  public  education  which  is  on  all  sides 
urgently  demanded,  and  which  is  bound 
somehow  to  be  accomplished?  The  nation, 
and  practically  every  State  in  the  nation,  is 
facing  a  legislative  program  for  educational 
reform.  England  has  passed  one  of  the  most 
comprehensive  measures  of  educational  re- 
organization ever  presented  to  a  national 
legislature.  From  H.  G.  Wells  to  the  presi- 
dent of   Princeton   University,    reformers  of 


every  grade  and  kind  are  urging  changes  in 
education  to  meet  the  changes  in  social  con- 
ditions and  social  ideals.  Of  all  the  changes 
that  may  be  made,  those  that  apply  to  the 
common  schools  will  have  the  widest  appli- 
cation and  the  most  far-reaching  effect.  Can 
we  learn  from  Gary  what  to  welcome  and 
what  to  avoid,  at  least  so  far  as  elementary 
schooling  is  concerned  ? 

The  report  of  the  General  Education 
Board  makes  answer:  We  may  welcome  the 
conception  that  schooling  means  more  than 
the  common  book-work  of  the  conventional 
class  room ;  we  may  welcome  the  use  of  shops, 
laboratories,  auditoriums,  playgrounds,  mu- 
seums, gymnasiums  and  gardens  as  school 
equipment ;  we  may  welcome  the  democratic 
spirit  in  school  management  which  subordi- 
nates regimentation  to  activity  and  learning  to 
doing ;  but  we  must  avoid  such  extension  and 
complication  of  school  work  as  will  outrun 
provision  for  watchful  administrative  con- 
trol ;  we  must  avoid  the  wholesale  abandon- 
ment of  tested  methods  and  programs  for 
novel  and  stimulating  experiments  under- 
taken without  critical  examination  of  results, 
without  provision  for  records  or  account- 
ability, without  the  establishment  of  super- 
visory agencies. 

It  is  to  the  substantial  and  lasting  credit  of 
Gary  that  it  has  had  the  courage,  liberality,  and 
imagination  to  "try  things."  Nor  have  things 
been  tried  blindly  and  recklessly.  The  social  sit- 
uation to  be  dealt  with  has  been  thoughtfully 
analyzed;  the  resources  at  our  disposal  have  been 
intelligently  marshalled.  Gary  .  .  .  failed  only 
in  caution  and  criticism.  Hence,  while  things 
have  been   tried,   results   have  not  been  carefully 


THE    GARY    SYSTEM    EXAMINED 


613 


checked.  Disappointment  was 
inevitable,  but  it  is  a  disap- 
pointment that  does  not  imply 
fundamental  error.  .  .  .  The 
theory  of  which  Gary  is  an 
exemplification  is  derived  from 
the  facts  and  necessities  of 
modern  life.  The  defects  of 
Gary  cannot  therefore  simply 
throw  us  back  on  the  meager 
type  of  education  appropriate 
to  other  conditions.  Gary's  ex- 
perience up  to  this  time  means 
merely  that  further  efforts,  at 
Gary  and  elsewhere,  more 
clearly  defined,  more  effectively 
controlled,  must  be  made  in 
order,  if  possible,  to  accom- 
plish Gary's  avowed  object — 
the  making  of  our  schools  ade- 
quate to  the  needs  and  condi- 
tions  of   current    life.  A  CLASS  IN  DRAWING  AND  DESIGN 

(An    elective    system    results    commonly    in    boys    taking   mechanical    drawing 
So  ends  the  reOOrt     What        ^"      girls  free-hand  drawing.      Pupils  work  in   charcoal   and   crayon,  as  well  as 
n  1    *      r^  "^    pencil,   and    later   on   in    water   color.     Designing  takes   the    form   of   curtain 

IS    It,   SpeCincally,    that  dary        and  wall   decorations,   metal   work,  book  covers,  and  costume  outlines) 

is   trying;  what,   in  typical 

detail,  are  its  failures ;  what  may  be  suggested  of  various  kinds  and  in  repairing,  painting, 

by  way  of  further  efforts  to  realize,  under  and  printing  for  school  purposes ;  it  provides 

clearer  definition  and  more  effective  control,  extensively   for   play   and    physical    training, 

the  object  at  which  it  aimed?  the  children   being  taught,   for   example,   to 

_,  7     r.  n     •  /■   r  •   •     ^^  swim  and  dive,  and  drilled  in  life-saving  and 

Teaching  the     Business  of  Living  ^^^^   ^.^.    -^    -^   teaching   girls    the    domestic 

Gary  has  tried  to  add  to  the  conventional  arts;  it  provides  auditorium  periods  which 
program  of  school  work  a  wide  range  of  spe-  are  devoted  to  choral  singing,  individual  per- 
cial  activities.  It  is  teaching  its  children  formance  on  violin  and  piano,  dramatic  and 
reading,  spelling,  writing,  arithmetic,  geogra-  other  group  exercises.  Gary  also  arranges 
phy,  and  history,  as  do  other  school  systems.  for  the  religious  instruction  of  its  children 
It  is  also  teaching  them  science — partly  during  school  hours.  In  brief,  Gary  tries 
through  gardening,  the  care  of  animals,  and  to  do  ever^^thing  schools  can  do  for  the  de- 
active  experimentation  with  cameras,  auto-  velopment  of  their  pupils,  physically,  socially, 
mobile  engines,  and  other  mechanisms;  it  is  and  spiritually,  as  well  as  intellectually.  No 
teaching  drawing  and  hand  work ;  it  is  teach-  mere  catalogue  of  additions  to  the  common 
ing  "industry" — that  is,  it  is  giving  its  chil-  program  can  do  justice  to  Gary's  effort  to 
dren  opportunity  to  participate  in  shop-w^ork       make  the  school  in  truth  an  opportunity  for 

the  bo3^  or  girl  to  learn 
how  to  live  by  participating 
in     the     activities    of     life. 

The  "Duplicate  School" 

To  make  these  enrich- 
ments possible,  Gary  has 
pro\ided  an  enlarged  school 
plant  and  it  has  lengthened 
its  scliool  day.  The  Gary 
schools  arc  in  session  from 
8:15  A.M.  to  4:13  p.m. 
Furthermore,  Gary  has 
"departmentalized"  it<; 
teaching — i.e..  it  has  organ- 
the:  NATURi:  STUDY  ROOM  izcd    its  work   with   special 

(The  pupils  are  here  hrouglit   into  contact  witli   growing  plants  and   live  ani-         tCaclierS       foT       the       Se\eral 
mals.     Around  the  room  arc  mounted  plant  specimens,  birds'   nests,  i)icturcs  of  i*  •  1         1 

birds  and  animals,  and  exhibits  of  children's  handwork)  SUhjCCtS,    CVcn    III    tlU'    lOWCr 


614 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


THE  WOODWORKING  SHOP  AT  A  GARY  SCHOOL 


(Equipped  with   electrically  driven  saws,  a  planer,  and  a  mortising  machine.     Pupils   work  is  confined,   however,   to 
bench  operations.     A  large  part  of  the  output  represents  boys'  personal  interests — kites,  windmills,  bows,  and  bats) 


grades  of  the  elementary  school.  This  it  has 
done  to  make  possible  the  administration  of  a 
plan  of  organization  which  is  perhaps  the 
most  striking  feature  of  the  whole  Gary  ex- 
periment— the  "duplicate"  school. 

The  Gary  program  is  organized  so  that — 
"instead  of  assigning  each  class  to  a  class- 
room teacher  who  conducts  instruction  in 
all  branches  in  one  room  continuously  occu- 
pied by  the  same  class,  the  .  .  .  plan  in- 
volves the  use  of  several  teachers  for  each 
class,  each  ...  in  charge  of  one  subject 
or  related  group  of  subjects;  and  every  class 
circulates  among  the  rooms,  shops,  and  lab- 
oratories in  carrying  out  the  details  of  its 
day's  program.  .  .  .  The  arrangement  .  .  . 
is,  in  popular  phrase,  said  to  keep  'all  school 
facilities  going  at  full  capacity  all  the  time.'  " 
While  one  class  is  in  Room  20  studying 
arithmetic,  another  is  in  the  swimming  pool, 
a  third  in  the  foundry,  a  fourth  in  the  play- 
ground, a  fifth  in  the  auditorium.  At  the 
completion  of  the  period,  all  the  classes  shift. 

Actually,  all  the  facilities  cannot  be  used 
all  the  time,  and  the  term  "duplicate  school" 
is  a  misnomer ;  for  it  is  impossible  to  conduct 
a  comprehensive  school  program  so  that  there 
shall  be  exact  mechanical  matching  of  vari- 
ous group  curricula,  using  each  special  facil- 
ity to  full  capacity  at  every  hour.  "Never- 
theless, the  Gary  type  of  organization  pro- 
cures a  larger  use  of  modern  facilities  and 
of  a  modern  plant  than  the  common  type 
of  organization,  which  requires  a  room  and  a 
teacher  for  each  class  and  allows  regular 
rooms  to  be  idle  when  special  facilities  are 
in  service." 


Analysis  of  the  Results 

To  understand  fully  the  defects  in  the 
execution  of  the  Gary  plan  and  to  estimate 
the  extent  to  which  they  are  either  adventi- 
tious or  inherent,  one  must  read  the  report 
of  the  Board.  "The  management  of  a  system 
of  schools  conducted  on  the  Gary  plan  is 
obviously  a  highly  complicated  affair."  The 
report  traces  this  management  through  all 
its  complications.  It  describes  Gary — a  fiat 
city,  created  on  waste  land  to  accommodate 
the  plants  of  the  United  States  Steel  Cor- 
poration and  its  subsidiaries,  a  city  with  a 
population  about  two-thirds  "of  actual  or  re- 
cent foreign  stock."  It  traces  the  develop- 
ment of  the  schools  and  describes  the  plan 
and  the  plant.  It  discusses  the  organization 
of  the  schools,  and  their  administration  and 
supervision.  It  outlines  the  course  of  study. 
It  discusses  the  teaching  staff,  its  character, 
training,  pay,  and  the  burden  of  its  work 
under  the  lengthened  school  day. 

The  report  passes  judgment  on  the  teach- 
ing as  a  whole — "In  the  main,  therefore,  the 
teaching  is  of  ordinary  type,  ineffectively 
controlled."  It  records  the  results  of  class- 
room tests  .  .  .  "The  results  of  testing 
the  Gary  schools  do  not  invalidate  the  ef- 
fort to  socialize  education,  but  it  is  evident 
that  the  Gary  experiment  has  not  yet  suc- 
cessfully solved  the  problems  involved  in  the 
socialization  of  education,  in  so  far  as  effi- 
cient instruction  in  the  necessary  common 
school  branches  is  concerned."  It  examines 
the  work  in  each  of  the  special  branches, 
recording  in  general  terms  the  results  of  new 
and    as    yet    unstandardized    tests    in    each. 


THE    GARY   SYSTEM   EXAMINED 


615 


THE  PRINTING  SHOP  AT  A  GARY  SCHOOL 

(The  equipment  consists  of  type  cases-,  imposing  stone,  a  proving  press,  two  printing  presses,  a  power  punch,  a  wire 
stitcher,  a  cutting  machine,  and  everything  else  necessary  for  job  work) 


"Not  even  in  those  branches  to  which  Gary 
has  given  impetus  and  development — the  so- 
called  special  activities — has  a  high  or  even 
satisfactory  standard  been  reached."  It  dis- 
cusses enrollment,  attendance,  and  pupil 
progress ;  and  it  attempts  an  estimate  of 
costs —  **.  .  .  the  advantages  offered  by 
the  Gary  schools  at  their  best  probably  cost 
less  than  the  same  advantages  on  a  more  con- 
ventional plan  of  school  organization."  The 
general  conclusion  as  to  the  working  of  the 
whole  scheme  would  appear  to  be  that  "Gary 
failed  to  appreciate  the  extreme  difficulty  of 
converting  new  educational  principles  into 
new  educational  practise  .  ..  .  [but]  .  .  . 
It  would  be  both  unjust  and  unwise  to  make 
too  much  of  this  error,  for  it  does  not  dis- 
prove the  fundamental  soundness  of  the 
scheme  or  destroy  its  stimulating  influence 
on  public  education." 

The  whole  report  is  admirably  conceived 
and  admirably  written.  It  is  clear,  emphatic, 
illuminating.  It  presents  graphs,  tables, 
figures  in  proper  subordination  to  the  text. 
It  makes  the  whole  complicated  experiment 
stand  out  in  simple  terms.  It  is  just,  judicial, 
sympathetic,  genuinely  scientific,  yet  infused 
by  a  liberal  humane,  and  progressive  spirit. 

Suggestions  for  Other  School  Systems 

Is  it  possible  still  to  make  any  suggestion 
that  might  serve  to  help  other  innovators  or 
other  practical  school  workers  to  achieve  a 
success  more  complete  than  the  success 
achieved  at  Gary?  Every  suggestion  to  this 
end,  whether  of  theorist,  of  layman,  or  of 
school  worker,  must  of  course  be  tentative. 
One  hesitates  to  suggest,  in  view  of  the  prac- 
tical   courage   of    those    who    have    at    Gary 


actually  "tried  things,"  hesitates  also  in  view 
of  the  work  of  those  who  have  recorded  in 
this  report  the  results  of  a  painstaking  and 
elaborate  inquiry,  in  which  the  insight  of  a 
group  of  highly  competent  students  of  the 
subject,  combined  w^ith  the  use  of  every 
available  instrument  of  precision  in  educa- 
tional investigation,  has  produced  a  volume 
instructive  in  marked  degree  as  to  the  ends 
and  means  of  modern  education.  All  that 
follows  here  may  well  be  put,  therefore,  m 
the  form  of  questions  for  discussion. 

Can  the  School  Do  It  All? 

Is  it  possible  that  the  Gary  scheme  places 
too  heavy  a  burden  on  a  single  institution — 
the  school?  Modern  schooling  must  of  neces- 
sity be  complicated.  Need  it  be  as  compli- 
cated as  modern  education  ?  Must  the  school 
itself — the  public  institution — do  for  every 
child  all  that  ought  to  be  done  to  render  him 
competent  and  loyal  as  a  citizen,  a  worker, 
a  member  of  the  family,  the  community,  and 
the  social  w^hole,  and  to  give  him  the  com- 
mon means  of  appreciation  and  expression  ? 
Must  we  not  create  a  new  educational  or- 
ganization, of  which  the  school  shall  be  but 
a  subordinate  part?  Must  not  the  commu- 
nity itself  be  organized   for  education? 

In  a  New  England  town  of  early  days  the 
minister  was  the  center  of  spiritual  and  so- 
cial life  and  the  activities  of  home,  commu- 
nity, and  church  provided  a  wide  range  of 
educative  experiences.  The  environment  of 
the  modern  child,  at  least  in  the  city,  has  be- 
come by  comparison  passive,  sterile,  and  un- 
inviting. It  is  neither  stinuilating  nor  dis- 
ciplinary, although  it  is  exciting,  complicated, 
and   dangerous   to  health   and  morals.     The 


616 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


A  FORGE  SHOP 

(With  anvils,   forger,   and  pneumatic   hammer,   the  pupils  turn  out  simple 
wrought-iron  shapes — staples,   hooks,   brackets,   bolts,  chains,   etc.) 


child's  wants  are  supplied  by  invisible  agen- 
cies and  he  is  offered  little  opportunity  to  ex- 
periment, explore,  or  construct  things  for 
himself.  The  unity  of  control  over  his 
growth  has  been  destroyed  also. 

Church,  school,  and  home  are  out  of 
touch  with  one  another,  and  industry  has 
gone  out  of  the  home  or  neighborhood  shop 
into  the  factory.  The  playground  has  not 
yet  taken  the  place  of  field  and  wood,  and 
there  is  less  natural  grouping  of  children  for 
active  work  and  play  with  adults.  No  won- 
der Gary  tried  to  enrich  the  program  of  its 
schools ;  but  can  a  single  institution  expand 
so  far  and  so  effectively  as  to  compass  what 
was  once  done  by  school,  home,  church, 
neighborhood  industries,  community  enter- 
prises, and  the  infinite  opportunities  of  a 
natural  environment  not  yet  despoiled  ? 

No  doubt  the  picture  we  paint  of  the  life 
of  a  child  before  railroads  and  the  factory 
system  disrupted  the  old  so- 
cial order  is  somewhat  rosy  ; 
probably  no  child  of  that 
period  got  all  the  education 
we  credit  to  his  times,  and 
certainly  what  he  got  in 
school  was  meager  and  cost- 
ly compared  to  what  a  mod- 
ern school  can  give  him  in 
the  very  same  subjects.  But 
must  we  not  recognize,  in 
any  case,  that  no  modern 
child  can  expect  to  have  all 
the  educative  experiences 
that  the  older  environment 
might  have  afforded — that 
we   cannot   expect   by   arti- 


ficial means  to  develop 
every  trait  and  attitude  that 
was  once  developed  by  the 
more  direct  pressure  of 
work  and  play?  To  care 
for  the  two  foxes  in  the 
cages  at  the  Froebel  School 
in  Gary  is  no  substitute  for 
hunting  foxes  in  the  woods 
on  one's  ow^n  farm. 

Something  drops  out  of 
life  with,  every  shift  in  the 
organization  of  society;  and 
usually  something  else  re- 
places it.  There  was  no 
telephone  or  automobile  in 
the  environment  of  the  chil- 
dren of  a  former  genera- 
tion. What  we  have  to  do 
is  to  pick  out  the  experiences  and  activities 
that  are  really  essential  and  that  can  be  so 
organized,  guided,  and  combined  with  one 
another  in  an  articulated,  well-controlled 
program  that  they  w^ill  have  full  educative 
effect.  Merely  to  provide  an  extended  range 
of  experiences  is  not  necessarily  educative.  It 
was  not  a  smattering  acquaintance  with  the 
industrial  processes  of  the  home  and  the 
neighorhood  that  made  the  older  generation 
thrifty,  industrious,  and  versatile  in  dealing 
with  material  things ;  it  was  daily  contact 
under  considerable  pressure  of  necessity.  The 
fourth-grade  girls  (nine-  and  ten-year  olds) 
who  play  with  the  sand  in  the  molding-room 
at  Gary  get  very  little  out  of  the  experience, 
even  by  way  of  acquaintance  with  the  proc- 
esses of  a  foundry.  We  must  of  necessity 
pick  and  choose  among  ail  the  possible  ex- 
periences and  activities  of  children  those  that 
will   be  of  fullest  educative  value. 


A  SEWING  ROOM 
CMost  of  the   pupils   in   the  elementary  schools  at  Gary  take  more  than  the 
required   hours   of  sewing.      Even   with   high-school   girls,   with  whom   it   is   op- 
tional, sewing  is  more  popular  than  cooking  as  a  "study") 


THE    GARY    SYSTEM   EXAMINED 


617 


Community  Direction 

And  Is  it  not  possible  that  we  can  organ- 
ize all  these  activities  and  experiences — which 
must  now  come  under  conscious  control  and 
hence  be  somewhat  artificial  and  restricted — 
to  better  advantage  by  cooperation  of  many 
institutions  and  agencies  rather  than  by  com- 
bination in  one? 

Suppose  a  community  could  be  induced  to 
bring  all  its  educational  agencies  under  one 
director  and  center  the  buildings  and  equip- 
ment needed  for  them  in  one  place.  School, 
library,  museums,  gardens,  playgrounds,  gym- 
nasium, theater,  auditorium — all  in  close 
proximity,  about  an  open  square ;  the  head- 
quarters of  Boy  Scouts  and  Girl  Scouts  and 
the  offices  of  various  community  groups  all 
provided  for  in  a  separate  building  for  edu- 
cational administration ;  a  varying  control, 
sometimes  direct  and  authoritative,  some- 
times merely  supervisory  or  advisory,  in  the 
hands  of  the  Community  Educational  Direc- 
tor ;  a  general  recognition  of  the  interde- 
pendence of  educational  and  recreative  ef- 
forts and  agencies  both  for  young  and  for 
old ;  and  the  principle  of  election  under  su- 
pervision established  for  every  child ;  would 
not  such  a  scheme  work  out  more  effectively 
than  the  attempt  to  make  the  school  all 
things  to  all  children? 

The  two  big  educational  agencies  lacking 
in  the  picture  are  the  church  and  the  shop  ; 


THE    GARY    SCHOOLBOY    STUDIES    THE    MECHANISM 
OF   AUTOMOBILES 

but  both  cou^ld  be  either  in  it  or  nearby. 
Neither  religious  education  nor  industrial 
education  are  properly  a  part  of  the  Gary 
scheme.  Both  present  complicated  and  dif- 
ficult problems,  social  as  well  as  educational. 
What  Gary  is  trying  to  do  is  to  enrich  and 
enlarge  the  general  education  of  its  school 
children.  Can  that  be  done  most  effectively 
by  extending  the  school  plant  and  the  school 
day,  or  by  organizing  the  school  into  a  larger 
plan  of  education  for  the  community  as  a 
whole  ? 


COOKING- A  COMPULSORY  STUDY  FOR  GIRLS  IN   lUbL  SLVLN  I"H  AND  EIGHIH  GRADES 
(The  pupils   prepare   and   serve  liinclu-ons.      The   kitclien   shown    licre   served    forty-hvc   thousand   persons   in   a  single 

sciioo]   year,   at  an   average   charge  of  fifteen   cents) 


OUR  CHEMICAL  INDUSTRIES 
AFTER  THE  WAR 

BY  CHARLES   BASKERVILLE,   PH.D.,   F.C.S. 

(Professor  of  Chemistry  and   Director  of  the   Laboratory, 
College  of  the  City  of  New  York) 


"POISON  Gases"  used  by  the  German 
jL  in  the  Great  War  in  contravention  of 
a  solemn  agreement,  to  which  he  was  a  party 
at  The  Hague  Convention,  probably  had 
more  to  do  with  arousing  America's  general 
interest  in  that  practical  science,  chemistry, 
than  any  other  factor.  The  transient  dreams 
of  "landing"  large  emergency  contracts  for 
explosives  and  other  munitions  for  the  Allies 
excited  the  glib  tongues  of  not  a  few  rainbow- 
chasers.  Chemistry  and  chemical  industry 
acquired  in  consequence  some  prominence  in 
the  gossip  of  certain  circles  where  finance  is 
the  primal  topic  of  conversation.  This  was 
after  the  war  began,  but  before  we  had  been 
drawn  into  it. 

The  Government  laboratories  had  in- 
formed the  people  as  to  food  adulteration ; 
municipalities  had  provided  pure  drinking 
water  and  realized  the  necessity  for  sewage 
disposal.  The  medical  profession  had  dissem- 
inated chemical  knowledge  in  teaching  means 
for  prevention  of  disease  and  ways  for  curing 
bodily  disorders,  as  by  diet,  for  example. 
Universities,  colleges,  and  schools  were 
teaching  chemistry,  more  or  less  attractively, 
but  our  people  as  a  whole  continued  to  look 
upon  chemistry  as  a  kind  of  necromancy,  and 
failed  to  grasp  its  real  significance  in  life  and 
general  welfare. 

We  got  coal-tar  dyes  and  optical  glass 
from  Germany,  as  the  German  had  special- 
ized in  these.  We  got  potash  salts  for  the 
soil  from  Germany,  because  that  country  was 
blessed  by  nature  with  rich  deposits  and  they 
were  easily  available.  Interruption  in  ship- 
ping cut  off  these  supplies,  and  then  the  peo- 
ple in  general  criticized  the  American  chem- 
ist ;  forgot  or  never  knew  what  he  had  done, 
but  they  waked  up  to  the  importance  of  the 
chemical  industry. 

fVhat  We  Did  Before  the  War 

American  chemical  industry  of  no  mean 
proportions    existed    before    the    war.     Far- 

61S 


sighted  industrialists  in  the  United  States 
have  for  some  time  appreciated  the  utility  of 
chemistry  and  its  researches.  They  have 
built  up  large  industries  and  made  fortunes 
as  a  result.  The  industry  operated  on  the 
normal  working  basis  of  the  American  mind, 
which  is  a  tonnage  basis.  Only  a  few  in- 
stances need  be  cited :  For  example,  in  pe- 
troleum refining  we  led  the  world ;  we  pro- 
duced 90  per  cent,  of  the  metallic  aluminum, 
and  by  an  American  process;  we  refined  60 
per  cent,  of  the  copper,  by  an  American- 
devised  electrolytic  process;  we  produced 
more  sulphuric  acid,  a  basic  chemical  (some 
5,000,000  tons  per  annum)  than  any  other 
nation ;  and  more  acid  phosphate,  some  4,000,- 
000  tons,  for  fertilizers;  we  produced  more 
caustic  soda  and  chlorine,  by  American  proc- 
esses, which  were  later  adopted  by  Germany 
and  Japan  ;  we  produced  more  cement ;  we  in- 
vented and  manufactured  graphite,  the  basis 
of  electro-chemistry,  and  so  forth.  But,  as 
mentioned,  we  did  not  produce  certain  or- 
ganic chemicals  to  any  extent.  These,  of 
great  variety,  are  usually  produced  in  com- 
paratively small  quantities,  and  involve  intri- 
cate processes.  Some  of  the  reasons  why  we 
were  not  very  active  in  this  field  and  why 
w^e  were  not  in  the  bottom  of  a  mirific  black 
hole  are  mentioned  in  this  article. 

We  produced  window,  plate,  and  bottle 
glass  on  a  big  scale,  but  relied  upon  Europe, 
primarily  Germany,  for  optical  glass  and 
chemical  glassware.  We  still  rely,  for  that 
matter,  upon  England  for  fabricated  quartz. 

Expansion  of  the  Industry  in  1917-18 

When  the  United  States  entered  the  war 
the  preachings  of  patriotic  chemists  as  to  the 
necessity  of  our  becoming  a  self-contained 
nation  came  nearer  realization.  Chemicals 
essential  to  winning  the  war  were  made  on  a 
grand  scale.  The  capacity  of  plants  produc- 
ing familiar  materials  was  increased.  Nitric 
acid  production,  synthetic  from  the  air  by  va- 


OUR  CHEMICAL  INDUSTRIES  AFTER  THE  WAR 


619 


rious  processes,  was  pushed  up  to  nearly  a 
million  tons  a  year.  The  production  of  sul- 
phuric acid  reached  7,000,000  tons  in  1918. 
Both  are  essential  in  the  manufacture  of  ex- 
plosives and  dyes.  Plants  for  producing  new 
materials  went  into  operation  like  magic. 
Natural  waterfalls  were  hitched  up,  great 
streams  were  harnessed,  by-product  coke 
ovens  were  caused  to  produce  more  and  more 
of  the  raw  materials,  wasted  sawdust  be- 
came industrial  alcohol,  and  other  things 
which  play  a  big  part  in  the  grim  business 
of  making  war  were  created  almost  over- 
night. Optical  glass  of  the  finest  quality  and 
chemical  glassware,  equal  to  or  superior  to 
any  other,  are  made  here.  Dyestuf^s  and 
medicinal  synthetics  in  value  production  with- 
in a  year  jumped  from  $350,000  to  $17,000,- 
000.  Within  eight  months  in  1918  approxi- 
mately $400,000,000  went  into  the  American 
chemical  industries.  All  this  cost  money  and 
called  for  the  most  devotedly  unselfish  service. 
Now  what  is  to  become  of  these  extra  in- 
vestments that  were  made  in  the  time  of 
effort  to  ''see  the  thing  through"  ?  Some  ef- 
forts have  had  to  stop.  Temporarily  they 
cannot  participate  in  the  acute  competition 
now"  evident  in  some  instances  and  inevitable 
later.  Sequentially  the  "war-gas"  plants 
(involving  about  $100,000,000  outlay)  were 
rendered  latent.  Five  million  dollars  as  a 
private  investment  were  spent  in  a  kelp,  pot- 
ash, acetone  plant,  which  is  now  junk.  Ad- 
vertisements to  sell  shop-used  chemical  ap- 
paratus appear  daily.  What  do  these  signs 
mean?  In  seeking  an  answer  it  is  of  funda- 
mental importance  to  decide,  and  decide  now, 
whether  w^e  are  io  be  a  self-contained  nation, 
which  means  continuance  as  a  nation  of  the 
first  order. 

Magnitude  of  the  German  Operations 

Prior  to  our  entrance  into  the  war,  the 
American  chemical  industry  contended  with 
several  serious  difficulties  in  its  development. 
One  of  these  was  suspected  by  individuals 
and  corporations  in  special  instances,  but  the 
whole  stupendous  activity  opposing  it  was 
not  known  until  the  joint  investigations  of 
our  Alien  Property  Custodan  and  the  De- 
partment of  Justice  brought  together  the  va- 
rious threads  which  exposed  the  enormous. 
German  organization  and  its  insidious  modes 
of  operation.  The  procedure  is  now  known, 
and  steps  to  overcome  the  difficulties  have 
been  taken.  Mr.  Joseph  H.  Choate,  Jr., 
M'ho  had  special  charge  of  this  work  for  the 
Alien   Property  Custodian,   has  so  aptly  ex- 


pressed one  phase  of  the  operations  that  we 
quote  his  words:  "We  instantly  saw  that 
the  whole  industry  was  permeated  with  Ger- 
man influence,  that  German  chemists  were 
ubiquitous,  and  that  the  myth  of  their  supe- 
riority had  been  so  industriously  propagated 
that  it  had  become  almost  an  article  of  Amer- 
ican business  faith.  Most  people  (especially 
those  who  knew  nothing  about  it)  thought 
that  nothing  chemically  good  could  come  out 
of  any  other  country  than  Germany."  Again, 
"Hun  methods  in  business  were  like  Hun 
methods  in  war.  Either  could  be  deduced 
from  the  other ;  and  neither  knew  any  limit 
of  decency  or  self-respect." 

The  German  chemical  industry  was  highly 
organized  into  gigantic  government-aided 
combinations,  which  eventually  became  one 
combination,  whose  purpose  apparently  was 
the  consummation  of  the  joint  aims  of  its 
parts,  namely,  to  monopolize  the  chemical, 
and  dependent,  industries  of  the  world.  First 
six  great  companies  combined  to  form  two 
greater  organizations,  three  in  each,  two 
smaller  independent  companies  being  left  out. 
Then  a  combination  of  all  eight  was  brought 
about,  thus  nationalizing  the  German  chemi- 
cal and  pharmaceutical  industry.  All  of 
them,  except  one  located  in  Berlin,  were  con- 
centrated in  a  narrow  strip  of  territory  along 
the  Rhine  or  its  tributaries.  The  profits 
were  pooled ;  each  had  the  benefit  of  the 
other's  researches  and  experience ;  the  same 
products  were  manufactured  in  two  or  more 
factories  to  stimulate  competition  production, 
and  were  marketed  under  their  respective 
names,  by  agreement,  to  delude  outsiders ; 
and,  in  order  to  circumvent  tariff  obstacles 
in  other  countries,  materials  were  produced 
by  cleverly  organized  companies  in  foreign 
lands  by  common  action  at  common  expense. 
By  stock  manipulation  and  other  means  the 
joint  cartel  reached  a  capitalization  of 
$400,000,000. 

The  scheme  was  deep  m  conception.  The 
works,  if  not  actuall3'  producing  explosives 
and  other  munitions,  could  readily  be  con- 
verted into  factories  for  such  purposes.  All 
fitted  into  the  German  military  program, 
hence  had  full  government  protection  and 
support.  Many  researches,  seemingly  harm- 
less in  themselves  and  apparently  intended 
for  the  welfare  of  the  world,  were  supported 
by  these  chemical  industries ;  the  reports 
thereon  were  widely  published.  After  the 
war  should  have  been  won  by  (rcrmany,  the 
mechanism  was  so  devised  that  the  enormous 
engines   of   commercial   warfare   \\  ere   ready 


620 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


to  sweep  all  competition  aside  and  give  Ger- 
many control  of  the  world's  trade.  Infor- 
mation is  at  hand  showing  that  these  facto- 
ries are  quite  intact  and  ready  for  business, 
when  it  is  again  allowed.  In  fact,  the  plan 
is  emphasized  in  an  editorial  by  Professor 
Bechhold,  which  appeared  as  late  as  Novem- 
ber 30,  1918,  in  Die  Umschaii.  From  this 
it  is  pertinent  to  quote  the  following: 

Germany  will  require  highly  trained  engineers, 
chemists,  electricians,  skilled  mechanics,  and  ar- 
tificers, and,  in  order  that  her  needs  in  these  di- 
rections may  be  suitably  met,  she  will  further 
require  first-class  teachers,  first-class  training 
institutions,  and  research  laboratories,  as  well  as 
colleges.  These  matters  are  of  such  overwhelm- 
ing importance  that  they  must  not  be  permitted 
to  become  a  class  or  caste  question;  at  the  pres- 
ent time  already  the  intellectual  men  in  Germany 
are  combining  forces  in  various  directions:  this 
is  so  in  the  case  of  the  technical  man  and  the 
academician,  as  well  as  in  that  of  the  artificer 
and  the  university  professor. 

Germans    Took   Advantage    of   Our   Patent 
Laws 

The  purpose  of  this  article  does  not  admit 
a  discussion  of  the  many  and  interesting  de- 
tails involved  in  the  German  program.  Just 
sufficient  of  what  was  developed  during 
forty  years  will  be  referred  to  for  illus- 
tration. 

Elaborate  research  laboratories  were 
manned  with  excellently  trained  investiga- 
tors. University  and  technological  institute 
professors  were  retained,  so  their  researches 
offering  patent  possibilities  came  promptly 
under  the  eye  of  vigilant  patent  attorneys 
employed  by  these  companies.  Thousands  of 
patents  were  obtained  in  Germany  and  else- 
where. In  the  United  States  alone  they  ob- 
tained thousands  of  patents,  many  of  them 
being  "product"  patents.  More  patentable 
inventions  in  the  field  of  organic  chemistry 
(coal-tar  dyes  and  synthetic  medicinals) 
were  made  by  the  Germans  than  by  the 
chemists  in  any  other  nation. 

There  was  little  or  no  effort  on  the  part 
of  the  Germans  to  manufacture  these  articles 
in  the  United  States.  Our  patent  laws 
(which  need  revising  and  whose  discussion 
would  require  many  pages)  do  not  require 
working  for  the  continued  operation  of  a 
patent.  The  Germans,  taking  advantage  of 
this,  secured  and  held  patents  here  in  order 
to  prevent  the  formation  of  American  dye 
and  synthetic  remedy  industries  and  to  make 
it  impossible  to  import  the  same  from  other 
countries.  They  had  no  fear  of  us.  There 
might   be   some    competition    from    Switzer- 


land, France,  and  England,  but  their  pro- 
gram was  so  carefully  worked  out  that  in 
1914  Germany  was  supplying  approximately 
90  per  cent,  of  the  world's  demands  for 
dyestuffs. 

The  Dye  Industry 

Withal  the  volume  of  the  dyestuff  business 
per  se  was  not  great.  We  imported  dyes  in 
value  of  about  $12,000,000  per  annum  from 
Germany.  A  little  dye  goes  a  long  way. 
The  amount  of  dye  actually  used  on  a  suit 
of  clothes  or  a  dress  is  insignificant  in  the 
total  cost  of  the  garment,  but  of  great  sig- 
nificance in  computing  the  value  to  the  pur- 
chaser or  wearer.  This  comparatively  small 
business  in  volume  affected  the  whole  textile 
business  of  this  country,  reaching  even  the 
cotton  grower,  as  well  as  the  leather,  paint, 
paper,  printing,  and  other  industries,  or  in 
figures  about  two  and  one-half  billions  of 
dollars  per  annum. 

Sole  agencies  (about  five)  were  established 
in  this  country.  Some  little  manufacturing 
was  allowed  them,  using  intermediates  from 
Germany,  but  the  permits  were  tied  up  with 
what  is  known  as  the  "full-line  forcing" 
process.  Dyes  were  indispensable  to  the  tex- 
tile manufacturer.  These  were  not  supplied, 
however,  unless  the  buyers  bought  their  other 
supplies  as  well  from  the  German  manu- 
facturers. Buyers  were  bribed.  Propa- 
ganda, purchased,  in  department  stores  dis- 
crediting goods  dyed  with  other  than  of  Ger- 
man origin  was  familiar.  Even  the  dyers 
were  bribed  to  dilute  the  dyes  or  alter  the 
procedure  with  American  product  so  that  the 
goods  did  not  wear  well.  These  are  only  a 
few  of  the  facts,  all  of  which  are  now  mat- 
ters of  record. 

Some  1200  of  these  patents  owned  by  the 
Bayer  Company  were  sold  along  with  their 
American  works  by  the  Alien  Property  Cus- 
todian to  a  well-established  chemical  com- 
pany of  the  United  States.  But  this  did  not 
strike  the  root  of  the  evil. 

German  Patents  Taken  over  by  Uncle  Sam 

The  Trading-with-the-Enemy  Act,  as 
amended  last  November,  gave  an  opportu- 
nity to  remove  a  colossal  obstacle  to  the  de- 
velopment of  the  American  dye-stuff  indus- 
try. This  amendment  allowed  the  taking 
over  of  German  patents.  Accordingly,  after 
consultation  with  all  the  associations  and  va- 
rious American  interests  involved,  a  strong 
financial  corporation,  known  as  the  Chemical 
Foundation,  was  organized  for  the  purpose 


OUR  CHEMICAL  INDUSTRIES  AFTER  THE  WAR 


621 


of  Americanizing  the  chemical  industry,  pre- 
viously throttled,  "for  the  exclusion  or  elimi- 
nation of  alien  interests  hostile  or  detrimental 
to  the  said  industries,  and  for  the  advance- 
ment of  chemical  and  allied  science  and  in- 
dustry in  the  United  States."  By  Executive 
Order  some  4500  German-owned  chemical 
patents  were  sold  to  the  Foundation. 

The  stock  is  owned  by  numerous  chemical 
interests  of  the  United  States,  no  one  inter- 
est being  allowed  to  hold  more  than  a  very 
small  percentage  of  the  stock.  The  voting 
stock  has  been  placed  in  a  voting  trust  com- 
posed of  five  well-known  gentlemen  of  un- 
questionable integrity.  The  officers  also  are 
gentlemen  of  recognized  ability  and  without 
connection  with  any  chemical  interests.  Li- 
censes are  to  be  allowed  under  the  patents. 
Dividends  are  limited  to  6  per  cent.  Excess 
profits  are  to  be  used  for  research  and  to  as- 
sist in  further  development  of  chemical  in- 
dustry. "The  new  institution  promises  an 
incalculable  benefit  not  only  to  the  dye  and 
chemical  industries,  but  to  the  whole  Amer- 
ican manufacturing  world."  Given  five 
years'  freedom  from  the  former  German 
domination,  American  dye-industry  can  hold 
its  own.  Such  a  statement,  which  means 
that  the  United  States,  within  a  few  years, 
may  accomplish  what  Gerrrtany  did  in  forty, 
smacks  somewhat  of  the  sophomoric,  but 
compared  to  what  was  done  in  even  less  time 
in  developing  our  army  and  all  that  went 
with  it,  including  the  mistakes,  it  is  not  an 
unwise  prophecy  at  all. 

Five  large  American  companies  have  come 
together  in  the  National  Aniline  and  Color 
Company,  with  a  paid-up  capital  of  $20,000,- 
000.  It  is  now  producing  colors  in  such 
quantities  that  the  exports  equal  in  value  the 
former  total  imports  of  dyes  from  Germany. 
The  DuPont  Company  has  already  directed 
the  activities  of  several  hundred  of  its  re- 
search chemists  from  the  field  of  explosives  to 
dye  and  synthetic  drug  manufacture.  The 
Eastman  Kodak  Company  is  already  produ- 
cing special  colors  and  a  considerable  number 
of  the  unusual  organic  chemicals  formerly 
coming  only  from  Germany.  Plans  are  well 
under  way  for  the  establishment  of  the  most 
elaborate  pharmacological  and  biological  re- 
search station  (involving  $10,000,000)  to 
prove  out  the  medicinal  and  other  values  of 
products  from  all  American  research  labora- 
tories. There  is  good  reason  for  optimism, 
but  these  are  associated  with  several  serious 
factors  which  demand  most  earnest  attention 
and  prompt  protective  action. 


Waste  of  American  Resources 
We  were,  and  are.  still,  for  that  matter, 
wasting  untold  wealth  in  the  luxuriant  en- 
joyment of  our  abundant  natural  resources. 
The  wastes  incident  to  the  production  of 
one  good  piece  of  lumber  are  many  times 
more  valuable.  The  utilization  of  our  coal 
dumps  and  mine  wastes,  in  conjunction  with 
a  few  dams  to  increase  hydro-electric  power, 
would  release  the  necessary  fuel  for  ocean 
transportation,  supply  energy  to  run  our  fac- 
tories, and  keep  us  warm  in  the  winter.  Our 
soils  must  be  better  fertilized.  We  average 
14  bushels  of  wheat  per  acre,  while  Europe 
secures  30  bushels. 

An  Improved  "Anti-Dumping"  Law 

We  must  revert  to  the  German's  methods 
to  grasp  the  full  significance  of  one  of  his 
practices,  and  determine  means  for  prevent- 
ing its  future  operation.  The  facts  have  been 
most  carefully  studied  by  the  United  States 
Tariff  Commission,  especially  by  Mr.  W.  S. 
Culbertson,  and  a  legislative  remedy  has  been 
proposed.  This  in  brief  calls  for  the  en- 
actment of  a  more  effective  "anti-dumping" 
law,  involving  not  only  criminal  prosecution 
where  possible,  but  supplemented  by  authori- 
zation to  the  President  "to  levy  by  proclama- 
tion additional  duties  on  goods  which  are 
being  systematically  dumped  into  the  United 
States,  or  tD  prohibit  their  importation,  in 
case  he  has  reason  to  believe  (being  advised 
by  the  Federal  Trade  Commission)  that  the 
result  will  be  to  injure,  destroy,  or  prevent 
the  establishment  of  an  American  Industry." 

By  "dumping"  is  meant  selling  in  a  for- 
eign country  at  a  price  abroad  below  the 
prevailing  price  at  home,  often  without  any 
consideration  of  cost.  Chemicals  selling  at 
7^  cents  per  pound  in  Germany  have  been 
delivered  in  the  United  States  for  3]^  cents. 
The  responsibility  for  this  adjustment  of  our 
industries  in  peace  time  is  squarely  up  to 
Congress. 

German    U?iiversity   JMcthods 

Again  we  revert  to  German  practice  to 
draw  attention  to  what  must  be  done  simply 
as  a  safeguard  for  ourselves.  Insidious  in- 
ducements— for  example,  easy  qualification 
for  admission  and  less  severe  examination  for 
the  doctors'  degree — were  employed  to  at- 
tract advanced  students  from  other  countries 
to  German  universities.  Not  only  was  valu- 
able and  inteUigent  assistance  in  the  prosecu- 
tion of  the  researches  thus  obtained,  but  the 
spirit  of  the  instruction  given — for  example. 


622 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


crediting  German  investigators  with  all  real 
contributions  and  with  scant  recognition  of 
those  of  other  lands — was  so  inculcated  that 
the  new  doctors  of  philosophy  returned  home 
imbued  with  the  idea  that  the  German  chem- 
ists were  *'the  only  pebbles  on  the  beach." 
Our  universities  and  schools  of  technology 
saw  through  this  and  contended  against  this 
propaganda  for  a  dozen  years  before  we  en- 
tered the  war. 

Progress  was  making ;  schools  for  chemical 
engineering  all  over  the  country  were  spring- 
ing up ;  established  schools,  like  the  Institute 
of  Technology  in  Boston,  Columbia,  Uni- 
versities of  Wisconsin  and  Kansas,  and 
Throop  and  Rice  Institutes  were  stabilizing; 
the  American  Chemical  Society  grew  to  be 
the  largest  chemical  society  in  the  world 
and  was  bringing  the  banker  and  chemical 
technologist  closer  to  an  understanding;  the 
Mellon  Institute  at  Pittsburgh  was  prose- 
cuting nearly  100  technical  research  problems 
for  various  commercial  interests;  the  re- 
search laboratories  of  such  companies  as  the 
General  Electric,  General  Chemical,  Du- 
Pont,  Standard  Oil  and  Eastman  Kodak 
were  being  extended.  Scholarships  and  fel- 
lowships were  increasing  in  number.  But 
the  spell  of  **Made-in-Germany"  for  pre- 
cision instruments,  special  chemicals,  and 
glassware  still  dominated  in  our  colleges  and 
universities. 

Four  Thouscnid  American  Chemists  in  War 

Service 

Now,  however,  the  slogan  is  ''America  for 
Americans."  Over  4000  American  chemists 
put  on  the  uniform  of  the  Chemical  War- 
fare Service  of  the  United  States  Army  and 
Navy.  Some  16,000  chemists  in  America 
are  recorded  and  card-catalogued.  Of  these 
about  13,000  are  now  members  of  the  Amer- 
ican Chemical  Society.  Our  Society  has 
expelled  all  German  members,  including 
three  honorary  members.  Ont  of  these  was 
at  the  head  of  the  diabolical  poison-gas  di- 
vision of  the  German  army.  The  other  two, 
by  acquiescence,  if  not  otherwise,  had  ap- 
proved the  Hun  program  in  peace  and  his 
shameful    practises    in    prosecuting    the   war. 

At  the  Buffalo  meeting  of  the  American 
Chemical  Society  last  April,  it  was  voted  to 
request  Congress  to  revoke  the  law  under 
which  American  institutions  were  permitted 
to  import  chemicals  and  apparatus  (practi- 
cally all  from  Germany)  duty-free.  This 
was  not  a  movement  on  the  part  of  the  in- 
dustrial chemists,   for  some  professors,   who 


formerly  imported  considerable  quantities  of 
German  chemicals  and  apparatus,  urged  offi- 
cial action  in  confirmation  of  what  they  had 
been  doing  voluntarily.  It  is  only  right 
that  the  institutions  of  learning  and  research 
encourage  and  support  home  industry.  In 
turn  the  industries  are  giving  to  the  universi- 
ties  and   colleges   and   will   give   even  more. 

Since  the  signing  of  the  Armistice  over  100 
new  scholarships  in  chemistry  have  been 
founded,  and  more  are  soon  to  be  announced. 
These  scholarships  are  to  go  to  young  men 
and  women  to  insure  their  advanced  training 
not  alone  in  chemical  technology  but  **pure" 
chemistry.  The  Rockefeller  Foundation  has 
appropriated  $500,000  for  research  ''fellow- 
ships," paying  from  $1500  to  $3000  a  year 
to  especially  talented  graduates  who  have 
already  secured  the  doctor's  degree.  They 
are  to  pursue  investigations  free  from  any 
likely  industrial  application.  It  is  absolutely 
necessary  to  provide  for  pure  research,  as  it 
is  so  closely  related  to  the  applied,  and  it  is 
of  even  more  importance  to  supply  inspiring 
teachers.  The  industries  are  drawing  heav- 
ily upon  the  teaching  forces.  The  institu- 
tions of  learning  must  be  allowed  to  pay 
their  professors  larger  salaries.  Special  in- 
dustries have  helped  and  others  must  help 
more,  but  the  Nation  and  States  must  also 
come  forward  in  adequate  endowment  of  re- 
search for  cooperative  benefit. 

As  this  is  written  on  the  fourth  anniver- 
sary of  the  wanton  and  ruthless  destruction 
of  the  Lusitania,  "Der  Tag,"  when  German 
delegates  are  handed  the  terms  for  peace, 
thoughts  of  the  use  and  abuse  of  the  fruits 
of  chemical  research  crowd  so  fast  that  one 
finds  restraint  difficult.  Things  already  ac- 
complished are  numerous ;  the  possibilities  are 
enormous ;  and  the  prospect  is  promising, 
provided  we  fully  realize  the  emergency. 
During  the  last  five  years  the  social  struc- 
ture of  the  world  has  been  deranged  beyond 
full  conception  by  any  one  mind.  The  chem- 
ist and  chemical  industry  have  had  •  thrust 
upon  them  responsibilities  they  may  have 
long  wished  for  in  our  country.  As  Presi- 
dent W.  H.  Nichols,  of  the  Chemical  So- 
ciety, a  man  of  vision,  power,  and  extraordi- 
nary success  in  every  way,  has  said,  "He  has 
not  failed  hitherto;  he  will  not  fail  in  per- 
forming his  unique  and  absolutely  essential 
part  in  solving  the  problems  facing  the 
world,"  and,  the  writer  may  add,  the  vital 
problems  of  adjustment  in  the  economic  life 
and  human  welfare  of  his  own  American 
people  especially. 


WHY  THE  NATION  SUPPORTS 
THE  BOY  SCOUTS 


BY  HAROLD  HORNE 


THE  nation-wide  campaign  for  one  mil- 
lion associate  members  which  is  being 
conducted  this  month  for  the  Boy  Scouts  of 
America  by  a  Citizens'  National  Committee 
under  the  chairmanship  of  the  Hon.  W.  G. 
McAdoo,  former  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
brings  this  movement  before  the  public  eye 
more  prominently,  perhaps,  than  it  has  ever 
been  brought  before. 

Ostensibly,  the  campaign  is  a  drive  for 
members. 

In  reality,  it  is  a  seven-day  demonstration 
of  gratitude  in  appreciation  of  the  remark- 
able achievements  of  the  Boy  Scouts  of 
America  during  the  war,  for  the  men  behind 
it  are  determined  that  the  work  of  the 
Scouts  shall  not  pass  unnoticed,  that  the  peo- 
ple shall  know  what  this  army  of  "mere 
boys"  did  for  the  nation  during  one  of  its 
gravest  emergencies. 

When  we  first  entered  the  war,  the  Boy 
Scouts  of  America,  including  its  "reserve 
corps"  of  ex-Scouts  who  had  passed  beyond 
the  scouting  age,  comprised  an  organization 
almost  twice  as  large  as  that  of  the  Army, 
Marine  Corps  and  Navy  combined. 

From  a  standpoint  of  fighting  strength, 
this,  of  course,  meant  little  to  the  nation, 
for  our  democracy  happily  excludes  boys 
from  participating  In  the  bloody,  though 
necessary,  work  of  warfare. 

From  the  standpoint  of  an  auxiliary  or- 
ganization, a  second  line  of  defense,  if  you 
will,  a  home  army  that  could  be  relied  upon 
to  perform  essential  work  that  might  other- 
wise be  done  by  men  of  fighting  age,  the 
movement  presented  possibilities. 

But  the  word  "boy"  was  a  bugaboo. 
"Boys,"  as  most  of  us  knew  them  before  the 
war,  were  but  playfellows  of  to-day,  what- 
ever they  might  be  to-morrow.  It  would 
be  folly  to  entrust  them  with  real  responsi- 
bilities, and  more  than  folly  to  place  in  their 
hands  tasks  on  which  the  lives  of  our  fight- 
ing men  might  depend. 

So,  for  a  while,  the  offers  of  Chief  Execu- 
tive James  E.  West  to  various  departments 


©  Press  Illustrating  Service 

THE  PEACE   CRY  OF  THE  BOY   SCOUTS  : 

OVER,    BUT   OUR   WORK    IS    NOT 


THE  WAR  IS 

I" 


at  Washington  went  begging  for  adequate 
recognition.  It  is  true,  a  number  of  war 
agencies  took  advantage  of  the  availability 
of  the  Scouts  by  having  them  serve  as  ushers, 
messengers,  and  in  other  capacities,  where 
the  main  qualifications  were  a  pair  of  nimble 
legs. 

But  the  big  things — the  Liberty  Loans, 
the  work  of  actual  defense,  food  production, 
the  things  that  were  national  in  scope,  that 
called  for  hard  work  and  real  sacrifices — 
these  were  the  things  the  Scouts  really 
wanted  a  chance  to  do. 

Of  course  the  helmsmen  at  the  head  of 
the  great  departments  in  Washington  were 
a  little  hesitant  in  calling  upon  the  Scouts 
to  perform  \\hat  they  were  wont  to  regaril 
as  "man's  size  jobs."  But  thanks  to  James 
E.  West,  Chief  Scout  Executive,  and  Presi- 
dent Colin  H.  Livingston  of  the  National 
Council,    the   trepidation   was   soon    allayed, 

623 


624 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


In  addition  to  the  war 
loans,  the  Scouts  also  sold  ap- 
proximately $50,000,000 
worth  of  War  Savings 
Stamps,  located  20,758,660 
board  feet  of  black  walnut 
for  the  War  Department, 
collected  over  100  carloads 
of  fruit-pits  (enough  to  fur- 
nish the  necessary  chemicals 
for  over  half  a  million  gas- 
masks), planted  and  culti- 
vated over  12,000  war  gar- 
dens and  distributed  over 
30,000,000  pieces  of  litera- 
ture for  the  Government  and 
various  war  agencies. 

Of  course,  the  bulk  of 
their  work  could  hardly  be 
the  administration  was  "sold"  on  the  po-  interpreted  in  terms  of  figures.  Yet  the  en- 
tentialities  of  the  Scouts  and  the  call  for  big  thusiastic  front  put  up  by  th^  boys  in  all 
national  service  w^ent  out  to  thousands  of  they  were  asked  to  do,  their  services  in  be- 
troops  and  leaders  throughout  the  country.  half  of  the  Red  Cross,  the  United  War 
^  The  Scouts  rose  en  masse;  there  was  no  Work  Drive  and  other  war  agencies,  en- 
hitch,  no  delay.  True  to  their  slogan,  they  deared  these  Scouts  to  the  thousands  of 
were  ''prepared."  Job  after  job  was  workers  who  came  in  contact  with  them,  and 
"tackled"  and  each  seen  through  to  success-  brought  forth  a  commendation  of  the  move- 
ful  completion.  Even  Washington  was  ment,  that,  unfortunately,  was  lost  during 
amazed,  for  the  Scouts  were  making  history  the  heat  of  the  times,  but  is  just  beginning  to 
that  dealt  in  stupendous  figures,  in  astonish-      come  to  light. 


SCOUTS  TAKING   A  TREE  CENSUS  FOR  THE   GOVERNMENfT 


ing  deeds 

The  Scouts'  ''War  Record'* 

Let  us  briefly  summarize  their  war 
achievements: 

In  the  first  four  Liberty  Loans,  as  "Glean- 
ers after  the  Reapers,"  they  secured  close  to 
2,000,000  subscriptions,  totalling  over  $300- 
000,000.  This  accomplishment,  great  as  it 
is  intrinsically,  stands  out  all  the  more  amaz- 
ing in  the  light  of  the  doubly  difl'icult  task  to 
which  the  Scouts  were  put  in  this  connection. 


The  heart  of  the  boy  is  a  simple  thing,  yet 
well-nigh  unfathomable  despite  its  simplic- 
ity. Few  men  have  sounded  it  as  thoroughly 
as  has  the  Chief  Scout  Executive,  James  E. 
West,  who  has  been  with  scouting  since  its 
inception  in  this  country  in  1910.  In  the 
war-achievements  of  the  Scouts  he  sees  far 
more  than  the  historical  record  they  have 
made,  as  enviable  as  it  is. 

How  They  Found  the  Black  Walnut 
After    all    [says    this    big-hearted    man],    it    is 


1  hey  were  asked  to  comb  the  ground  after  it  not  the  vast  amount  of  work  done  by  Scouts  in 

had  alread}^  been  thoroughly  covered  by  adult  support  of  the   Government  during  the  war  that 

solicitors,  so,  what  they  got,  were  the  "leav-  S^ves  most  cause  for  gratification  in  their  splendid 

•    „^>> 1    ^  •   4.*   „^  4.k   i.  .^'   u^  ^            u^„^  record;   it  is   rather  the   intensive  educational  ef- 

mgs     or  subscriptions  that  might  never  have  r    ,      V       ,          •        t^u                   ..  • 

,    *=                   IT-         •  1     1          1                     1  lects  of  such  service.     The  permanent  impression 

been  secured.     It  is  said  that  there  are  about  made  upon  the  lives  of  these  boys  will  prove  a 

10,000,000     boys     of     scouting     age     in     this  benefit  to   the   nation   itself  fully   equal    to   if   not 

country  to-day.     About  400,000  took  part  in  indeed  greater  than  the  benefits  conferred  by  their 

the  first  four  drives.     This  means  that  one        ^%^^'       c      ^     u         ^        i a   ^^..^    oK^,,*- 

1  hese    Scouts    have    now    learned    more    about 


twenty-fifth  of  the  total  boyhood  .  partici- 
pated. Hence,  an  interesting  though  some- 
what hypothetical  conclusion  follows : 

//  all  the  boys  of  scouting  age  in  this  coun- 
try  had  taken  part  in  the  first  four  Liberty 


their  country  and  its  economic  needs,  it  is  safe 
to  say,  than  ordinarily  would  have  been  possible 
up  to  the  time  they  became  men.  They  have  felt 
themselves  to  be  a  part  of  the  country;  a  part 
of  its  Government.  They  have  found  out  that 
in   a  very  real   way  they  belong  to  this  country, 


loans,  they  would  have  multiplied  the  actual  and    this    country    belongs    to    them.      That    is 

result  twenty-five  times,  or  sold  $7,500,000,-  Americanization.             ,       ,    .        ^ 

(\r\r\           ^1       r   1       J         rjM  •                J    ^1      r     .  Take    as    an    example    their    efforts    to    locate 

m^  worth  of  bonds.      This  exceeds  the  first  ^,^^^',^^   black    walnut.      The    War    Department 

two  bond  issues  combined/  had    become    despf^ate    over    the    failure    of    the 


WHY    THE    NATION   SUPPORTS    THE   BOY   SCOUTS 


625 


supply  of  this  wood  necessary  In  the  manufac- 
ture of  aeroplanes.  The  situation  was  acute,  and 
the  authorities  turned  to  the  Boy  Scouts  for  help. 
They  reasoned  that  if  anybody  could  search  out 
and  find  standing  walnut  it  would  be  Scouts,  be- 
cause of  their  training  in  woodcraft  and  in  ob- 
servation, plus  their  patriotic  zeal.  So  they  were 
asked  to   save   the   situation   for  the   Government. 

The  Secretary  of  War  acknowledged  with 
gratitude  that  the  result  was  the  location  of  20,- 
758,660  board  feet  of  standing  walnut,  equal  to 
5200  carloads.  The  Government's  confidence  in 
the  Scouts  was  fully  justified.  The  knowledge 
that  such  an  important  responsibility  had  been 
reposed  in  them,  and  the  consciousness  that  they 
had  met  the  emergency  like  men,  cannot  help  but 
steady  those  boys  and  give  them  a  lasting  am- 
bition to  shoulder  responsible  tasks  and  perform 
them  well. 

Again  in  the  form  of  service  in  the  Liberty 
Loan  campaigns  described  as  "Gleaners  after 
Reapers,"  Scouts  realized  that  their  Government 
was  looking  to  them  to  do  a  difficult  thing  and 
do  it  well.  The  easy  way,  the  natural  way,  was 
to  jump  into  the  campaigns  in  advance  of  the 
dates  set  for  them  to  start  and  pile  up  promises 
from  friends  and  relatives  to  save  up  their  sub- 
scriptions for  the  Scout  salesmen,  and  thus  by 
making  a  big  showing  gain  public  applause  and 
a  coveted  medal. 

But  upon  the  Scouts  was  put  the  simply  Hercu- 
lean task  of  repressing  that  natural  impulse,  and 
holding  themselves  in  reserve  until  all  other 
agencies  had  been  given  a  fair  chance  to  sell  the 
issues,  and  then  to  go  into  a  field  already  thor- 
oughly reaped  and  glean  what  had  been  over- 
looked. This  tested  both  the  patriotism  and  the 
mettle  of  the  Scouts  to  a  remarkable  degree. 
Above  all,  it  taught  them  the  valuable  lesson 
that  only  genuine  service  is  worthy  of  a  genuine 
medal  and  of  genuine  applause. 

I  am  sure  that  boys  who  have  kept  step  with 
their  leaders  during  this  historical  period  have 
advanced  materially  in  their  sense  of  personal 
responsibility  and  in  their  understanding  of  what 
it  means  to  be  a  good  citizen.  They  have  been 
thoroughly  prepared  for  citizenship  by  the  best 
method  of  education,  which  is  "learning  by  do- 
ing." 

Methods  and  Objects  of  Scout  Training 

''Learning  by  doing."  Therein  lies  the 
secret  of  Scouting's  success.  It  Is  a  game 
to  the  boy  who  Is  In  It,  a  huge,  splendidly 
organized  game,  with  all  the  fine  zest  of  com- 
petition, the  finer  zest  of  co-operation,  the 
keen  testing  of  mind  and  muscle,  the  essential 
good  sportsmanship  of  a  football  game.  Only 
instead  of  just  piling  up  a  score,  Instead  of 
winning  for  the  sake  of  victory  Itself,  It  Is 
constructive,  progressive.  It  gets  some- 
where. 

It  teaches  without  resorting  to  the  didac- 
tic, that,  after  all,  life  can  be  lived  so  much 
more  happily  If  one  Is  In  possession  of  the 
fundamental  virtues  which  lead  to  successful 
manhood.  Hence,  the  Scout  Is  taught,  by  a 
June— S 


PUTTING   UP  RED  CROSS   POSTERS 

system  of  doing,  to  be  trustworthy,  loyal, 
helpful  and  friendly;  courteous,  kind,  obe- 
dient and  cheerful ;  thrifty,  brave,  clean  and 
reverent. 

Scouting  doesn't  booh  the  gang  Idea  away ! 
It  encourages  It,  but.  Instead  of  having  the 
place  of  congregation  on  a  street  corner,  It 
takes  the  boys  out  Into  the  country,  and  says, 
"Here!  now  play  to  5-our  heart's  content!" 
But  It  doesn't  merely  say  that  and  then  leave 
the  boy  alone ! 

It  Is  too  scientific  for  that! 

It  gives  him  a  leader,  a  clean,  able-bodied, 
well-trained,  public-spirited  sort  of  man, 
who  holds  himself  responsible  for  the  morale 
of  his  troop  as  a  whole  as  well  as  Its  Individ- 
ual members.  Remembering  that  Scouting 
Is  always  an  outdoor  game,  he  sets  up  a 
friendly  rivalry  among  his  boys,  a  rivalry  that 
has  for  Its  end  and  aim  achievement,  and  It 
Is  not  long  before  the  Scout  feels  that  the 
best  way  to  achieve  Is  to  learn,  and  the  best 
way  to  learn  Is  to  actually  put  Into  practice 
what  his  handbook  teaches  him  to  do. 

Scouting  also  appreciates  that  a  boy  must 
be  encouraged  and  helped.  Hence,  It  sup- 
plies him  with  an  adviser,  who  supplements 
the  general  leadership  of  the  scoutmasters. 
\  his  adviser  may  be  a  specialist  In  srgnnliiig, 
or  a  physician  who  helps  him  In  first  aid,  or 
a  practical  mariner  who  aids  him  In  seaman- 
ship.     He    may    follow    one    of    a    liundred 


626 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


professions,  each  fitting  in  with  some  subject 
included  in  the  Scout  program. 

Just  as  the  leaders  themselves  are  chosen 
with  the  most  painstaking  care,  so  the  spe- 
cialist must  prove  to  a  competent  body  of 
men  that  he  is  qualified  to  teach  and  direct 
in  his  own  field. 

So,  supplied  with  leadership,  the  bo}^  is  also 
given  an  incentive,  a  tangible  bit  of  recogni- 
tion that  tells  him  when  he  has  arrived.  This 
is  in  the  form  of  a  badge,  which  he  can  ac- 
quire only  after  passing  an  examination  and 
proving  to  his  superiors  that  he  is  qualified 
in  the  subject  in  question. 

And  every  badge  is  a  sign  of  a  deed.  To 
the  boy,  it  means  but  one  thing,  "You  tackled 
a  job.  Scout,  and  put  it  over  the  top!" 

One  need  never  dread  for  the  future  of 
the  nation  if  its  destinies  are  placed  on  the 
shoulders  of  boys  w^ho,  Americans  all,  love 
their  country ;  whose  actions  are  constructive, 
who  are  fearless,  brave  and  true ;  who  are 
brought  up  to  serve — and  serve  well. 

"Scouting,"  as  President  Colin  H.  Liv- 
ingston says,  "is  non-sectarian,  though  its 
ideals  are  in  accord  with  those  of  the  modern 
church  and  it  is  based  upon  a  pledged  allegi- 
ance to  the  service  of  God,  the  brotherhood 
of  man. 

"Scouting  is  democratic.  It  aims  not  to 
run  every  boy  into  one  groove,  but  to  help 


each  develop  into  the  fullest  manhood  of 
which  he  is  capable,  an  individual  in  the 
highest  sense  of  the  word,  with  recognized 
responsibility  to  himself  and  society.  Scout- 
ing is  democratic  also  in  that  it  knows  no 
bounds  of  class  or  creed  or  race.  It  speaks 
the  universal  language  of  world  boyhood. 
It  is  the  great  melting  pot  of  American 
youth." 

The  P?-eside7it's  Proclamation 

It  is  such  a  movement  that  President 
Wilson,  in  a  proclamation  issued  from  the 
White  House,  calls  upon  the  people  to  sup- 
port. "The  Boy  Scouts,"  he  points  out, 
"have  not  only  demonstrated  their  worth  to 
the  nation,  but  have  also  materially  contrib- 
uted to  a  deeper  appreciation  by  the  Ameri- 
can people  of  the  higher  conception  of  pa- 
triotism and  good  citizenship.  The  Boy 
Scout  Movement  should  not  only  be  pre- 
served but  strengthened.  It  deserves  the 
support  of  all  public-spirited  citizens." 

After  designating  the  period  from  June  8 
to  Flag  Day,  June  14,  as  "Boy  Scout  Week," 
he  asks  all  who  are  eligible  to  enroll  as  Scout 
leaders,  to  become  associate  members,  and 
declares  that  "anything  that  is  done  to  in- 
crease the  effectiveness  of  the  Boy  Scouts  of 
America  will  be  a  genuine  contribution  to 
the  welfare  of  the  nation." 


SCOUT  GUARDS  AT  THE  EXPERIMENTAL  AVIATION  FIELD.  DAYTON.  OHIO 
CThe  Scout  Patrol,  shown  in  this  picture,  was  ciitrusted  with  important  secret  work  during  the  war.  It  was 
the  duty  of  these  Scouts  to  see  that  drivers  of  teams,  messengers  and  others  entering  the  Dayton  Aviation  Field, 
"kept  their  eyes  ahead."  The  Scouts  would  mount  the  wagons,  sit  beside  the  drivers,  and  keep  close  watch  over 
the  visitors  from  the  time  they  entered  until  they  left  the  grounds.  This  was  an  important  means  of  enforcing  the 
Government's  policy  of   secrecy) 


NATURAL  HISTORY  SCOUTS  OF  NEW  YORK  CITY 

(Part   of   the   Natural   History   Troop   of   Boy   Scouts,   at  the  entrance  to  the  American  Museum  of  Natural  History, 

where  the  troop   meets) 


BOY  SCOUTS  AS  NATURALISTS 

BY  GEORGE  GLADDEN 

(Deputy  Commissioner,  Manhattan  Council,    Boy    Scouts   of   America,    and    Chief 

Guide  of  the  Natural  History  Troop) 


I  hearing  get  who   had   but  ears, 
And  sight,  who  had  but  eyes  before. 

GROWN-UPS  have  been  known  not  to 
understand  immediately  the  precise  im- 
port of  this  expression  of  Henry  David 
Thoreau,  perhaps  because  they  had  never 
actually  experienced  the  psychological  change 
here  somewhat  subtly  described.  Certainly, 
an  astonishing  number  of  persons  having  ears 
hear  not,  and  having  eyes  see  not,  neither 
do  they  understand,  whether  they  are  in  the 
woods  or  elsewhere. 

Wherefore,  it  was  gratifying  to  observe 
the  prompt  comprehension  of  the  philosopher- 
naturalist's  meaning,  by  the  lads  who  form 
the  Natural  History  Troop  of  the  Boy 
Scouts  of  America,  when  the  couplet  was 
suggested  for  the  troop's  motto.  Indeed, 
more  than  one  of  them  had  been  heard  to 
express,  in  his  boyish  way,  the  same  thought 
in  commenting  on  the  results  of  the  troop's 
hikes.  As  one  of  them  succinctly  put  it : 
*Tm  seeing  more  all  the  time,  because  I'm 
learning  more  all  the  time." 

The  troop  had  its  small  beginnings  about 
a  year  ago  in  a  series  of  informal  talks  about 
birds,  to  a  few  of  the  regular  Scout  troops 
identified    with    the    Manhattan    Council    of 


the  general  organization  of  the  Boy  Scouts  of 
America — this  council  being  composed  of  the 
Scouts  who  live  in  IVIanhattan  Borough  of 
New  York  City.  These  talks  were  followed 
by  occasional  "bird  hikes,"  chiefly  in  the 
region  about  Van  Cortlandt  Park,  which  lies 
at  the  northern  end  of  the  city;  and  in  the 
countr)^  adjacent  to  Camp  Spencer,  the  regu- 
lar summer  camp  of  the  Scouts  near  Ber.r 
Mountain,  in  Rockland  County,  N.  Y. 

Then  came  the  suggestion  from  Mr.  G. 
Henry  Nesslage,  Scout  Executive  of  Man- 
hattan Council,  that  the  Scouts  who  had 
show^n  interest  in  this  field  study  of  orni- 
thology, be  organized  into  a  special  troop, 
which  should  become  identified  with  the 
American  Museum  of  Natural  History,  an 
institution  of  w^hich  New  Yorkers  are  justly 
proud,  and  all  other  Americans  should  be. 
That  the  oflficials  of  the  Museum  were  favor- 
able to  this  proposal  may  be  inferred  from 
the  fact  that  Dr.  Henry  Fairfield  Osborn, 
president  of  the  trustees,  agreed  to  permit 
the  troop  to  hold  bi-weekly  meetings  in  one 
of  the  assembly  halls  of  the  museum  building, 
and  placed  at  its  disposal  all  of  the  collections 
which  are  under  the  direct  charge  of  the 
Educational  Department.  Furthermore,  a 
definite  program   is  to  be  formulated   under 

627 


628 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


YOUNG    HERPETOLOGISTS 

(Members   of   this   troop   must   identify   and    handle   two 
harmless  snakes) 

which  the  members  of  the  troop  will  hold 
themselves  in  readiness  to  be  of  direct  and 
practical  service  to  the  museum  in  certain 
specified  ways,  such  as  the  following: 

(a)  In  acting  as  guides  to  bring  blind  persons 
to  the  museum  building  on  the  occasion  of  lec- 
tures or  entertainments  for  them,  and  taking  them 
home   again; 

(b)  In  acting  as  guides  to  explain  to  visitors 
certain  exhibits  in  the  museum,  with  which  the 
scouts  become  familiar  as  a  result  of  their  field 
work  in  natural   history; 

(c)  In  supplying  and  preparing  material  to  be 
used  in  teaching  natural  history  to  blind  children; 

(d)  In  collecting  material  for  the  School  Na- 
ture League,  under  the  direction  of  the  museum's 
Educational  Department,  and 

(e)  In  preparing  and  repairing  natural  history 
specimens  now  in  the  possession  of  the  museum, 
so  that  they  will  be  suitable  for  use  in  the  public 
schools. 

Having  obtained  this  substantial  —  and 
most  gratifying — recognition,  the  troop  pro- 
ceeded to  organize  formally  (on  March  29, 
1919),  by  adopting  a  constitution  and  by- 
laws, from  which  the  following  excerpts  may 
prove  informing  as  to  the  general  objects  of 
the  troop,  and  the  specific  work  in  the  field 
expected  of  its  members: 

ARTICLE  I — The  name  of  this  Troop  shall 
be  "The  Natural  History  Troop  of  Manhattan 
Council,  Boy  Scouts  of  America." 

ARTICLE  II— Its  objects  shall  be: 

(1)  The  study  —  especially  in  the  field  —  by 
means  of  observation  and  photography,  of  na- 
tural  history   and    plant   life. 

(2)  The  conservation  of  useful  or  harmless 
wild   life   and   plant   life. 

(3)  Cooperation  in  the  educational  work  of  the 


American  Museum  of  Natural  History  and  similar 
institutions. 

ARTICLE  VII— The  members  of  this  Troop 
shall  be  divided  into  four  Tribes,  as  follows: 

(1)  THE  CHIPMUNK  TRIBE— Any  member 
in  good  standing  of  a  troop  included  in  Manhat- 
tan Council,  Boy  Scouts  of  America. 

(2)  THE  RABBIT  TRIBE— Any  scout  of  Ten- 
derfoot (or  higher)  grade  who  is  a  member  in 
good  standing  of  Manhattan  Council,  and  who 
can 

(A)  Identify  in  the  field  twenty-five  species  of 
native  wild  birds  and  describe  the  conspicuous 
color  markings,  diet,  and  habits  of  each,  and  the 
nest  and  eggs  of  five  such  species. 

(B)  Identify  in  the  field  three  species  of  native 
wild  mammals,  and  describe  the  color,  habits, 
habitat  and  diet  of  each. 

(C)  Identify  in  the  field  four  kinds  of  trees — 
two  hard-wood  and  two  soft-wood, 

(3)  THE  RED  FOX  TRIBE— Any  scout  of 
Second  Class   (or  higher)   grade,  who  can 

(A)  Identify  in  the  field  fifty  species  of  native 
birds,  and  give  the  particulars  concerning  ten 
such  species  as  enumerated  in  Test  A  for  Rabbit 
Scout. 

(B)  Identify  in  the  field  six  species  of  insects, 
and  tell  whether  they  are  useful  or  harmful,  and 
why. 

(C)  Identify  in  the  field  six  kinds  of  trees 
(three  hard-wood  and  three  soft-wood),  three 
kinds  of  shrubs,  and  twelve  wild  flowers. 

(4)  THE  BEAVER  TRIBE— Any  scout  of 
First  Class   (or  higher)   grade,  who  can 

(A)  Identify  in  the  field  100  species  of  native 
wild  birds,  and  give  the  particulars  concerning 
twenty-five  of  them  as  enumerated  in  Test  A  for 
Rabbit  Scout. 

(B)  Identify  twenty  kinds  of  trees  (twelve 
hard-wood  and  eight  soft-wood),  six  shrubs  and 
fifteen   wild   flowers. 

(C)  Identify  ten   species  of   native   wild   mam- 


K  '>■■ 


A    LESSON    IN    TRACKING 

(The   Chief    Guide   explaining  a   rabbit   track  on   one   of 

the  trails  to  the  camp) 


BOY  scours  AS  NATURALISTS 


629 


mals,  and  give  the  further  particulars  concerning 
them  required  by  Test  B  for  Rabbit  Scout. 

(D)  Take,  in  the  field,  develop  and  print, 
without  assistance,  one  recognizable  photograph 
of  a  wild  mammal,  and  five  of  any  different  wild 
birds  (two  to  be  shown  incubating),  excepting  the 
English  sparrow  and  the  starling. 

(E)  Identify  and  handle  two  harmless  wild 
snakes ;  and  describe  two  species  of 
rattlesnake,  and  the  copperhead  and 
water  moccasin,  and  describe  the 
method  of  treatment  for  the  bite  of 
a  venomous  snake. 

At  the  time  of  this  writing, 
the  troop  is  hard  at  work  build- 
ing a  log  cabin  for  a  permanent 
camp,  on  a  wooden  ridge  over- 
looking the  reservoir  which  fur- 
nishes most  of  the  water  supply 
for  the  city  of  Yonkers,  in  West- 
chester County,  N.  Y. 

All  of  the  logs  (which  are 
24  feet,  3  inches  long,  for  the 
sides,  and  16  feet,  4  inches  long, 
for  the  ends  of  the  cabin)  are 
being  cut,  hauled,  nocked  and 
put  in  place  by  the  scouts.  Two 
cross-cut  saws,  a  buck-saw  and 
the  small  belt  axes  carried  by 
the  scouts,  are  the  only  tools 
used  in  felling  and  trimming 
the  trees,  and  nocking  the  logs.  Hauling  the 
logs  to  the  cabin,  often  from  a  distance  of 
a  hundred  yards  or  more,  and  frequently  up 
a  steep  hill  or  over  rough  ground,  is  accom- 
plished with  a  block  and  tackle,  actuated  by 
boyish  muscle  and  grit.     Most  of  the  trees 


A    SCOUT    PLACING    A    BIRD 

HOUSE  IN  A  TREE  NEAR 

THE    CAMP 


used  were  standing  dead  chestnuts  (killed  by 
the  blight  which  swept  through  this  region 
seven  or  eight  years  ago)  and  some  of  the 
larger  trunks  have  been  estimated  to  weigh 
from  700  to  1000  pounds. 

Once  the  laborious  work  of  building  the 
cabin  is  done,  what  the  boys  look  forward 
to  most  eagerly  as  play — which, 
however^  will  be  careful  natural 
history  field  work — will  begin. 
It  is  my  personal  belief  that  this 
kind  of  eifort  is  invaluable  men- 
tal and  moral  training  for  boys. 
Mere  physical  training  is  pro- 
vided by  many  of  the  scout 
activities,  and  is  properly  con- 
sidered a  very  important  feature 
of  scouting.  Mental  drill  is 
also  the  purpose  of  much  of  the 
scouting  program  and  undoubt- 
edly has  the  desired  result. 

But  serious  field  work  in  nat- 
ural history  produces  distinct 
and  peculiarly  beneficial  effects, 
in  that  it  develops  and  sharpens 
the  powers  of  observation  and 
deductive  reasoning,  and  at  the 
same  time  inculcates  respect  for 
accuracy  and  precision  of  state- 
ment. The  very  plain  evidences 
of  the  growth  of  this  tendency  to  be  cautious 
and  patient  and  sincere  and  to  report  only 
what  has  been  certainly  and  clearly  seen  and 
comprehended,  are  the  most  gratifying  re- 
wards that  come  to  a  worker  in  this  par- 
ticular field. 


BUILDERS  OF  "CAMP  W03DCHUCK" 
(All  the  work  (jf  cutting,  trimiiiing,  and  placing  these  big  logs  was  done  hy  the  Scouts) 


CHILD  LABOR-NOW 

BY  RAYMOND  G.  FULLER 

(Managing  Editor  of  the  American  Child,  formerly  the  Child-Labor  Bulletin) 


CHILD-LABOR  reform,  in  respect  to 
its  definite,  immediate  tasks  and  its 
breadth  of  program,  is  entering  upon  a  new 
and  interesting  period  of  its  history — more- 
over, its  proponents  are  talking  in  a  language 
which,  though  it  was  employed  to  some  ex- 
tent before  the  war,  had  not  the  appeal  and 
potency  that  it  has  to-day,  but  which  is  now 
the  natural  and  fitting  and  most  convincing 
language  to  use.  This  is  the  language  of 
patriotic  humanitarianism. 

Largely — but  not  wholly — the  program  of 
child-labor  reform  has  been,  and  remains, 
legislative.  Largeh^ — but  not  wholly — the 
legislative  program  remains  a  matter  of  child- 
labor  laws  so-called.  Of  child-labor  legisla- 
tion in  this  narrower  sense  a  distinguished 
economist  wrote  a  few  years  ago  that 
"viewed  as  a  merely  negative  policy  it  is  not 
of  great  moment."  He  added:  "Its  real  sig- 
nificance is  to  be  judged  only  in  connection 
with  the  broader  social  policy  of  protecting 
and  developing  all  the  children  of  the  nation 
to  be  healthy,  intelligent,  moral,  and  efficient 
citizens."  Let  it  be  further  said  that  child- 
labor  legislation  cannot  properly  be  regarded 
as  "a  merely  negative  policy."  It  is  an  es- 
sential part  of  "the  broader  social  policy  of 
protecting  and  developing  all  the  children 
of  the  nation,"  and  it  directly  affects  citizen- 
ship in  every  one  of  the  aspects  named — 
health,   intelligence,  morality,  and  efficiency. 

On  a  Positive  Basis 

The  war  that  has  just  ended  has  empha- 
sized in  the  minds  of  men  the  positive  ele- 
ments of  life — of  character  and  conduct. 
The  appeal  of  a  negative  ethics  or  a  negative 
religion  has  been  weakened,  while  the  appeal 
of  a  positive  ethics  or  a  positive  religion  has 
been  strengthened.  In  the  past  the  cause  of 
social  reform  has  suffered  in  public  apprecia- 
tion because  too  often  it  has  seemed  to  be 
merely  anti-this  and  anti-that ;  and  to-day  a 
positive  message  and  a  constructive  program 
are   indispensable. 

The  time  has  come  when  child-labor  re- 
form can  best  be  preached  and  promoted  al- 

630 


most  wholly  on  the  positive  basis — in  terms 
of  construction  rather  than  destruction,  in 
terms  of  ideals  of  manhood,  womanhood, 
nationhood.  For  behind  the  prohibitory  pro- 
visions of  child-labor  laws  afe  the  child  as 
growing  citizen  and  the  nation  which  this 
generation  and  the  next  are  building.  Child- 
labor  laws,  therefore,  are  means  to  an  end — 
an  expression  of  practical,  patriotic  idealism, 
as  well  as  of  pure  humanitarianism. 

The   ISlations   Need   of  Man-Power 

The  war  has  enhanced  the  national  con- 
sciousness. There  is  more  national  thinking 
and  more  national  idealism — more  thought, 
perhaps,  of  the  ideal  America.  Further,  the 
war  has  popularized  the  idea  of  man-power, 
which  is  conspicuously  a  national  conception. 
That  peace  has  its  need  of  man-power  no 
less  than  war,  who  can  be  found  to  deny? 
America,  in  time  of  peace,  needs  man-power 
not  only  for  purposes  of  industrial  and  com- 
mercial prosperity,  but  for  the  spiritual  de- 
velopment of  American  life — for  the  further- 
ance, in  particular,  of  democratic  ideals  and 
actualities — all  told,  a  man-power  of  health, 
intelligence,  morality,  and  efficiency. 

A  Broader  Social  Motive 

Again,  the  war  deeply  stirred  the  humane 
impulses  of  the  people,  and  joined  humani- 
tarian to  patriotic  service.  There  was  mani- 
fested a  humanitarianism  of  human  conser- 
vation, a  humanitarianism  consciously  en- 
listed in  the  service  of  national  ideals  and 
national  destiny,  seeking  to  conserve  and 
develop  man-power  to  great  ends. 

The  war  is  over,  but  peace  has  only  just 
begun ;  great  ends  are  still  to  be  served  and 
measures  to  be  taken — like  the  abolition  of 
child  labor — that  depend  more  than  ever  be- 
fore on  a  national-minded  patriotic-spirited 
humanitarianism,  idealistically  positive  in 
purpose,  such  as  the  war  has  seen  and  shown. 
In  the  beginning,  the  progress  of  child-labor 
reform  depended  principally  on  the  human- 
itarianism of  pity  and  tears.  It  w;as  the 
suffering,   the  hardship,  the  cruelty  of  child 


CHILD    LABOR— NOW 


631 


labor  that  roused  public  interest  and  concern  ; 
attention  was  attracted  and  sympathy  evoked 
by  the  plight  of  the  individual  exploited 
child. 

Before  the  war,  nevertheless,  broad  social 
considerations  and  aims,  with  reference  to 
child-labor  reform,  had  been  coming  into 
prominence  and  influence;  the  war  has  helped 
to  invigorate  and  clarify  them  by  making  it 
possible  to  identify  them  closely  with  na- 
tional and  patriotic  considerations  and  aims. 
The  present  emphasis  is  not  only  social  but 
national ;  and  the  emphasis  is  placed  not  only 
on  the  nationally  harmful  effects  of  child 
labor,  but  on  the  nationally  beneficial  effects 
of  such  public  action — including  the  abolition 
of  the  child  labor — as  will  "develop  all  the 
children  of  the  nation  to  be  healthy,  intelli- 
gent, moral  and  efficient  citizens." 

From  the  Standpoint  of  Education 

The  anti-child-labor  movement  is  seen  to 
be  positive  in  spirit  and  mission.  It  is  seen 
to  be,  in  its  own  right,  an  educational  move- 
ment or  at  least  an  important  part  of  an 
educational  movement.  Child  labor  is  seen 
to  be  evil  because  it  is  not  educative — physi- 
cally, intellectually,  vocationally,  or  morally 
— and  education,  from  the  national  stand- 
point, is  seen  to  be,  very  largely,  the  task  of 
developing  manpower,  which  is  the  true  basis 
and  measure  of  national  prosperity,  material 
or  spiritual. 

So  much  for  present  conceptions  and  mo- 
tives in  child-labor  reform.  The  present  con- 
crete program  requires  such  conceptions  and 
motives.  For  the  worst  abuses,  the  spec- 
tacular features,  connected  with  the  child- 
labor  evil,  have  been  eliminated  or  abated. 
It  is  true  that  among  the  child  laborers  there 
is  still  some  suffering  from  excessive,  prema- 
ture toil;  but,  generally  speaking,  it  is  not 
a  thrilling  rescue  to  be  effected,  but  fairness 
of  opportunity  to  be  established  for  the  chil- 
dren's sake  and  America's.  Prematurity  of 
toil  has  come  to  be  regarded  as  less  a  ques- 
tion of  physical  hardship  than  of  deprivation 
of  play  life,  which  is  educational  in  a  variety 
of  ways,  and  of  school  life,  which  ought  to 
be,  to  a  greater  extent  than  is  actually  the 
case,  educational  physically  and  vocationally. 

The  Program  in  State  Legislatures 

Let  us  turn  to  the  program  of  child-labor 
reform  and  briefly  indicate  its  salient  features. 
By  the  recent  enactment  into  law  of  the 
Pomerene  amendment  to  the  federal  revenue 
bill,  a  stop  has  been  put  to  the  employment 


of  children  under  16  years  of  age  in  mines 
or  quarries,  and  of  children  under  14  years 
of  age  in  mills,  canneries,  workshops,  and 
factories.  Children  under  16  are  not  to  be 
employed  in  mills,  canneries,  workshops,  or 
factories  more  than  eight  hours  a  day,  more 
than  six  days  a  week,  or  at  night.  This  is 
an  excellent  measure  so  far  as  it  goes,  and 
it  goes  about  as  far  as  any  federal  law^  can 
as  yet  be  expected  to  go ;  but  much  has  been 
left  to  State  action. 

The  federal  law  applies  only  to  occupa- 
tions in  which  are  found  but  15  per  cent,  of 
the  child  laborers  of  America.  It  affords 
no  protection  for  the  infant  hawkers  of  news 
and  chewing-gum  on  our  city  streets ;  none 
for  the  truck-garden  conscripts  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, New  Jersey,  Ohio,  Colorado,  and 
Maryland ;  none  for  the  sweating  cotton 
pickers  of  Mississippi,  Oklahoma,  and  Texas ; 
none  for  the  pallid  cash  and  bundle  girls  in 
our  department  stores ;  none  for  the  90,000 
domestic  servants  under  16  years  of  age  who 
do  the  menial  drudgery  in  our  American 
homes — none  for  any  of  these,  none  for  many 
others.  One  of  the  most  unfortunate  features 
of  juvenile  employment  on  farms  and  on  the 
streets  is  its  interference  with  school  work. 

All  the  common  gainful  occupations 
should  be  included  in  the  provisions  of  State 
child-labor  laws.  Poverty  exemptions  in  the 
child-labor  laws  of  the  States  should  be  re- 
moved, and  mothers'  pension  laws  enacted. 
An  important  matter,  badly  neglected,  is 
the  regulation  of  the  issuance  of  employment 
certificates.  A  proper  system  of  certification, 
properly  administered,  contributes  ver)^ 
greatly  to  the  effectiveness  of  a  child-labor 
law.  In  a  few  States  no  employment  certifi- 
cates are  required. 

Demand  for  Sixteen-Year  Age  Limit 

The  federal  law  calls  for  a  certificate  of 
age,  but  does  not  call  for  either  a  physical 
or  an  educational  qualification  on  the  part 
of  the  applicant.  Only  twenty-six  States 
require  that  children  entering  industr}'  shall 
be  physically  qualified.  In  only  sixteen  is 
a  physical  examination  by  a  physician  man- 
datory. Some  States  do  not  ask  for  an  edu- 
cational qualification.  Ability  to  read  and 
write  is  sufllicicnt  in  several  States  to  enable 


^The  first  step  in  the  expected  contest  over  the  con- 
stitutionality of  the  new  federal  ehilil  lalxir  law  \vas 
taken  in  the  Western  Judicial  District  of  North  Caro- 
lina, when  Judge  Boyd  on  May  2  declared  the  law  \in- 
constitutional.  He  took  the  ground  that  the  act  sought 
to  accomplish  the  regulation  of  employment  by  indirec- 
tion, and  was  an  invasion  of  the  States'  authority.  The 
act  is  in  force  throughout  the  I'nited  States,  except  in 
this    one    district. 


632 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


the  child  to  get  his  certificate.  Prof.  John 
R.  Commons  and  Dr.  John  B.  Andrews,  in 
"Principles  of  Labor  Legislation,"  say: 
"Much  of  the  time  of  the  child  under  sixteen 
who  drifts  from  one  dull,  monotonous  job 
to  another  is  wasted,  so  far  as  education  is 
concerned.  Consequently  the  completion  of 
the  eighth  grade  seems  little  enough  to  re- 
quire of  children  who  go  to  work  under 
sixteen."  Only  six  States  have  an  eighth- 
grade  requirement  or  an  equivalent. 

There  is  a  steadily  growing  sentiment  for 
placing  the  minimum  school-leaving  age  at 
sixteen  and  the  minimum  age  for  children's 
employment  in  an}^  of  the  common  gainful 
occupations  at  the  same  point.  Fifteen  States 
have  compulsory-education  laws  with  the 
sixteen-year  age  limit.  California,  Michi- 
gan, South  Dakota,  Texas,  Montana,  and 
Ohio  have  child-labor  laws  setting  a  higher 
minimum  than  14  for  certain  gainful  occu- 
pations not  usually  classified  as  especially 
dangerous  to  life  and  limb  or  to  morals; 
Montana  says  sixteen  years  for  workshops 
and  factories ;  Ohio  says  sixteen  years  for 
girls  in  a  long  list  to  which  the  fifteen-year 
limit  for  boys  applies. 

School,  Health,  and  Relief  Problems 

The  program  of  child-labor  reform  con- 
templates the  formulation  of  a  ''children's 
code"  in  each  State.  In  a  strict  sense  a  chil- 
dren's code  is  not  a  code  at  all,  as  it  does  not 
constitute  a  separate  division  of  the  published 
laws  of  a  State,  but  is  merely  an  establishment 
of  consistency  among  the  various  laws  affect- 
ing children.  Children's  code  commissions 
have  done  splendid  work  in  Ohio  and 
Missouri.  A  code  commission  has  been 
created  by  the  Oklahoma  Legislature  of 
1919.  It  will  follow  the  usual  procedure 
of  studying  the  existing  situation  and  making 
recommendations  to  the  next  legislature. 
Children's  codes,  as  a  part  of  the  program  of 
child-labor  reform,  are  an  outgrowth  of  the 
conviction  that  the  child-welfare  problem, 
despite  its  numerous  phases  and  ramifications, 
is  essentially  unitary,  and  that  the  child-labor 
problem  must  be  dealt  with  in  its  practical 
relations  to  the  school  problem,  the  health 
problem,  the  recreation  problem,  the  de- 
linquency problem,  and  so  on. 

The  program  is  very  much  concerned  with 
the  schools.  It  is  in  the  schools  that  children 
belong.  And  it  is  from  the  schools  that  chil- 
dren prematurely  go  into  industry.  The 
majority  of  children  leave  school  just  as  soon 
as  the  compulsory-education  laws  allow,  and 


a  majority  of  those  who  go  from  school  to 
work  do  so  just  as  soon  as  the  child-labor 
laws  allow.  Why  do  children  leave  school 
at  the  earliest  opportunity?  Not  so  often 
because  parents  or  circumstances  force  them, 
as  because  they  themselves  want  to  leave. 

All  the  notable  studies  made  in  the  last 
ten  years  of  the  reasons  why  children  under 
16  go  into  industry  concur  in  the  conclusion 
that  the  two  main  reasons  are  economic 
pressure  and  dissatisfaction  with  school. 
"The  latter  plays  the  more  important  part," 
we  read  in  the  reports  of  several  of  these 
studies.  The  fact  is  that  the  typical  school 
does  not  hold  the  interest  and  allegiance  of 
its  pupils.  We  grown-ups  defend  ourselves 
by  saying  that  it  is  all  the  children's  fault; 
but  to  accuse  children  of  a  lack  of  interest  in 
school  is  to  accuse  ourselves.  If  we  made  the 
school  seem  real  and  practical  to  the  children 
it  would  hold  them,  and  certainly  the  school 
ought  at  least  to  seem  real  and  practical. 
Better  schools,  with  stronger  holding  power, 
are  part  of  the  anti-child-labor  program — a 
more  important  part,  perhaps,  than  better 
compulsory-education  laws. 

The  program  is  further  concerned  with 
the  problem  of  poor  relief.  Mothers'  pen- 
sions and  children's  scholarships  are  advo- 
cated. Three-fourths  of  the  States  have 
mothers'  pension  laws,  more  or  less  adequate. 
Scholarships  are  usually  granted  under  pri- 
vate auspices.  Through  pensions  and  scholar- 
ships it  is  made  possible  for  the  child  in  poor 
circumstances  to  go  to  school  and  thus  to  be 
helped  out  of  poverty.  But  the  program  of 
child-labor  reform  deals  with  the  problem 
of  poverty  in  other  ways.  It  seeks  the  insti- 
tution of  a  comprehensive  system  of  social 
insurance  and  the  enactment  of  minimum- 
wage  laws  applying  to  men  as  well  as  to 
women.  It  seeks,  legislatively  and  other- 
wise, the  economic  well-being  of  adults,  the 
economic  prosperity  of  the  whole  American 
community.  For  poverty  and  near-poverty 
are  prolific  causes  of  child  labor. 

Poverty  must  be  fought  by  fighting  its 
causes — one  of  which  is  child-labor.  There 
would  be  much  less  poverty  if  we  did  all 
we  could  to  give  all  children  a  fair  start 
in  life — in  every  respect.  As  Wiley  H. 
Swift  puts  it:  "Americanism  requires  that 
every  child  be  given  a  free,  fair,  fighting 
chance." 

Whoever  believes  in  America  believes  also 
in  America's  'future.  Faith  in  America's 
future  implies  faith  in  America's  children — 
and  faith  without  works  is  dead. 


REAL  COOPERATION  OF  THE 

CHURCHES 

The  Interchurch  World  Movement 
BY  LYMAN  P.  POWELL 

FROM  April  29  to  May  2  Cleveland  was 
the  objective  of  a  group  of  public-spirited 
men,  w^ho  seemed  to  be  surprised  at  their 
very  numbers.  "They  were  all  with  one 
accord  in  one  place."  They  had  learned  the 
lesson  of  the  war.  They  had  gone  '^over  the 
top"  in  many  a  patriotic  drive.  They  were 
afraid  of  nothing.  They  realized  that  a  com- 
bination of  forces  with  a  common  purpose 
and  an  uncommon  leader  could  do  things  in 
the  higher  life  never  tried  before. 

Last  December  a  conference  of  missionary 
boards  of  many  religious  bodies,  called  to- 
gether by  Dr.  Vance  of  Nashville,  met  to 
discover  whether  they  could  work  together. 
They  were  surprised  at  the  simplicity  of  the 
problem.  They  at  once  adopted  the  policy 
of  the  Allies  of  a  year  ago.  Then  in  swift 
succession  other  religious  groups  came  to- 
gether and  the  Interchurch  World  Move- 
ment was  formed  with  Dr.  S.  Earl  Taylor, 
who  perhaps  was  first  to  see  the  far-flung 
sweep  of  the  idea,  as  the  animating  spirit 
and  director.  Quietly,  tentatively  the  ex- 
periment was  tried  out,  and  a  group  of  ex- 
perts was  made  up  pledged  to  religious  prog- 
ress without  competition. 

They  established  a  definite  policy.  They 
Invited  the  churches  of  North  America  to 
unite  for  purposes  of  cooperation,  not  con- 
solidation, or  ecclesiastical  unity  on  which 
cooperative  enterprises  usually  break.  More 
than  forty  are  already  in  and  others  are  on 
the  way.  Not  merely  was  no  church  asked 
to  make  concessions,  but  there  w^as  tacit 
agreement  to  strengthen  group  convictions. 
The  one  objective  was  to  combine  in  common 
service  against  evil  and  waste,  so  as  to  put 
new  meaning  into  those  lines, 

"We  are  not  divided 
All    one   body   we." 

As  the  delegates  began  to  arrive  at  Cleve- 
land on  Tuesday,  April  29,  they  found  not 
even  a  printed  program.  A  few  had  promised 
to  make  addresses,  but  the  purpose  was  to 
keep  the  meeting  democratic.  Wednesday 
brought  a  larger  number  and  when  tlie  con- 


DR.   S.  EARL  TAYLOR,   STATESMAN-DIRECTOR  OF  THE 
INTERCHURCH   WORLD  MOVEMENT 

vention  closed  more  than  500  delegates  from 
all  over  the  United  States  were  present,  rep- 
resenting Cliristian  churches  which  sent  124, 
mission  boards  115,  women's  organizations 
76,  educational  institutions  71,  religious 
papers  28,  with  officers  and  members  of  other 
religious  groups  exceeding  100,  not  to  men- 
tion large  local  groups. 

Irritations  were  avoided.  A  common  basis 
was  sought  on  which  to  stand  and  work. 
Dr.  Taylor  furnished  a  slogan  for  the  con- 
vention when  he  began  his  evening  address 
with  the  statement, 

"Ifantni — Somebody  to  go  into  ilir  h'uj  brother 
business    on   an    international   scale." 

Those  who  looked  for  extremists  were  as 
radically  disappointed  as  those  who  thought 

6iZ 


634 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


to  find  ultra-conservatives  there.  Dr.  J. 
Campbell  White  indicated  that  those  filled 
with  the  Spirit  of  God,  though  differing  in 
doctrine,  might  undertake  anything,  while 
Christians  divided  and  suspicious  ,of  one 
another  would  continue  to  stand  "palsied  in 
the  presence  of  the  needs"  of  to-day,  and 
Christianity  lose  the  biggest  chance  since 
Pentecost. 

There  was  no  lack  of  appreciation  of  pre- 
vious efforts  toward  a  common  end.  Men 
were  present  who  looked  back  with  admira- 
tion for  church  unity  efforts  of  a  generation 
ago,  and  few  were  there  but  had  attempted 
to  bring  an  end,  each  in  his  own  way,  to  the 
overlapping  and  the  undervitalizing  which 
has  resulted  here  and  there  in  trying  to  make 
two  blades  of  grass  grow  where  only  one 
could  ever  sprout.  The  proposals  more  re- 
cent of  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church  to 
find  a  basis  for  agreement  among  Christians 
were  in  mind,  as  well  as  the  good  work  the 
Federal  Council  of  Churches  has  long  been 
doing.  Neither  Home  nor  Foreign  Mission 
Boards  of  any  Christian  fold  were  asked  to 
abdicate,  concede,  or  qualify.  Only,  it  was 
clearly  evident  to  all  that 

"New  occasions  teach  new  duties," 

and  that  the  experience  of  the  great  war 
calls  to  religion  as  well  as  government  and 
business  to  "carry  on"  made  possible  by  a 
community  of  understanding,  a  rightminded- 
ness  of  spirit,  a  generosity  of  purpose,  and  an 
absolute  comprehension  of  the  w^ide-ranging 
meaning  of  the  words  Foch  records  in  his 
"Principles  of  War,"  that  "movement  is  the 
rule  of  strategy,"  that  the  economy  of  forces 
requires  real  soldiers  "to  strike  with  a  con- 
centrated whole,"  and  that  "men  fight  with 
their  hearts." 

Demand  for  a  Religious  and  Social  Survey 

Extraordinary  intelligence  marked  every 
step  of  the  deliberations.  There  w^as  un- 
qualified agreement  as  to  the  imperativeness 
of  a  scientific  survey  of  the  world's  needs 
from  the  standpoint  of  the  Christian.  Mr. 
R.  E.  Diffendorfer,  a  survey  expert,  ex- 
plained without  minimizing  the  difficulties 
the  necessity  of  a  careful  and  even  costly 
survey  of  all  churches  and  religious  and  so- 
cial agencies  now  at  work  and  all  fields 
where  more  might  be  done.  He  suggested 
a  supervisor  of  rural  as  well  as  city  surveys 
and  explained  in  detail  the  method  of  making 
the  same. 

Some  of  the   facts  already   unearthed   all 


over  the  land  were  almost  startling.  He 
pointed  out  one  county  not  very  far  away 
w^here  there  are  many  churches  but  no  min- 
ister, either  Catholic  or  Protestant.  One 
county  map  in  the  Middle  West  was  liberally 
sprinkled  with  churches  with  only  one  min- 
ister, and  he  supported  by  some  home  mission 
society.  A  community  of  1600  has  fourteen 
different  denominational  churches  all  receiv- 
ing "a  goodly  slice  of  missionary  support 
save  one."  A  picture  was  given  of  a  great 
city  w4iere  in  a  population  of  a  hundred  thou- 
sand there  are  but  three  Protestant  churches 
and  six  Catholic  churches,  with  saloons  in 
abundance  in  every  block.  Overchurching  in 
many  regions,  underchurching  in  others. 

The  necessity  of  a  scientific  foreign  survey 
was  related  to  the  political  changes  rapidly 
taking  place.  Such  words  were  frequently 
spoken  as  those  of  General  Byng  to  Bishop 
McConnell,  "I  trust  that  you  will  go  back 
to  your  own  country  and  in  every  way  you 
can  urge  upon  them  in  the  terrible  days 
ahead,  the  days  after  the  war,  that  the 
Church  shall  fail  not."  Colonel  House  was 
quoted  as  saying,  "There  can  be  no  perma- 
nent peace  unless  the  churches  can  Chris- 
tianize international  relationships."  "Christ 
or  chaos  for  the  world"  was  the  statesman- 
like utterance  of  Dr.  J.  Campbell  White. 

A    Comprehensive  Program 

The  Committee  on  Findings  brought  in  a 
report  that  placed  the  Interchurch  World 
Movement  on  a  sound  basis.  The  report 
emphasized  the  importance  of  carrying  the 
gospel  to  all  men ;  effective  cooperation 
among  Christian  churches  without  renuncia- 
tion of  conviction ;  the  necessity  of  basing  any 
program  oi  action  on  facts  to  be  ascertained 
by  a  survey  no  matter  what  the  cost  covering 
not  merely  the  field  at  home  but  also  abroad. 
These  will  be  gladly  placed  at  the  service  of 
folds  out  of  the  movement  as  well  as  in. 

Emphasis  was  placed  on  the  religious  nur- 
ture of  children;  the  enlistment  and  special 
preparation  of  youth  for  life  service;  the 
entire  educational  system  of  the  churches  at 
home  and  abroad ;  philanthropic  institutions, 
hospitals,  orphanages,  asylums,  and  child 
welfare  agencies;  the  means  for  the  support 
of  the  ministry  in  retirement,  as  well  as  in 
active  service ;  and  the  contribution  of  the 
Church  to  the  solution  of  the  definite  social 
and  industrial  problems  of  the  reconstruc- 
tion period.  Trained  scholars  like  Professor 
James,  of  Northwestern  University,  gave 
gravity  again  and  again  to  the  situation  by 


REAL  COOPERATION  OF  THE  CHURCHES 


635 


such  words  as,  ''There  is  no  one  thing  I 
believe  as  a  teacher  of  American  history  that 
our  Americans  need  to-day  more  than  a 
world  vision." 

Strange  to  say,  though  the  discussion  was 
vigorous  and  the  sessions  lasted  late,  nobody 
seemed  worried  about  the  financial  cam- 
paign. The  discussion  kept  in  a  high  alti- 
tude without  capitulation  of  good  sense.  Sci- 
entific training  was  emphasized  in  prepara- 
tion for  a  systematic  campaign  of  enlisting  by 
an  uncompromising  brotherhood  which  asks 
nothing  and  gives  everything  and  considers 
the  interests  of  all  types  of  Christians.  The 
critical  attitude  was  discouraged.  Intelli- 
gent organization  and  the  utmost  develop- 
ment of  effective  existing  methods  was  on 
every  lip. 

Fearlessness  in  Meeting  Issues 

Realizing  the  futility  of  indulging  in  mere 
platitudes  about  industrial  problems  it  was 
agreed  at  last  not  merely  to  approve  the 
industrial  platform  of  the  Federal  Council 
of  Churches  but  also  to  add  to  it  and  to  con- 
stitute an  Industrial  Commission  of  recog- 
nized experts  to  go  to  the  bottom  of  the 
whole  subject. 

One  who  has  attended  many  conventions, 
religious,  social,  academic,  and  political  was 
particularly  impressed  with  the  purpose  to 
conform  to  three  conditions: 

( 1 )  To  saturate  all  proceedings  with  pro- 
found spirituality; 

(2)  To  eliminate  all  sentimentality  in 
deference  to  "sweet  reasonableness"; 

(3)  To  dodge  no  issue  which  has  been 
raised    in    times    past    and    frankly    to   meet 

-every  criticism  which  has  been  brought 
against  the  Christian  Church.  No  man  will 
ever  again  dare  say  the  Christian  Church 
"sidesteps"  any  problem  of  the  time. 

Cooperation    in   Everything 

To  carry  out  the  elaborate  program 
adopted  will  cost  much.  But  nobody  worried 
over  cost.  The  best  is  the  cheapest.  To 
match  the  scientific  surveys  of  the  Charity 
Organization  Society  and  the  Methodist 
Centenary  Movement  it  was  agreed  to  use 
only  the  best  experts,  and  not  to  hurry  them. 


To  ensure  that  everyone  understands  the 
large  purpose  of  the  movement  the  country 
was  divided  into  districts,  each  under  a  direc- 
tor with  educational  aims,  for  such  purposes 
as  discriminating  distribution  of  literature 
and  the  conduct  of  publicity  campaigns.  The 
directors  are  in  fact  already  at  their  posts. 

No  word  was  spoken  that  could  possibly  be 
interpreted  as  coercion  of  a  single  denomina- 
tion to  cooperate,  but  the  value  of  coopera- 
tion in  surveys,  education  and  financing  was 
made  clear.  All  were  encouraged  to  study 
one  another's  plans  and  literature  and  to  do 
together  what  they  could.  New  groups  are 
hurrying  to  a  standard  satisfying  all  and 
many  more  will  undoubtedly  come  in  and 
conduct  a  united  publicity  and,  after  proper 
preparation,  a  financial  campaign.  Where 
this  does  not  seem  possible  or  agreeable,  the 
Interchurch  World  Movement  will  give  all 
the  aid  it  can  to  any  independent  effort. 
There  is  no  ulterior  motive.  There  could 
not  be.  The  development  of  the  spiritual 
resources  of  the  movement  was  made  so  im- 
portant as  to  saturate  every  department  with 
it,  though  giving  it  no  independent  exist- 
ence. The  Committee  of  One  Hundred  will 
meet  frequently  to  harmonize  and  coordi- 
nate surveys,  to  oversee  the  budget,  to  out- 
line for  the  first  time  the  approximate  re- 
sponsibility of  Christians  for  the  world's 
welfare,  while  ,  the  smaller  Executive  Com- 
mittee will  keep  the  wheels  turning. 

One  daring  speaker.  Dr.  W.  E.  Doughty, 
with  the  world  war  in  mind,  said  in  a  speech 
which  moved  an  audience  packing  the  largest 
hall,  "God  has  broken  the  heart  of  the 
world  and  left  us  where  we  simply  must  plan 
with  a  new  daring  of  adequacy  for  the  cap- 
ture of  His  world.  If  we  dare  now  as 
Christ's  nailed,  pierced  hand  beckons  us  to 
go  on  with  courage,  with  unshaken  Faith, 
God  is  ready  to  let  the  stream  flow  out  so 
great  and  deep  that  no  man  can  cross  it." 
The  war  proved  that  victory  always  comes 
where  right-minded  allied  nations  work  to- 
gether without  sacrifice  of  nationality.  The 
Interchurch  World  IVIovenient  has  learned 
the  lesson  of  the  war  without  raising  any 
further  question.  It  is  out  to  win.  It  will, 
to  the  good  of  all  Christendom.  The  hour 
has  struck. 


THE  TREATY  OF  PEACE 

A  Condensation  of  the  Official  Summary  of  Terms  Submitted  to 
THE  German  Delegates  at  Versailles  on  May  7,  1919 


THE  preamble  names  as  parties  of  the  one  part 
the  United  States,  the  Rritish  Empire,  France, 
Italy  and  Japan,  described  as  the  five  allied  and 
associated  powers;  and  Belgium,  Bolivia,  Brazil, 
China,  Cuba,  Ecuador,  Greece,  Guatemala,  Hayti, 
the  Hedjaz,  Honduras,  Liberia,  Nicaragua, 
Panama,  Peru,  Poland,  Portugal,  Rumania,  Ser- 
bia, Siam,  Czecho-Slovakia  and  Uruguay;  and  on 
the  other  part,  Germany. 

Sect'ox  I. — The  League  of  Nations 

The  covenant  of  the  League  of  Nations  con- 
stitutes Section  I.  of  the  Peace  Treaty,  which 
places  upon  the  League  many  specific  in  addition 
to  its  general  duties.  It  may  question  Germany 
at  any  time  for  a  violation  of  the  neutralized 
zone  east  of  the  Rhine  as  a  threat  against  the 
world's  peace.  It  will  appoint  three  of  the  five 
members  of  the  Sarre  commission,  oversee  its 
regime,   and   carry  out  the   plebiscite. 

It  will  appoint  the  high  commissioner  of  Dan- 
zig, guarantee  the  independence  of  the  free  city, 
and  arrange  for  treaties  between  Danzig  and 
Germany  and  Poland.  It  will  work  out  the 
mandatory  system  to  be  applied  to  the  former 
German  colonies,  and  act  as  a  final  court  in  part 
of  the  plebiscites  of  the  Belgian-German  frontier, 
and  in  disputes  as  to  the  Kiel  Canal,  and  decide 
certain  of  the  economic  and  financial  problems. 

Membership   and  Meetings 

The  members  of  the  league  will  be  the  signa- 
tories of  the  covenant  and  other  States  invited  to 
accede.  A  State  may  withdraw  upon  giving  two 
years  notice,  if  it  has  fulfilled  all  its  interna- 
tional   obligations. 

A  permanent  Secretariat  will  be  established  at 
the  seat  of  the   league,  which  will   be  at  Geneva. 

The  Assembly  will  consist  of  representatives 
of  the  members  of  the  league,  and  will  meet  at 
stated  intervals.  Voting  will  be  by  States.  Each 
member  will  have  one  vote  and  not  more  than 
three   representatives. 

The  Council  will  consist  of  representatives  of 
the  five  great  allied  Powers,  together  with  repre- 
sentatives of  four  members  selected  by  the  As- 
sembly from  time  to  time;  it  may  admit  additional 
States  and  will  meet  at  least  once  a  year.  Each 
State  will   have  one  vote  and  one  representative. 

Pre'venting  of   War 

Upon  any  war,  or  threat  of  war,  the  Cou.icil 
will  meet  to  consider  what  common  action  shall 
be  taken.  Members  are  pledged  to  submit  mat- 
ters of  dispute  to  arbitration  or  inquiry  and  not 
to  resort  to  war  until  three  months  after  the 
award.  Members  agree  to  carry  out  an  arbitral 
award,  and  not  to  go  to  war  with  any  party  to 
636 


the  dispute  which  complies  with  it.  If  a  member 
fails  to  carry  out  the  award,  the  Council  will 
propose  the  necessary  measures. 

The  Council  will  formulate  plans  for  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  permanent  Court  of  International 
Justice  to  determine  international  disputes  or  to 
give  advisory  opinions.  Members  who  do  not 
submit  their  case  to  arbitration  must  accept  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  Assembly.  If  the  Council,  less 
the  parties  to  the  dispute,  is  unanimously  agreed 
upon  the  rights  of  it,  the  members  agree  that  they 
will  not  go  to  war  with  any  party  to  the  dispute 
which    complies    with    its    recommendations. 

Members  resorting  to  war  in  disregard  of  the 
covenant  will  immediately  be  debarred  from  all 
intercourse   with   other   members. 

The  Council  will  in  such  cases  consider  what 
military  or  naval  action  can  be  taken  by  the 
league  collectively. 

Mandatory  System 

The  tutelage  of  nations  not  yet  able  to  stand 
by  themselves  will,  be  entrusted  to  advanced 
nations  who  are  best  fitted  to  undertake  it.  The 
covenant   recognizes   three   kinds  of   mandatories. 

(a)  Communities  like  those  belonging  to  the 
Turkish  empire  which  can  be  provisionally  recog- 
nized as  independent,  subject  to  advice  and  as- 
sistance from  a  mandatory  in  whose  selection  they 
would    be    allowed    a    voice. 

(b)  Communities  like  those  of  Central  Africa, 
to  be  administered  by  the  mandatory  under  con- 
ditions generally  approved  by  the  members  of  the 
league,  where  equal  opportunities  for  trade  will 
be  allowed  to  all  members. 

(c)  Other  communities,  such  as  Southwest 
Africa  and  the  South  Pacific  Islands,  but  adminis- 
tered under  the  laws  of  the  mandatory  as  integral 
portions  of  its  territory. 

In  every  case  the  mandatory  will  render  an 
annual  report  and  the  degree  of  its  authority  will 
be  defined. 

Section  II. — Cession  of  German 
Territory 

Germany  cedes  to  France  Alsace-Lorraine, 
5,600  square  miles  in  the  southwest,  and  to  Bel- 
gium two  small  districts  between  Luxemburg  and 
Holland  totaling  382  square  miles.  She  also 
cedes  to  Poland  the  southeastern  tip  of  Silesia 
beyond  and  including  Oppeln,  most  of  Posen,  and 
West  Prussia,  27,686  square  miles;  East  Prussia 
being  isolated   by   a   part  of   Poland. 

She  loses  sovereignty  over  the  northeasternmost 
tip  of  East  Prussia,  40  square  miles  north  of  the 
River  Memel,  and  the  internationalized  areas 
about  Danzig,  729  square  miles,  and  the  basin  of 
the   Saar,  738  square  miles,  between  the  western 


THE  TREATY  OF  PEACE 


637 


border  of  the  Rhenish  Palatinate  of  Bavaria  and 
the  southeast  corner  of  Luxemburg, 

The  southeastern  third  of  East  Prussia  and  the 
area  between  East  Prussia  and  the  Vistula  north 
of  latitude  53  degrees  3  minutes  is  to  have  its 
nationality  determined  by  popular  vote,  5,785 
square  miles,  as  is  to  be  the  case  in  part  of 
Schleswig,   2,787   square   miles. 

Section   III. — Germany's  Western 
Boundary 

Germany  Is  to  consent  to  the  abrogation  of  the 
treaties  of  1839,  by  which  Belgium  was  estab- 
lished as  a  neutral  State,  and  to  agree  in  advance 
to  any  convention  with  which  the  Allied  and 
Associated  Powers  may  determine  to  replace 
them.  She  is  to  recognize  the  full  sovereignty 
of  Belgium  over  the  contested  territory  of  Mores- 
net  and  over  part  of  Prussian  Moresnet,  and 
to  renounce  In  favor  of  Belgium  all  rights  over 
the  circles  of  Eupen  and  Malmedy,  the  Inhabi- 
tants of  which  are  to  be  entitled  within  six  months 
to  protest  against  this  change  of  sovereignty  either 
in  whole  or  in  part,  the  final  decision  to  be  re- 
served to  the  League  of  Nations. 

Germany  renounces  her  various  treaties  and 
conventions  with  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Luxemburg, 
recognizes  that  it  ceased  to  be  a  part  of  the  Ger- 
man Zollverein  from  January  1  last,  renounces 
all  right  of  exploitation  of  the  railroads,  adheres 
to  the  abrogation  of  its  neutrality,  and  accepts 
in  advance  any  international  agreement  as  to  it, 
reached  by  the  Allied   and   Associated  Powers. 

Alsace-Lorraine    and   the   Saar   Basin 

After  recognition  of  the  moral  obligation  to 
repair  the  wrong  done  In  1871  by  Germany  to 
France  and  the  people  of  Alsace-Lorraine,  the 
territories  ceded  to  Germany  by  the  Treaty  of 
Frankfort  are  restored  to  France  with  their  fron- 
tiers  as   before    1871. 

Citizenship  is  regulated  by  detailed  provisions 
distinguishing  those  who  are  Immediately  restored 
to  full  French  citizenship,  those  who  have  to  make 
formal  application  therefor,  and  those  for  whom 
naturalization    Is   open    after    three   years. 

All  public  property  and  all  private  property  of 
German  ex-sovereigns  passes  to  the  French. 

For  five  years  manufactured  products  of  Al- 
sace-Lorraine will  be  admitted  to  Germany  free 
of  duty  to  an  amount  not  exceeding  in  any  year 
the  average  of  the  three  years  preceding  the  war. 

In  compensation  for  the  destruction  of  coal 
mines  in  Northern  France  and  as  payment  on 
account  of  reparation  Germany  cedes  to  France 
full  ownership  of  the  coal  mines  of  the  Saar  Basin 
with  their  subsidiaries,  accessories  and  facilities. 
Their  value  will  be  estimated  by  the  Reparation 
Commission    and    credited    against    that    account. 

In  order  to  secure  the  rights  and  welfare  of  the 
population  and  guarantee  to  France  entire  free- 
dom In  working  the  mines  the  territory  will  be 
governed  by  a  commission  appointed  by  the 
League  of  Nations. 

After  fifteen  years  a  plebiscite  will  be  held 
by  communes  to  ascertain  the  desire-s  of  the  popu- 
lation as  to  continuance  of  the  existing  regime 
under  the  League  of  Nations,  union  with  France 
or   union  with   Germany. 


Section   IV. — Germany's  Eastern 
Boundary 

German  Austria  and  Czechoslovakia 

Germany  recognizes  the  total  independence  of 
German  Austria  In  the  boundaries  traced.  Ger- 
many recognizes  the  entire  Independence  of 
the  Czecho-Slovak  State,  including  the  autono- 
mous territory  of  the  Ruthenlans  south  of  the 
Carpathians,  and  accepts  the  frontiers  of  this 
State  as  to  be  determined,  which  in  the  case  of 
the  German  frontier  shall  follow  the  frontier 
of  Bohemia  In  1914. 

Poland,  East  Prussia,  and  Danzig 

Germany  cedes  to  Poland  the  greater  part  of 
Upper  Silesia,  Posen  and  the  province  of  West 
Prussia  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Vistula.  A  field 
boundary  commission  of  seven,  five  representing 
the  Allied  and  Associated  Powers  and  one  each 
representing  Poland  and  Germany,  shall  be  con- 
stituted within  fifteen  days  of  the.  peace  to  de- 
limit   this    boundary. 

The  southern  and  the  eastern  frontier  of  East 
Prussia   Is   to  be   fixed   by  plebiscites. 

The  five  Allied  and  Associated  Powers  will 
draw  up  regulations  assuring  East  Prussia  full 
and  equitable  access  to  and  use  of  the  Vistula. 
A  subsequent  convention,  of  which  the  terms  will 
be  fixed  by  the  five  Allied  and  Associated  Powers, 
will  be  entered  Into  between  Poland,  Germany 
and  Danzig  to  assure  suitable  railroad  communi- 
cation across  German  territory  on  the  right  bank 
of  the  Vistula  between  Poland  and  Danzig,  while 
Poland  shall  grant  free  passage  from  East 
Prussia    to    Germany. 

The  northeastern  corner  of  East  Prussia  about 
Memel  is  to  be  ceded  by  Germany  to  the  asso- 
ciated Powers. 

Danzig  and  the  district  Immediately  about  It 
is  to  be  constituted  Into  the  "Free  City  of  Danzig" 
under  the  guarantee  of  the  League  of  Nations. 

A  convention,  the  terms  of  which  shall  be  fixed 
by  the  five  Allied  and  Associated  Powers,  shall  be 
concluded  between  Poland  and  Danzig,  which 
shall  include  Danzig  within  the  Polish  customs 
frontiers,  though  a  free  area  In  the  port;  insure 
to  Poland  the  free  use  of  all  the  city's  waterways, 
docks  and  other  port  facilities,  the  control  and 
administration  of  the  Vistula  and  the  whole 
through  railway  system  within  the  city,  and 
postal,  telegraphic  and  telephonic  communication 
between  Poland  and  Danzig;  and  place  its  foreign 
relations  and  the  diplomatic  protection  of  its  citi- 
zens abroad  in  charge  of  Poland. 

Denmark,  Heligoland,  and  Russia 

The  frontier  between  Germany  and  Denmark 
will  be  defined  by  the  self-determination  of  the 
population.  Ten  days  from  the  peace  German 
troops  and  authorities  shall  evacuate  the  region 
north  of  the  line  running  from  the  mouth  of  the 
Schlei,  south  of  Kappel,  Schleswig,  and  Fried- 
richsadt  along  the  Eider  to  the  North  Sea  south 
of  Tonning. 

The  commission  shall  insure  a  free  and  secret 
vote  in  three  zones. 

The  International  Commission  will  then  draw 
a  new  frontier  on  the  basis  of  these  plebiscites 
and    with   due    regard    for   geographical    and    eco- 


638 


THE    AMERICAX    REVIEIF    OF   REVIEWS 


nomic  conditions.  Germany  will  renounce  all 
sovereignty  over  territories  north  of  this  line  in 
favor  of  the  associated  Governments,  who  will 
hand   them  over   to   Denmark. 

The  fortifications,  military  establishments  and 
harbors  of  the  islands  of  Heligoland  and  Dune 
are  to  be  destroyed  under  the  supervision  of  the 
Allies  by  German  labor,  and  at  Germany's  ex- 
pense. They  may  not  be  reconstructed  or  any 
similar  fortifications  built  in  the  future. 

Germany  agrees  to  respect  as  permanent  and 
inalienable  the  independency  of  all  territories 
which  were  part  of  the  former  Russian  Empire, 
to  accept  the  abrogation  of  the  Brest-Litovsk  and 
other  treaties  entered  into  with  the  Maximalist 
Government  of  Russia,  to  recognize  the  full  force 
of  all  treaties  entered  into  by  the  Allied  and  As- 
sociated Powers  with  States  which  were  a  part 
of  the  former  Russian  Empire,  and  to  recognize 
the    frontiers    as    determined    thereon. 

The  Allied  and  Associated  Powers  formally 
reserve  the  right  of  Russia  to  obtain  restitution 
and   reparation   on  principles  of  present  treaty. 

Section   V. — German   Rights   Overseas 

Germany  renounces  in  favor  of  the  Allied  and 
Associated  Powers  her  overseas  possessions  with 
all  rights  and  titles  therein.  All  movable  and 
immovable  property  belonging  to  the  German 
Empire  or  to  any  German  state  shall  pass  to  the 
government    exercising    authority    therein. 

Germany  renounces  in  favor  of  China  all  priv- 
ileges and  indemnities  resulting  from  the  Boxer 
Protocol  of  1901  and  all  buildings,  wharves,  bar- 
racks for  the  munition  of  warships,  wireless 
plants  and  other  public  property  except  diplo- 
matic or  consular  establishments  in  the  German 
concessions  of  Tientsin  and  Hankow  and  in  other 
Chinese    territory,    except    Kiao-Chau. 

Ciermany  cedes  to  Japan  all  rights,  titles  and 
privileges,  notably  as  to  Kiao-Chau,  and  the  rail- 
roads, mines,  and  cables  acquired  by  her  treaty 
with  China  of  March  6,  1897,  by  and  other  agree- 
ments  as  to  Shantung. 

Section  VI. — Military,  Naval,  and  Air 

Military  Forces 

The  demobilization  of  the  (ierman  army  must 
take  place  within  two  months  of  the  peace.  Its 
strength  may  not  exceed  100,000,  including  4000 
officers,  with  not  over  seven  divisions  of  infantry 
and  three  of  cavalry,  and  to  be  devoted  exclu- 
sively to  maintenance  of  internal  order  and  con- 
trol of  frontiers. 

Armaments,    Conscription,    and    Fortifications 

All  establishments  for  the  manufacturing,  prep- 
aration, storage  or  design  of  arms  and  munitions 
of  war,  except  those  specifically  excepted,  must  be 
closed  within  three  months  of  the  peace  and  their 
personnel  dismissed.  The  exact  amount  of  arma- 
ment and  munitions  allowed  Germany  is  laid 
down  in  detailed  tables.  The  manufacture  or 
importation  of  asphyxiating,  poisonous  or  other 
gases  is  forbidden,  as  well  as  the  importation  of 
war   materials. 

Conscription  is  abolished  in  Germany.  The 
enlisted  personnel  must  be  maintained  by  volun- 
tary enlistments  for  terms  of  twelve  years. 


No  military  schools  except  those  absolutely  in- 
dispensable for  the  units  allowed  shall  exist  in 
Germany  two  months  after  the  peace.  No  asso- 
ciations such  as  societies  of  discharged  soldiers, 
shooting  or  touring  clubs,  educational  establish- 
ments or  universities  may  occupy  themselves  with 
military  matters.  All  measures  of  mobilization 
are   forbidden. 

All  fortified  works,  fortresses,  and  field  works 
situated  in  German  territory  within  a  zone  fifty 
kilometers  east  of  the  Rhine  will  be  dismantled 
within  three  months.  The  construction  of  any 
new  fortifications  there  is  forbidden.  The  forti- 
fied works  on  the  southern  and  eastern  frontiers, 
however,  may  remain. 

Navy  and  Air 

The  German  navy  must  be  demobilized  within 
a  period  of  two  months  after  the  peace.  She  will 
be  allowed  six  small  battleships,  six  light  cruisers, 
twelve  destroyers,  twelve  torpedo  boats  and  no 
submarines,  either  military  or  commercial,  with 
a  personnel  of  fifteen  thousand  men,  including 
officers,   and  no   reserve  force  of  any  character. 

Germany  is  required  to  sweep  up  the  mines  in 
the  North  Sea  and  the  Baltic  Sea  as  decided  upon 
by  the  Allies.  All  German  fortifications  in  the 
Baltic  defending  passages  must  be  demolished. 

The  cables,  or  portions  of  cables,  removed  or 
utilized  remain  the  property  of  Allied  and  Asso- 
ciated Powers,  and  accordingly  fourteen  cables  or 
parts  of  cables  will  not  be  restored  to  Germany. 

The  armed  forces  of  Germany  must  not  include 
any  military  or  naval  air  forces  except  for  not  over 
one  hundred  unarmed  seaplanes  to  be  retained  till 
October  1,  to  search  for  submarine  mines.  No  diri- 
gible  shall   be  kept. 

Section   VII. — Responsibilities 

"The  Allied  and  Associated  Powers  publicly 
arraign  William  II.  of  Hohenzollern,  formerly 
German  Emperor,  not  for  an  offense  against 
criminal  law,  but  for  a  supreme  offense  against 
international  morality  and  the  sanctity  of 
treaties." 

The  ex-Emperor's  surrender  is  to  be  requested 
of  Holland  and  a  special  tribunal  set  up  com- 
posed of  one  judge  from  each  of  the  principal 
Czreat  Powers  with  full  guarantees  of  the  right 
of  defense. 

Persons  accused  of  having  committed  acts  in 
violation  of  the  laws  and  customs  of  war  are  to 
be  tried  and  punished  by  military  tribunals  under 
military  law.  Germany  shall  hand  over  to  the 
associated  Governments  either  jointly  or  several- 
ly all  persons  so  accused  and  all  documents  and 
information  necessary  to  insure  full  knowledge 
of  the   incriminating   acts. 

Section  VIII. — Reparation 

The  Allied  and  Associated  Governments  af- 
firm and  Germany  accepts  the  responsibility  of 
herself  and  her  allies  for  causing  all  the  loss  and 
damage  to  which  the  Allied  and  Associated  Gov- 
ernments and  their  nationals  have  been  subjected 
as  a  consequence  of  the  war  imposed  upon  them 
by  the  aggression  of  Germany  and  her  allies. 

While  the  Allied  and  Associated  Governments 
recognize  that  the  resources  of  Germany  are  not 


THE  TREATY  OF  PEACE 


639 


adequate,  after  taking  Into  account  permanent 
diminutions  of  such  resources  which  will  result 
from  other  treaty  claims,  to  make  complete 
reparation  for  all  such  loss  and  damage,  they 
require  her  to  make  compensation  for  all  damages 
caused  to  civilians  under  seven  categories. 

Germany  further  binds  herself  to  repay  all 
sums  borrowed  by  Belgium  from  her  Allies  as  a 
result  of  Germany's  violation  of  the  treaty  of 
1839  up  to  November  11,  1918,  and  for  this  pur- 
pose will  issue  and  hand  over  to  her  Reparation 
Commission   5   per  cent,  bonds  due  in   1926. 

The  total  obligation  of  Germany  to  pay  as 
defined  in  the  category  of  damages  is  to  be  de- 
termined not  later  than  May  1,  1921,  by  an  Inter- 
allied Reparation   Commission. 

At  the  same  time  a  schedule  of  payments  to  dis- 
charge the  obligation  within  thirty  years  shall  be 
presented.  Germany  irrevocably  recognizes  the 
full  authority  of  this  commission,  agrees  to  supply 
it  with  all  the  necessary  information  and  to  pass 
legislation  to  effectuate  its  findings.  As  an  imme- 
diate step  toward  restoration  Germany  shall  pay 
within  two  years  one  thousand  million  pounds 
sterling  In  either  gold,  goods,  ships  or  other 
specific  forms   of  payment. 

In  periodically  estimating  Germany's  capacity 
to  pay,  the  Reparation  Commission  shall  examine 
the  German  system  of  taxation,  to  the  end  that 
the  sums  of  reparation  which  Germany  is  re- 
quired to  pay  shall  become  a  charge  upon  all 
her  revenues,  prior  to  that,  for  the  service  or  dis- 
charge of  any  domestic  loan,  and,  secondly,  so 
as  to  satisfy  itself  that  In  general  the  German 
scheme  of  taxation  Is  fully  as  heavy  proportion- 
ately as  that  of  any  of  the  peoples  represented 
on  the  commission. 

The  commission  may  require  Germany  to  give 
from  time  to  time,  by  way  of  guarantee,  Issues  of 
bonds  or  other  obligations  to  cover  such  claims 
as  are  not  otherwise  satisfied  In  this  connection, 
and  on  account  of  the  total  amount  of  claims  bond 
issues  are  presently  to  be  required  of  Germany  in 
acknowledgment  of  its  debt  as  follows: 

One  thousand  million  pounds  sterling,  payable 
not  later  than  May  1,  1921,  without  interest,  two 
thousand  million  pounds  sterling  bearing  2^  per 
cent,  interest  between  1921  and  1926,  and  there- 
after 5  per  cent.,  with  a  1  per  cent,  sinking  fund 
payment  beginning  in  1926,  and  an  undertaking  to 
deliver  bonds  to  an  additional  amount  of  two 
thousand  million  pounds  sterling  bearing  Interest 
at  5  per  cent. 

Germany  is  required  to  pay  the  total  cost  of 
the  armies  -of  occupation  from  the  date  of  the 
armistice  as  long  as  they  are  maintained  In  Ger- 
man territory,  this  cost  to  be  a  first  charge  on 
her  resources.  The  cost  of  reparation  is  the  next 
charge,  after  such  provisions  for  payments  for 
imports   as   the  Allies  may   deem   necessary. 

Shipping  and  Devastated  Areas 
The  German  Government  recognizes  the  right 
of  the  Allies  to  the  replacement,  ton  for  ton  and 
class  for  class,  of  all  merchant  ships  and  fishing 
boats  lost  or  damaged  owing  to  the  war,  and 
agrees  to  cede  to  the  Allies  all  German  merchant 
ships  of  1,600  tons  gross  and  upwards,  one-half 
of  her  ships  between  1,600  and  1,000  tons  gross, 
and   one-cjuarter  of  her  fishing  boats. 

As  an  additional  part  of  reparation  the  German 


Government  further  agrees  to  build  merchant 
ships  for  the  account  of  the  Allies  to  the  amount 
of  not  exceeding  200,000  tons  gross  annually  dur- 
ing the  next  five  years. 

Germany  undertakes  to  devote  her  economic 
resources  directly  to  the  physical  restoration  of 
the  invaded  areas.  The  Reparation  Commission 
is  authorized  to  require  Germany  to  replace  the 
destroyed  articles  by  the  delivery  of  animals, 
machinery,  etc.,  existing  In  Germany  and  to  manu- 
facture materials  for  reconstruction  purposes,  with 
consideration  for   Germany's  requirements. 

Coal,  Dyestujfs,   and   Chemical  Drugs 

Germany  is  to  deliver  annually  for  ten  years 
to  France  coal  equivalent  to  the  difference  be- 
tween annual  pre-war  output  of  Nord  and  Pas 
De  Calais  mines  and  annual  production  during 
above  ten  years.  Germany  further  gives  options 
over  ten  years  for  delivery  of  7,000,000  tons  of 
coal  per  year  to  France,  in  addition  to  the  above; 
of  8,000,000  tons  to  Belgium  and  of  an  amount 
rising  from  four  and  a  half  million  tons  In  1919 
to  1920  to  eight  and  a  half  million  tons  in  1923 
to  1942  to  Italy  at  prescribed  prices. 

Germany  accords  option  to  the  commission  on 
dyestuffs  and  chemical  drugs,  including  quinine, 
up  to  50  per  cent,  to  total  stock  in  Germany  at  the 
time  the  treaty  comes  In  force  and  similar  options 
during  each  six  months  to  end  of  1924  up  to  25 
per  cent,   of   previous   six   months  output. 

Section   IX. — International  Trade 

For  a  period  of  six  months  Germany  shall 
Impose  no  tariff  duties  higher  than  the  lowest  in 
force  in  1914.  Germany  must  give  most  favored 
nation  treatment  to   the   Allies. 

Ships  of  the  Allied  and  Associated  Powers  shall 
for  five  years  and  thereafter,  under  condition  of 
reciprocity  unless  the  League  of  Nations  other- 
wise decides,  enjoy  the  same  rights  in  German 
ports    as   German   vessels. 

Germany  undertakes  to  give  the  trade  of  the 
Allied  and  Associated  Powers  adequate  safe- 
guards  against  unfair  competition. 

Some  forty  multilateral  conventions  are  re- 
newed between  Germany  and  the  Allied  and  As- 
sociated Powers,  but  special  conditions  are  at- 
tached to  Germany's  readmlsslon  to  several. 

Each  allied  and  associate  state  may  renew  any 
treaty  with  Germany  In  so  far  as  consistent 
with  the  peace  treaty  by  giving  notice  with- 
in six  months.  Treaties  entered  into  by  Ger- 
many since  August  1,  1914,  with  other  enemy 
States  and  before  or  since  that  date  with  Rumania, 
Russia  and  Governments  representing  parts  of 
Russia   are   abrogated. 

A  system  of  clearing  houses  is  to  be  created 
within  three  months,  one  in  Germany  and  one  in 
each  Allied  and  Associated  State  which  adopts 
the  plan  for  the  payment  of  pre-war  debts,  for 
adjustment  of  proceeds  of  licjuidation  of  enemy 
property   and   the   settlement  of   other  obligations. 

The  proceeds  of  the  sale  of  private  enemy 
property  in  each  participating  State  may  be  used 
to  pay  the  debts  owed  to  nationals  of  that  State. 

Germany  shall  restore  or  pay  for  all  private 
enemy  property  seized  or  damaged  by  her,  the 
amount  of  damages  to  be  fixed  bv  (he  mixed  ar- 
bitral tribunal.     The  Allied  and  Associated  States 


640 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


may    liquidate    German    private    property    within 
their  territories   as  compensation  for  claims. 

Except  as  between  the  United  States  and  Ger- 
many, pre-war  licenses  and  rights  to  sue  for  in- 
fringements   during    the    war    are    cancelled. 

SncTiox  X. — Canals  and  Railways 

Belgium  is  to  be  permitted  to  build  a  deep  draft 
Rhine-Meuse  canal  if  she  so  desires  within 
twenty-five  years,  in  which  case  Germany  must 
construct  the  part  within  her  territory  on  plans 
drawn  by  Belgium.  Similarly,  the  interested  al- 
lied governments  may  construct  a  Rhine-Meuse 
canal,  both,  if  constructed,  to  come  under  the  com- 
petent international  commission.  Germany  may 
not  object  if  the  Central  Rhine  Commission  de- 
sires to  extend  its  jurisdiction  over  the  lower 
Moselle,   the   upper  Rhine,   or   lateral   canals. 

Germany,  in  addition  to  most  favored  nation 
treatment  on  her  railways,  agrees  to  cooperate  in 
the  establishment  of  through  ticket  services  for 
passengers   and  baggage. 

To  assure  Czecho-Slovakia  access  to  the  sea, 
special  rights  are  given  her  both  north  and  south. 
Toward  the  Adriatic,  she  is  permitted  to  run  her 
own  through  trains  to  Fiume  and  Trieste.  To 
the  north,  Germany  is  to  lease  her  for  ninety- 
nine  years   spaces  in   Hamburg  and   Stettin. 

The  Kiel  Canal  is  to  remain  free  and  open 
to  war  and  merchant  ships  of  all  nations  at  peace 
with  Germany,  subjects,  goods  and  ships  of  all 
States  are  to  be  treated   on  terms  of  equality. 

Section  XL — Aerial  Navigation 

Aircraft  of  the  Allied  and  Associated  Powers 
shall  have  full  liberty  of  passage  and  landing 
over  and  in  German  territory,  equal  treatment 
with  German  planes  as  to  use  of  German  air- 
dromes, and  with  most  favored  nation  plans  as 
to  internal  commercial  traffic  in  Germany.  Ger- 
many agrees  to  accept  Allied  certificates  of  na- 
tionality, airworthiness  or  competency  or  licenses 
and  to  apply  the  convention  relative  to  aerial 
navigation  concluded  between  the  Allied  and 
Associated  Po\vers  to  her  own  aircraft  over  her 
own  territory.  These  rules  apply  until  1923  un- 
less Germany  has  since  been  admitted  to  the 
League    of    Nations    or'  to    the    above    convention. 

Section    XII. — Freedom    of    Transit, 
Ports,  and  Rivers 

Germany  must  grant  freedom  of  transit  through 
her  territories  by  rail  or  water  to  persons,  goods, 
ships,  carriages,  and  mails  from  or  to  any  of 
the  Allied  or  Associated  Powers  without  customs 
or  transit  duties,  undue  delays,  restrictions,  or 
discriminations. 

The  Elbe  and  the  Oder  are  to  be  placed  under 
international   commissions. 

The  European  Danube  Commission  reassumes 
its  pre-war  powers,  but  for  the  time  being  with 
representatives  of  only  Great  Britain,  France, 
Italy,  and  Rumania.  The  Upper  Danube  is  to  be 
administered   by   a   new   international   commission. 

The  Rhine  is  placed  under  the  central  commis- 
sion to  meet  at  Strassburg  within  six  months  after 
peace,  composed  of  four  representatives  of  France, 
four  of  Ciermany,  and  two  each  of  Great  Britain, 
Italy,    Belgium,    Switzerland    and    Netherlands. 


Section  XIII. — International  Labor 

Members  of  the  League  of  Nations  agree  to 
establish  a  permanent  organization  to  promote  in- 
ternational adjustment  of  labor  conditions,  to  con- 
sist of  a   labor  conference   and   a  labor  office. 

The  former  is  composed  of  four  representatives 
of  each  State,  two  from  the  Government  and  one 
each  from  the  employers  and  the  employed;  each 
of  them  may  vote  individually.  It  will  be  a  de- 
liberative legislation  body,  its  measures  taking 
the  form  of  draft  conventions  or  recommendations 
for  legislation,  which  if  passed  by  two-thirds  vote 
must  be  submitted  to  the  lawmaking  authority  in 
every  State  participating.  Each  Government  may 
either  enact  the  terms  into  law;  approve  the  prin- 
ciple, but  modify  them  to  local  needs;  leave 
the  actual  legislation  in  case  of  a  Federal  State 
to   local    legislatures;    or   reject   the   convention. 

The  international  labor  office  is  established  at 
the  seat  of  the  League  as  part  of  its  organization, 
to  collect   and   distribute   information. 

On  complaint  that  any  Government  has  failed 
to  carry  out  a  convention  to  which  it  is  a  party, 
the  governing  body  may  make  inquiries  directly 
to  that  Government,  and  in  case  the  reply  is  un- 
satisfactory may  publish  the  complaint  with  com- 
ment. The  chief  reliance  for  enforcement  will 
be  publicity,  with  possible   economic  action. 

Section  XIV. — Guarantees 

As  a  guarantee  for  the  execution  of  the  treaty 
German  territory  to  the  west  of  the  Rhine,  to- 
gether with  the  bridgeheads,  will  be  occupied  by 
Allied  and  Associated  troops  for  fifteen  years. 
If  the  conditions  are  faithfully  carried  out  by 
Germany,  certain  districts,  including  the  bridge- 
head of  Cologne,  will  be  evacuated  at  the  expira- 
tion of  five  years;  certain  other  districts,  includ- 
ing the  bridgehead  of  Coblenz,  and  the  territories 
nearest  the  Belgian  frontier,  will  be  evacuated 
after  ten  years,  and  the  remainder,  including  the 
bridgehead  of  Mainz,  will  be  evacuated  after  fif- 
teen years.  In  case  the  Interallied  Reparation 
Commission  finds  that  Germany  has  failed  to  ob- 
serve the  whole  or  part  of  her  obligations,  either 
during  the  occupation  or  after  the  fifteen  years 
have  expired,  the  whole  or  part  of  the  areas 
specified  will  be  reoccupied  immediately.  If  be- 
fore the  expiration  of  the  fifteen  years  Germany 
complies  with  all  the  treaty  undertakings,  the 
occupying  forces  will  be  withdrawn  immediately. 

Section.   XV. — Miscellaneous 

Germany  agrees  to  recognize  the  full  validity 
of  the  treaties  of  peace  and  additional  conven- 
tions to  be  concluded  by  the  allied  and  associated 
Powers  with  the  Powers  allied  with  Germany, 
to  agree  to  the  decisions  to  be  taken  as  to  the 
territories  of  Austria-Hungary,  Bulgaria  and 
Turkey,  and  to  recognize  the  new  States  in  the 
frontiers  to  be  fixed  for  them. 

(iermany  agrees  not  to  put  forward  any  pe- 
cuniary claims  against  any  allied  or  associated 
Power  signing  the  present  treaty  based  on  events 
previous  to   the  coming   into  force  of  the   treaty. 

C/ermany  accepts  all  decrees  as  to  German 
ships  and  goods  made  by  any  allied  or  associated 
prize  court.  'Ihe  Allies  reserve  the  right  to  ex- 
amine all  decisions  of  German  prize  courts. 


LEADING  ARTICLES  OF  THE 

MONTH 


A  FRENCH  VIEW  OF  THE  PEACE 

CONFERENCE 


IN  the  Revue  de  Paris  of  April  15,  M. 
Auguste  Gauvin  publishes  a  long  paper 
(dated  March  31st)  on  the  record  thus  far 
and  outlook  of  the  Peace  Conference.  Of 
chief  interest  at  present  is  the  attitude  of  the 
writer  himself,  and  his  incidental  revelation 
of  French  opinion  and  feeling  generally.  M. 
Gauvin  is  bitterly  disappointed  at  the  long 
delay  and  feels  that  it  has  already  changed 
ihe  eager  hopefulness  and  confidence  of  No- 
vember into  disappointment  and  anxiety.  It 
is  noted  that  the  Conference  assembled  on 
the  forty-eighth  anniversary  of  the  proclama- 
tion at  Versailles  of  the  new  German  Em- 
pire. 

By  no  means  all  the  expectations  of  the 
various  allies  could  be  realized.  Often  they 
overlapped  and  excluded  one  another.  The 
secret  treaties  had  long  before  pledged  to 
some  allies  benefits  that  meant  serious  injury 
to  others.  The  later  entrance  of  the  United 
States  into  the  war  is  frankly  recognized  as 
the  decisive  factor  in  the  result,  and  the  un- 
selfish aims  of  our  country,  with  the  general 
acceptance  of  President  Wilson  as  the  spokes- 
man of  all  the  allies  in  the  correspondence 
leading  up  to  the  Armistice,  fairly  justify 
him  in  insisting  .that  all  the  conditions  of 
peace  shall  accord  with  his  famous  "fourteen 
points,"  as  modified  by  later  messages  and 
speeches  (and  by  the  explicit  repudiation  of 
the  second  point,  ''freedom  of  the  seas"). 

Nevertheless,  it  is  clear  that  Mr.  Wilson 
is  held  largely  responsible  for  at  least  one  of 
the  three  salient  causes  for  the  long  delay  in 
formulating  peace  terms,  viz.,  the  insistence 
on  the  preliminary  creation  of  the  League  of 
Nations  and  the  inclusion  of  its  constitution 
in  the  formulated  conditions  of  the  peace  it- 
self. The  other  two  explanations  for  slow 
progress  are  the  compulsory  use  of  two  lan- 
guages, since  many  English-speaking  dele- 
gates were  lamentably  ignorant  of  French 
(a   somewhat    naively   one-sided    criticism), 

Tune — 6 


and  lastly  the  constant  daily  switching  from 
one  subject  to  another,  without  apparent  ef- 
fort to  reach  conclusions  on  any.  (The 
acute  difficulties  over  Fiume  and  Shantung 
had  not  then  come  so  fully  to  the  front.) 

The  writer  intimates  that  prompt  frank- 
ness and  persistence  by  the  French  would 
doubtless  have  secured  for  them  the  Sarre 
basin  and  Landau,  which  he  regards  as 
French  land,  taken  away  in  1815  in  violation 
of  the  solemn  pledges  made  in  1814,  and  re- 
newed even  after  Napoleon's  return  from 
Elba. 

He  hopes  Austria  will  be  enabled  and  en- 
couraged to  maintain  complete  independence, 
becoming  ''a  second  Switzerland."  The  sug- 
gestion is  cleverly  put  that  Vienna  need  not 
lose  the  visitors  who  "for  a  long  time  to 
come  will  not  care  to  spend  their  money  in 
Germany!"  Even  if  the  eventual  union  of 
all  German-speaking  peoples  proves  unpre- 
ventable,  the  three  Slavic  nations  may  mean- 
while have  "justified  their  existence,  and 
France  will  have  had  time  to  make  prepara- 
tion against  new  perils." 

The  author  recognizes,  and  deprecates,  the 
severe  and  general  criticism  of  Mr.  Wilson 
by  the  French,  during  and  since  his  brief  re- 
turn to  the  United  States.  With  a  full  and 
accurate  rehearsal  of  all  \lr.  Wilson's  ear- 
lier statements  of  his  ideas  on  a  righteous 
and  stable  peace,  it  is  made  clear  that  he 
never  contemplated  any  such  measures  as  the 
permanent  military  holding  of  the  German 
frontier  by  the  Allies  in  general  or  by  U.  S. 
troops  in  particular.  On  the  other  hand, 
there  is  nothing  to  indicate  President  AVil- 
son's  disapproval  of  indemnity  for  actual 
damage  (especially  that  done  in  violation  of 
the  laws  of  war),  or  full  restitution,  and  of 
adequate  guarantees  for  future  security. 

The  writer  may  fairly  be  counted  a  sincere 
defender,  an  apoh)gist  at  least,  for  Mr,  \Vil- 
son  and  for  the  general  attitude  of  our  dele- 

641 


642 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


gation.  But  it  is  no  less  evident  that  he 
faces  an  overwhelming  hostile  majority 
among  his  countrymen.  His  closing  words 
are: 

The  Wilsonian  principles,  taken  literally,  might 
be  invoked  by  the  Germans  in  their  eagerness  to 
escape  the  consequences  of  their  crimes;  but  they 
are  still  better  suited  to  solve  problems  of  the  most 
delicate  character  which  we  could  not  dispose 
of  without  them.  At  any  rate,  it  is  not  against 
France  that  they  are  aimed,  and  it  is  not  against 
her  that  they  would  be  applied.  It  is  strange  that 
the  French  fail  to  realize  this,  and  are  playing 
into  the  hands  of  governments  which,  after  profit- 
ing like  ourselves  by  American  help,  are  devising 
ways  to  escape  their  contracts  with  Mr.  Wilson. 


It  is  more  regrettable  still  that  they  make  protest 
against  the  principles  in  the  name  of  which  France 
fought,  when  imperiled,  and  the  honor  of  which 
so  many  peoples  expected  France  to  defend,  when 
herself  "victorious." 

This  discriminating  and  valiant  champion 
of  American  sincerity  and  honor  makes  one 
statement  which,  if  it  cannot  be  proven  un- 
true for  the  recent  past,  should  be  made  quite 
untrue  in  the  future: 

As  for  the  United  States,  it  has  com"  to  be  a 
rare  event  if  an  ambassador  sent  to  a  foreign 
capital,  including  Paris,  speaks  or  even  reads 
French. 


THE  NEW  ERA  OF  INTERNATIONAL 
TRADE— AN  ITALIAN  VIEW 


THE  policy  to  be  followed  by  the  League 
of  Nations  as  to  international  commerce 
is  a  question  of  the  greatest  possible  impor- 
tance for  the  world's  welfare,  and  a  paper 
by  Signor  Constantino  Bresciani  Turroni,  in 
the  Roman  journal,  //  Tempo,  presents  some 
considerations  on  this  subject  which  merit  at- 
tention. At  the  outset  he  cites  the  declara- 
tion of  President  Wilson  urging  "the  re- 
moval, so  far  as  possible,  of  all  economic 
barriers  and  the  establishment  of  an  equality 
of  trade  conditions  among  all  the  nations 
consenting  to  the  peace  and  associating  them- 
selves for  its  maintenance." 

The  writer  proceeds  to  show  that,  owing 
to  the  interdependence  of  the  various  states, 
any  undue  restrictions  imposed  on  the  prod- 
ucts of  any  one  will  necessarily  react  upon 
the  others,  for  where  the  exports  of  a  nation 
are  reduced  its  purchasing  power  will  be 
correspondingly  lessened,  and  its  imports  will 
become  smaller. 

Nevertheless,  Signor  Turroni  does  not  for- 
get a  fundamental  fact,  brought  out  by  the 
study  of  economic  history,  that  is,  the  aspira- 
tion of  all  peoples  for  the  creation  of  home 
industries.  This  is  too  generally  observable 
to  be  regarded  as  due  to  some  erroneous  po- 
litical view,  or  to  the  influence  of  special  in- 
terests, rather  than  as  the  expression  of  an 
organic  necessity  for  development  in  the  sev- 
eral countries.  It  is  a  force  as  uncontrollable 
as  the  aspiration  of  the  peoples  for  national 
independence.  Therefore  the  nations  which 
are  economically  weak  cannot  renounce  a 
protective  tariff,  necessary  for  the  future  of 
their    young    industries,    which    even    when 


favored  by  natural  conditions,  are  unable  for 
a  time  to  compete  with  long-established 
foreign  industries. 

Although  favoring,  therefore,  a  moderate 
protective  tariff  when  this  is  really  essential 
for  a  country's  industrial  development,  and 
does  not  involve  too  great  a  sacrifice  of  the 
advantages  offered  by  complete  reciprocity  in 
trade,  the  Italian  writer  is  disposed  to  ar- 
raign the  policy  of  the  great  colonial  empires, 
such  as  Great  Britain  and  France. 

He  finds  that  not  only  in  consideration  of 
international  relations,  for  which  the  colonial 
policy  of  France  has  long  been  a  disturbing 
factor,  but  even  in  the  enlightened  interest  of 
France  herself,  the  rigors  of  her  colonial 
tariffs  should  be  mitigated.  He  thinks  that 
the  attempt  to  exclude  other  nations  perma- 
nently from  regions  having  an  area  of  over 
4,000,000  square  miles  ought  to  be  aban- 
doned, especially  as,  for  demographic  reasons, 
France  is  not  able  to  exploit  them  fully. 
And  yet  the  report  of  the  last  "Conference 
Coloniale"  shows  a  tendency  to  favor  a 
more  restrictive  policy.  It  is  proposed,  by 
the  help  of  preferential  tariffs,  to  form  of 
France  and  her  colonies  a  compact  "bloc"; 
it  is  asked  that  the  agreement  of  Berlin  re- 
garding the  French  Congo  be  so  modified  as 
to  prohibit  the  importation  of  foreign  goods 
instead  of  French  goods.  The  abrogation  of 
the  Anglo-French  agreement  of  June,  1898, 
containing  the  clause  of  the  most  favored 
nation  regarding  the  colonies  of  the  Ivory 
Coast  and  Dahomey,  is  also  demanded. 

That  Italy  ought  to  oppose  the  application 
of  such  and  similar  protectionist  policies  at 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE    MONTH 


64: 


the  Peace  Confepence  is  the  writer's  convic- 
tion, and  he  thinks  she  ought  to  ask  that  her 
commerce  be  guaranteed  equal  treatment  in 
some  at  least  of  the  French  colonies,  notably 
in  Tunis.  Only  too  well  known  are  the 
complaints  of  Italian  exporters  concerning 
the  difficulties  they  encounter  in  the  French 
colonies,  where  they  are  forced  to  compete 
with  goods  favored  by  a  preferential  tariff. 
The  idea  of  strengthening  the  economic 
bonds  uniting  the  metropolis  with  the 
colonies  by  a  vast  reform  of  tariffs,  has  made 
rapid  progress  during  the  war  in  England 
also.  It  is  proposed  to  develop  the  preferen- 
tial treatment  inaugurated  before  the  war. 
If  then  India  and  Egypt  as  well  should  con- 
cede to  English  goods  more  favorable  condi- 
tions, and  if  this  policy  should  be  completed 
by   preferential   rates   on   raw   materials,    as 


has  already  been  suggested  in  the  Indian 
Chamber  of  Commerce,  the  result  would  be 
that  an  enormous  extent  of  territory,  with 
hundreds  of  millions  of  inhabitants,  would 
be  removed  from  the  operation  of  the  regime 
of  the  ''equality  of  trade  conditions"  advo- 
cated by  Wilson. 

In  conclusion,  the  writer  asserts  that 
parity  of  treatment  in  the  colonies  ought  to 
cover  three  main  points :  the  importation  and 
exportation  of  merchandise;  the  employment 
of  capital  and  the  granting  of  concessions  for 
the  execution  of  public  works,  such  as  rail- 
ways, the  construction  of  ports,  etc.,  finally, 
the  immigration  of  laborers.  He  adds  that 
to  a  greater  degree  than  international  rivalry, 
it  was  rivalry  for  predominance  in  the  colo- 
nies, and  in  backward  countries,  that  in- 
flamed the  hatred  of  the  nations. 


THE  RECONSTRUCTION   OF  GERMANY 


AS  long  ago  as  1915  it  was  clear  to  level- 
headed German  business  men  that  the 
industrial  reconstruction  even  of  a  conquer- 
ing Germany  was  a  problem  of  great  diffi- 
culty and  embarrassment.  One  of  them, 
Herr  Herzog,  an  eminent  engineer  and  econ- 
omist, wrote  a  memorandum  on  the  subject 
which  has  recently  been  published  in  English 
as  "The  Iron  Circle."  The  writer's  proposals 
— we  quote  from  an  article  by  Mr.  Francis 
Gribble  in  the  March  Anglo-French  Review 
— were  twofold : 

In  order  to  secure  German  trade,  foreign  gov- 
ernments must  be  required,  under  forfeit,  to  pur- 
chase, every  year,  whatever  quantity  of  German 
goods  a  German  Board  of  Trade  decided  that 
they  ought  to  need.  In  order  to  maintain  German 
efficiency  and  output,  German  labor  must  be 
'^militarized" — strikes  suppressed,  emigration  for- 
bidden, and  migration  regulated.  The  Allies,  in 
short,  must  be  made  the  commercial  vassals  of 
Germany,  and  the  German  masses  must  be  re- 
duced to  serfdom  for  the  benefit  of  Westphalian 
and  Silesian  manufacturers. 

Reconstruction  on  these  ugly,  if  possibly 
effective,  lines,  is  clearly  out  of  the  question 
now.  Germany  is  not  a  victorious,  but  a 
defeated,  power.  The  Allies  are  not  accept- 
ing terms,  but  imposing  them,  and  the  ques- 
tion Mr.  Gribble  asks  his  readers  is:  Seeing 
that  reconstruction  would  have  been  difficult 
for  a  conquering  Germany,  is  it  even  possible 
for  a  defeated  Germany  to  be  reconstructed 
as  a  power  capable  of  paying  her  way?  It 
is  possible,  he  answers,  but  not  from  within. 


If  Germany's  industrial  fabric  is  to  be  recon- 
structed within  a  measurable  time  it  must  be 
done  by  her  enemies,  and  those  of  her  enemies 
who  are  in  a  position  to  do  it  are  France  and 
England.  It  is  vitally  in  the  interest  of  the 
Allies  that  German  industry  should  be 
re-established  on  a  profitable  basis,  because 
otherwise  the  chance  of  recovering  any 
appreciable  portion  of  their  w^ar  costs  and 
indemnities  is  problematical.  As  to  the 
method  of  doing  it,  Mr.  Gribble  suggests 
that  the  rebuilding  must  be  the  work  of  a 
joint  supervisory  board  of  the  Allies: 

And  that  can  only  mean,  in  practice,  entrust- 
ing the  reconstruction  and  administration  of  Ger- 
man industry  to  competent  and  duly  authorized 
trustees,  who  will  collect  and  pool  the  profits  for 
the  common  advantage  of  all  the  beneficiaries. 
This  cannot  be  done  in  a  day;  but  a  beginning 
could  be  made  at  once,  and  the  area  of  adminis- 
tration rapidly  extended.  Industries  to  which 
the  principle  could  be  applied  without  delay  are 
those  of  the  Westphalian  coal-mines,  the  potas- 
sium-beds, and  the  woods  and  forests.  Coal, 
timber,  and  potassium  are  commodities  which, 
at  present,  are  not  only  readily  salable,  but 
badly  needed.  In  none  of  the  three  industries 
need  there  be  any  question  of  unprofitable  ex- 
ploitation ;  in  each  of  them  there  is  a  substantial 
margin  of  profit  after  working;  expenses  have 
been  paid.  It  would  be  a  simple  matter,  there- 
fore, for  France  and  England,  with  a  mandate 
from  the  other  Allies,  to  take  over  these  three 
going  concerns,  with  the  existing  personnel,  pay 
the  working  expenses,  and  devote  the  profits  to 
any  purpose  to  which  they  might,  by  agreement, 
be  ear-marked. 


644 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


ROOSEVELT  THE  NATURALIST 


(T)  Charles  Scribner's  Sons.      From  "African  Game  Trails" 

COLONEL    ROOSEVELT    AS    HUNTER    OF    BIG    GAME 

(As  is  clearly  brought  out  in  the  context,  Colonel 
Roosevelt's  activities  as  a  hunter  directly  served  his 
intense  interest   in  natural  history) 

THE  sumptuous  magazine  formerly 
called  the  Ainerican  Museum  Journal 
has  adopted  the  new  name  Natural  History , 
and  the  initial  number  bearing  this  title  is 
mainly  devoted  to  paying  homage  to  a  dis- 
tinguished American  naturalist  recently  de- 
ceased— Theodore  Roosevelt.  It  includes 
anecdotal  tributes  to  the  great  man's  memory 
from  the  pens  of  John  Burroughs,  Henry 
Fairfield  Osborn,  Robert  E.  Peary,  Carl  A. 
Akeley,  David  Starr  Jordan  and  Gifford 
Pinchot,  together  with  a  series  of  photo- 
graphs recalling  Roosevelt's  achievements  in 
various  fields. 

To  the  rule  that  versatility  implies  super- 
ficiality the  case  of  Roosevelt  furnishes  a 
shining  exception.  Dr.  Osborn,  president  of 
the  American  Museum  of  Natural  History, 
writes  of  him: 

An  American  statesman,  who  should  have 
known  better,  has  recently  characterized  Roosevelt 


as  "one  who  knew  a  little  about  more  things  than 
anyone  else  in  this  country."  This  gives  an  en- 
tirely false  impression  of  Roosevelt's  mind.  His 
mind  was  quite  of  a  contrary  order;  for  what 
Roosevelt  did  know,  he  knew  thoroughly;  he 
went  to  the  very  bottom  of  things,  if  possible; 
and  no  one  was  more  conscientious  or  modest 
than  he  where  his  knowledge  was  limited  or 
merely  that  of  the  intelligent  layman. 

His  thorough  research  in  preparing  for  the 
African  and  South  American  expeditions  was  not 
that  of  the  amateur  or  of  the  sportsman,  but  of 
the  trained  naturalist  who  desires  to  learn  as 
much  as  possible  from  previous  students  and  ex- 
plorers. During  his  preparation  for  the  African 
expedition,  I  sent  him  from  the  rich  stores  of  the 
American  Museum  and  Osborn  libraries  all  the 
books  relating  to  the  mammal  life  of  Africa. 
These  books  went  in  instalments,  five  or  six  a 
week;  as  each  instalment  was  returned,  another 
lot  was  sent.  Thus  in  the  course  of  a  few  weeks 
he  had  read  all  that  had  been  written  about  the 
great  mammals  of  Africa  from  Sclater  to  Selous. 
He  knew  not  only  the  genera  and  species,  but 
the  localities  where  particular  species  and  sub- 
species were  to  be  found. 

I  remember  at  a  conference  with  African  great 
game  hunters  at  Oyster  Bay,  where  were  as- 
sembled at  luncheon  all  the  Americans  that  he 
could  muster  who  had  actually  explored  in  Africa, 
a  question  arose  regarding  the  locality  of  a  par- 
ticular subspecies,  Grevy's  zebra  {Egutis  grevyi 
foai).  Roosevelt  went  to  the  map,  pointed  out 
directly  the  particular  and  only  spot  where  this 
subspecies  could  be  found,  and  said  that  he  did 
not  think  the  expedition  could  possibly  get  down 
in  that  direction.  This  was  but  one  instance 
among  hundreds  not  only  of  his  marvelous  mem- 
ory but  also  of  his  thoroughness  of  preparation. 

To  the  same  effect  writes  John  Bur- 
roughs, who  was  Roosevelt's  companion  in 
many  out-of-door  rambles: 

When  we  went  birding  together  it  was  osten- 
sibly as  teacher  and  pupil,  but  it  often  turned  out 
that  the  teacher  got  as  many  lessons  as  he  gave. 
Early  in  May,  during  the  last  term  of  his  presi- 
dency, he  asked  me  to  go  with  him  to  his  retreat 
in  the  woods  of  Virginia,  called  "Pine  Knot,"  and 
help  him  name  his  birds.  Together  we  iden- 
tified more  than  seventy-five  species  of  birds  and 
wild  fowl.  He  knew  them  all  but  two,  and  I 
knew  them  all  but  two.  He  taught  me  Bewick's 
wren  and  one  of  the  rarer  warblers,  and  I  taught 
him  the  swamp  sparrow  and  the  pine  warbler.  A 
few  days  before  he  had  seen  Lincoln's  sparrow  in 
an  old  weedy  field.  On  Sunday  after  church,  he 
took  me  there  and  we  loitered  around  for  an 
hour,  but  the  sparrow  did  not  appear.  Had  he 
found  this  bird  again,  he  would  have  been  one 
ahead  of  me. 

The  one  subject  I  do  know,  and  ought  to  know, 
is  the  birds.  It  has  been  one  of  the  main  studies 
of  a  long  life.  He  knew  the  subject  as  well  as 
I  did,  while  he  knew  with  the  same  thoroughness 
scores  of  other  subjects  of  which  I  am  ignorant 


LEADING   ARTICLES    OF    THE   MONTH 


645 


He  was  a  naturalist  on  the  broadest  grounds, 
uniting  much  technical  knowledge  with  knowl- 
edge of  the  daily  lives  and  habits  of  all  forms  of 
wild  life.  He  probably  knew  tenfold  more 
natural  history  than  all  the  Presidents  who  had 
preceded  him,  and,  I  think  one  is  safe  in  saying, 
more  human  history  also. 

Above  all,  John  Burroughs  was  impressed 
by  Roosevelt's  stupendous  vitality,  v^^hich 
made  it  impossible  to  associate  the  thought 
of  death  with  him.  "I  think,"  he  says,  "I 
must  have  unconsciously  felt  that  his  power 
to  live  was  unconquerable." 

Dr.  David  Starr  Jordan  recalls  the  fact 
that  Roosevelt's  accomplishments  in  natural 
history  dated  from  early  life : 

Roosevelt  entered  Harvard  College  in  1876  at 
the  age  of  eighteen,  hoping  to  become  a  natural- 
ist, having  already  made  a  considerable  collec- 
tion of  birds,  besides  many  observations  as  to 
their  habits.  His  eyesight  being  defective,  how- 
ever, and  not  connecting  well  with  magnifying 
glasses,  his  early  ambition  was  discouraged  by 
his  teachers  to  whom  the  chief  range  of  study  lay 
within  the  field  of  the  microscope.  They  over- 
looked the  fact  that  besides  primordial  slime  and 
determinant  chromosomes,  there  were  also  in  the 
world  grizzly  bears,  tigers,  elephants  and  trout, 
as  well  as  song  birds  and  rattlesnakes, — all  of 
which  yield  profound  interest  and  are  alike 
worthy   of   study. 

So,  being  discouraged  as  to  work  along  his 
chosen  line,  and  in  his  love  of  outdoor  science, 
the  young  naturalist  turned  to  political  philoso- 
phy, his  secondary  interests  lying  in  history  and 
politics.     He  then  closed   up   his   private   cabinet, 


giving  his  stuffed  bird  skins  (through  Professor 
Baird  of  the  Smithsonian)  to  me.  These  I  trans- 
ferred to  the  University  of  Indiana  where  they 
are  now  in  a  befitting  glass  case  in  Owen  Hall, 
each  skin  nicely  prepared  and  correctly  labeled 
in  the  crude  boyish  handwriting  which  the  dis- 
tinguished collector  never  outgrew. 

Long  after  all  this,  I  once  took  occasion  to 
remind  Mr.  Roosevelt  that  "they  spoiled  a  good 
naturalist"  in  making  him  a  statesman.  But  the 
naturalist  was  never  submerged  in  the  exigencies 
of  statesmanship. 

In  our  exploration  of  Hawaii  in  1901,  my 
colleague.  Dr.  Barton  W.  Evermann  and  I  came 
across  a  very  beautiful  fish,  the  Kalikali,  golden 
yellow  with  broad  crossbands  of  deep  crimson. 
This  then  bore  the  name  of  Serranus  brigJiami 
given  it  by  its  discoverer,  Alvin  Scale.  But  the 
species  was  no  Serranus;  and  it  was  moreover 
plainly  the  type  of  a  new  genus.  This  we  called 
Rooseveltia,  in  honor  of  "Theodore  Roosevelt, 
Naturalist"  and  in  recognition  of  his  services  in 
the  promotion  of  zoological  research.  With  this 
compliment  he  was  "delighted."  'Who  would 
not  be?"   he  said. 

In  the  various  natural  history  explorations 
undertaken  by  me — and  by  others  during  his  ad- 
ministration as  President  of-  the  United  States — 
we  could  always  count  on  intelligent,  and  effec- 
tive sympathy.  In  so  far  as  scientific  appoint- 
ments rested  with  him  he  gave  them  careful  and 
conscientious  consideration.  Indeed,  during  his 
administration,  governmental  science  reached  its 
high-water  mark.  In  1905  I  was  preparing  for 
an  exploration  of  the  deep  seas  around  Japan  by 
means  of  the  Fish  Commission  steamer  Albatross. 
While  I  was  talking  this  matter  over  with  Roose- 
velt he  said,  pounding  the  table  with  his  fist:  "It 
v/as  to  help  along  things  like  this,  Dr.  Jordan, 
that  I  took  this  job!" 


AN  AMERICAN  OFFICER'S  TRIBUTE  TO 

GENERAL  GOURAUD 


ONE  of  the  most  interesting  articles  in 
the  North  A/nerican  Review  for  May 
is  an  appreciation  of  General  Gouraud,  com- 
mander of  the  French  Fourth  Army,  from 
the  pen  of  Colonel  William  Hayward,  who 
commanded  the  369th  Infantry,  the  colored 
regiment  from  New  York  City. 

In  March,  1918,  this  negro  regiment,  for- 
merly known  as  the  Fifteenth  New  York  In- 
fantry, learned  that  it  was  to  become  an  inte- 
gral part  of  the  famous  French  Fourth 
Army,  commanded  by  a  general  whose  bril- 
liant fighting  at  the  first  Battle  of  the  Marnc 
had  earned  for  him  the  title  "Lion  of  the 
Argonne,"  and  whose  exploits  in  command 
of  the  French  at  Gallipoli,  where  he  had  left 
an  arm  and  part  of  his  hip,  had  only  increased 


his  reputation.  These  New  York  troops, 
says  Colonel  Hayward,  were  proud  to  know 
that  they  were  to  serve  under  General 
Gouraud. 

We  did  not  have  to  wait  long  to  see  him.  The 
second  day  after  our  arrival  he  came  to  my  billet 
in  a  tidy  room  of  a  clean  French  house,  the  walls 
of  which  were  covered  with  sacred  pictures  and 
family  portraits.  The  mutilated  hero  sat  down 
and  in  fifteen  minutes  found  out  from  me  all 
there  was  to  know  about  my  regiment.  Instead 
of  deprecating  our  ignorance  of  modern  warfare, 
he  propounded  the  startling  intelligence  that  he 
would  re-e(iuip  and  re-organi/e  us  into  a  French 
regiment  from  top  to  bottom,  teach  us  to  fight  in 
a  couple  of  weeks  and  then  place  us  between  the 
CJerman  Army  and  Paris.  The  CJeneral  said  in 
a  kindly  way  that  while  we  did  not  seem  to  know 
much    about    war    he    was    convinced    our    hearts 


646 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


GENERAL    GOURAUD 
(Commanding  the  French  Fourth  Army) 

were  in  the  right  place  and  that,  after  all,  was 
the  main  thing  with  soldier  men. 

I  understood  at  the  end  of  our  interview  why 
the  French  phrase,  "The  mere  sight  of  him  made 
men  brave,"  had  been  so  often  applied  to  him. 
It  was  on  this  first  visit  that  he  became  enamored 
of  our  band  and  many  times  afterward  he  would 
motor  from  Chalons  to  hear  it  play.  His  favorite 
piece  was  ''Joan  of  Arc,"  sung  by  the  Drum 
Major  with  the  band  accompaniment.  After 
such  a  performance  one  day  he  unostentatiously 
slipped  into  my  hand  a  considerable  sum  of 
money  which  he  insisted  I  take  and  give  to  the 
families  of  the  first  of  my  soldiers  who  should 
be  wounded  or  killed  under  heroic  circumstances. 
He  said,  "It  is  only  a  little,  but  the  Americans 
have  done  such  wonderful  things  for  our  unfor- 
tunate people,  I  feel  we  French  should  at  least 
do  all  we  can,  though  with  no  possibility  of  even 
beginning  to   repay  the   debt." 

The  general  kept  his  word,  and  on  the  8th  day 
of  April  my  recruits  had  their  baptism  of  fire 
"doubled"  with  a  French  battalion  in  the  "Main 
de  M assises."  Before  we  could  realize  it  we 
were  holding  5^  kilometres  (about  4  miles)  of 
front  line  trenches,  and  were  having  daily  and 
nightly  encounters  with  the  dreadful  enemy  who 
faced  us.  For  nearly  ninety  days  we  held  this 
one  sector,  two  battalions  in  line,  twenty  days  at 
a  time,  and  one  battalion  out  ten  days.  During 
this  time  the  French  trained  us  and  taught  us  and 
encouraged  us.  It  was  no  unusual  sight  to  see 
two  French  generals  carefully  instructing  and 
drilling  a  battalion  of  my  regiment,  theoretically 
at  rest  for  a  ten-day  period,  at  seven  o'clock  in 
the  morning  and  again  after  dark. 

Colonel   Hayward  comments  sympathetic- 


ally on  the  total  absence  of  Impatience,  need- 
less criticism,  arrogance,  and  condescension 
on  the  part  of  the  French  officers.  By  the  first 
of  July  the  369th  was  able  to  stand  alone. 
At  this  time  the  German  attack  in  the  Cham- 
pagne was  daily  awaited,  and  it  was  necessary 
to  devise  some  means  of  withstanding  the 
terrible  mass  formation  used  by  the  Germans 
with  such  deadly  effect  on  the  English  in 
March  and  on  the  French  in  May.  General 
Gouraud  decided  on  a  new  method  of  de- 
fense. The  French  and  Americans  were  to 
evacuate  most  of  their  first-line  positions  and 
strongly  build  up,  fortify  and  man  what  were 
known  as  the  ''intermediate  positions"  from 
two  to  three  kilometres  in  the  rear.  Only  a 
handful  of  men  were  to  be  left  in  the  front 
lines  to  retard  and  signal  the  advance  of  the 
enemy  assault,  hinder  it  with  machine-gun 
fire,  and  on  retiring  leave  the  dug-outs  and 
trenches  drenched  with  mustard  gas  for  the 
enemy's  benefit. 

All  through  June  and  the  first  day  of  July 
the  Fourth  Army  worked  day  and  night  on 
this  plan.  The  American  soldiers  now  in 
the  Fourth  Army  were  the  Rainbow  Divi- 
sion, including  the  gallant  69th  of  New 
York,  some  heavy  artillery,  and  Colonel  Hay- 
ward's  negro  regiment. 

Information  obtained  from  prisoners  en- 
abled General  Gouraud  to  start  his  counter- 
artillery  preparation  in  advance  of  the  Ger- 
mans. When  the  furious  French  artillery 
fire  began  the  Americans  said,  "The  old  man 
has  beaten  them  to  it."  What  happened  then 
is  thus  related  by  Colonel  Hayward  in  the 
latter  part  of  his  article: 

It  was  too  late  for  the  Germans  to  change 
their  plans,  so  they  went  ahead  as  best  they  could, 
but  their  great  4:15  assault,  even  following  their 
artillery  fire,  was  a  thrust  against  empty  trenches 
on  which  a  deadly  French  fire  fell  as  soon  as  the 
Germans  occupied  them.  The  French  guns  were 
firing  into  the  back  doors  of  their  own  gas-filled 
dugouts,  and  it  was  an  unhappy  afternoon  for 
the  Boche.  At  no  point  did  the  enemy  pierce 
General  Gouraud's  real  line  of  resistance,  the 
intermediate  position.  By  noon  the  advance  had 
stopped,  but  the  Germans  were  still  savagely  at- 
tacking. By  night,  with  broken  lines  of  wire 
communications  somewhat  repaired,  runner  routes 
re-established  and  working,  and  the  whole  mar- 
velous French  system  of  liaison  functioning,  as 
it  only  can  function,  a  thrill  went  through  the 
army.  There  was  good  news  from  the  right, 
and  better  news  from  the  left.  The  French  losses 
had  been  relatively  small.  Everywhere  the  enemy 
was  stopped.  "It  could  not  be  better,"  the  French 
said.  The  Germans,  terribly  punished  and  de- 
moralized, were  in  a  suitable  frame  of  mind  to 
be  easily  driven  from  our  front  lines  by  counter 
attack. 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE    MONTH 


647 


THE  REAL  PHILIP  GIBBS 


THE  name,  Philip  Gibbs,  means  to  the 
masses  of  American  people  the  long 
scroll  of  graphic  war  dispatches  that  came 
from  the  British  front  continuously  during 
the  entire  duration  of  the  war.  These  dis- 
patches are  admittedly  the  finest,  most  mov- 
ing descriptions  of  the  various  military  ac- 
tions with  which  they  deal,  and  among  the 
most  poignant  reactions  to  the  war  that  have 
been  written.  They  are  illuminating  and 
vivid.  They  are  enduring  because  even  at 
the  beginning  of  the  conflict  and  on  through 
the  darkest  periods  of  defeat,  through  the 
dreary  trench  warfare  of  the  mud-fields  of 
Flanders,  Philip  Gibbs  saw  over  and  above 
the  war.  He  saw  in  every  manifestation  of 
nature's  serenity,  in  the  blue  sky,  the  song 
of  birds,  the  poppies  in  the  fields,  a  prophecy 
of  the  world's  escape  from  horror  and  desola- 
tion. And  he  stood  steadfastly  for  the  truth 
that  the  sacrifice  of  blood  and  tears  could 
not  be  made  in  vain. 

Frank  Dilnot  states  in  the  May  number  of 
The  Bookman  that  his  numerous  friends  in 
this  country  are  repeatedly  asking  what  Mr. 
Gibbs  is  like  personally.  *  Mr.  Dilnot 
answers  that  "he  is  just  the  kind  of  man  one 
would  expect,"  and  gives  a  memorable  pic- 
ture of  the  man. 

Philip  Gibbs  is  a  slim  figure  of  a  man,  with 
boyishness  and  sympathy  in  his  pale,  clean- 
shaven face,  with  reflective  eyes,  a  sensitive 
mouth,  and  shoulders  slightly  canted  forward  in 
a  kind  of  gentle  eagerness.  He  is  about  forty 
years  of  age,  .  .  .  You  could  look  at  Philip  Gibbs 
and  know  at  a  glance  that  he  is  not  a  business 
leader.  There  is  neither  aggressiveness  nor  ac- 
quisitiveness in  that  thin,  clear-cut  face,  despite 
the  fact  that  one  senses  tenacity  in  the  carefully 
formed  jaw.  In  his  eyes,  however,  you  get  a 
hint  of  the  real  Philip  Gibbs,  They  are  deep- 
set  and  reposeful,  but  they  are  the  most  sensitive 
eyes  I  have  seen  in  any  man.  Serene  is  the  word 
to  apply  to  them.  .  .  .  Their  understanding  and 
their  humor  irradiate  the  man  .  .  ,  kindliness 
and  sympathy  shine  from  him,  and  he  talks  with 
the  softness  of  a  woman  and  the  candor  of  a  boy. 
All  the  time  you  realize  that  there  are  flames  in 
him. 

Gibbs  began  to  write  at  the  age  of  sixteen. 
His  first  article,  five  hundred  words,  descrip- 
tive of  the  flights  of  the  sea-gulls  around 
London  Bridge  in  winter,  was  published  in 
the  Daily  Chronicle,  the  paper  which  was 
subsequently  destined  to  gather  the  fruits  of 
his  mature  genius.  At  nineteen,  he  wrote 
a  book  called   "Founders  of  The   Empire," 


(r)  White  Studio,  New  York 

PHILIP   GIBBS,    THE   DISTINGUISHED   WAR 
CORRESPONDENT   AND   AUTHOR 

which  Still  has  a  steady  sale.  "The  Indi- 
vidualist," his  first  novel,  was  published 
when  he  was  twenty-one — the  year  of  his 
marriage.  In  the  succeeding  years  many  books 
followed  these  two.  They  were  "The  Street 
of  Adventure,"  a  novel;  a  history  of  the 
French  Revolution,  reference  books,  "Facts 
and  Ideas,"  "The  Eighth  Year,"  and  "The 
New  Man."  Jointly  with  Cosmo  Hamilton, 
his  brother,  he  is  the  author  of  a  play, 
"Menders  of  Nets,"  which  was  played  in 
two  theaters  in  London.  Besides  the  books, 
he  wrote  essays  and  was  constantly  engaged 
in  newspaper  work,  building  up  for  himself, 
to  use  Mr.  Dilnot's  phrase,  "a  reputation 
as  the  best  descriptive  writer  in  Fleet  Street." 
Those  who  think  that  the  power,  ease  and 
lucidity  of  Philip  Gibbs'  war  dispatches  came 
without  long  training  and  rigorous  discipline 
should  study  the  facts  of  his  career. 

Hard,  trenchant  journalism  has  been  the  con- 
tinuing web  on  which  Philip  Ciibbs  has  woven  his 
literary  output.  .  .  .  Like  all  the  rest  of  his  craft, 
he  has  had  to  go  through  months  and  years  of 
hard  work,  often  enougii  uiirelioved  by  any  touch 
of  color.  .  .  .  Two  successes  of  his  may  be  men- 
tioned.    One  was  in  connection   with  the   revolu- 


648 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


tion  in  Portugal,  where  after  the  Republic  came 
into  power  many  of  those  who  were  opposed  to  it 
were  thrust  into  jail  under  horrifying  physical 
circumstances.  Philip  Gibbs,  who  was  in  Portu- 
gal for  the  Daily  Chronicle,  made  it  his  business 
to  visit  these  places  and  wrote  a  series  of  articles 
for  the  English  paper  which,  reprinted  on  the 
continent,  caused  a  sensation  and  led  to  the  re- 
lease of  fifteen  hundred  persons. 

The  other  achievement  was  his  early  de- 
tection of  Dr.  Cook's  fraudulent  story  of  the 
discover)^  of  the  Pole. 

In  regard  to  his  family  connections,  Mr. 
Dilnot  writes: 

Philip  Gibbs  comes  of  a  literary  family.  He 
was  born  Philip  Hamilton  Gibbs.  He  is  one  of 
the  six  sons  of  the  late  Henry  Gibbs  of  the  Board 
of  Education  (England),  and  Helen  Hamilton. 
He   is   thus  the   brother   of  Cosmo   Hamilton,   the 


well-known  novelist  and  dramatist,  who  in  1898, 
for  family  reasons,  legally  adopted  his  mother's 
surname;  of  Anthony  Hamilton  Gibbs,  whose 
books  dealing  with  the  west  coast  of  Africa  were 
widely  praised,  and  of  Major  Arthur  Hamilton 
Gibbs,  M.  C,  Royal  Field  Artillery,  author  of 
"Rowlandson's  Oxford,"  "The  Compleat  Oxford 
Man,"  "Cheadle  and  Son"  and  "The  Hour  of 
Conflict."  .  .  .  Those  who  have  not  met  Philip 
Gibbs  are  enthusiastic  about  his  literary  gifts, 
but  those  who  know  him  personally  think  less  of 
his  writing  than   of   the   man. 

British  people  generally  are  proud  of  his 
achievements,  and  grateful  to  America  for  the 
reception  that  great  nation  has  given  one  of 
Britain's  gifted  sons.  They  like  to  think,  more- 
over, that  he  represents  to  the  American  people 
he  has  met,  not  only  many  special  attainments 
but  also  that  which  is  particularly  precious  to  our 
race — a  typical  illustration  in  manners,  speech, 
and   character  of  an   English  gentleman. 


FOUNDER  OF  THE  INTERNATIONAL 
INSTITUTE  OF  AGRICULTURE 


A  SYMPATHETIC  study  of  the  char- 
acter and  work  of  the  late  David 
Lubin  is  contributed  by  Signor  A.  Agresti  to 
Nuova  Antologia  (Rome).  His  personality 
is  most  interesting  in  a  variety  of  aspects,  not 
the  least  noteworthy  of  these  being  the  fact 
that  he  illustrates  the  splendid  work  that 
may  be  done  by  a  gifted  Russian  Jev/  of 
humble  parentage  when  he  comes  into  a 
favorable  environment. 

David  Lubin  was  born  in  an  obscure  vil- 
lage in  Eastern  Russia  in  1840.  He  lost  his 
father  when  a  mere  child.  His  mother  re- 
married, and  the  newly  constituted  family 
emigrated  to  the  United  States,  the  goal  of 
their  hopes,  when  David  was  but  six  years 
old.  The  child  grew  up  in  the  city  of  New 
York,  and  at  the  age  of  fourteen  was  em- 
ployed as  polisher  in  a  goldsmith's  workshop. 
Dissatisfied  with  this  occupation,  he  changed 
over  to  a  sawmill,  wherein  he  worked  for 
three  years,  and  then,  at  eighteen,  he  found 
his  way  out  to  the  Far  West. 

After  a  brief  experience  in  an  Arizona 
mining  camp,  Lubin  embarked  in  retail  busi- 
ness in  a  small  way,  at  first  in  San  Fran- 
cisco, and  then  in  Sacramento.  Here  he  soon 
became  impressed  with  the  waste  of  time  and 
patience  caused  by  chaffering  over  the  cost 
of  goods,  and  he  determined  to  risk  the  in- 
novation of  having  fixed  prices.  This  he 
found  to  be  a  difficult  matter,  as  the  old 
practice  was  deeply  rooted  in  the  minds  of 
the  settlers. 


One  day  there  came  into  his  shop  a  cus- 
tomer who  insisted  upon  bargaining,  and 
when  Lubin  refused,  sought  to  force  him  to 
take  the  lower  sum  offered.  Losing  patience, 
Lubin  seized  him  by  the  shoulders  and  pu«t 
him  out  of  the  shop,  throwing  after  him  the 
money  he  had  laid  on  the  counter,  and  or- 
dering him  never  to  show  his  face  there 
again.  In  the  evening,  after  shutting  up 
shop,  Lubin,  who  was  of  a  studious  frame 
of  mind,  was  reading  the  Dialogues  of  Plato, 
when  he  heard  the  vociferations  of  a  crowd 
outside  and  then  a  loud  knocking  at  the 
shop  door.  He  quickly  understood  that  this 
meant  the  return  of  his  unruly  customer  with 
a  party  of  friends.  Nevertheless,  he  threw 
open  the  door,  ready  to  face  the  danger. 
His  conjecture  proved  correct,  the  man  was 
there,  but  turning  to  his  friends  he  ex- 
claimed: "Here  is  the  most  honest  man  in 
Sacramento !  Let  us  buy  up  all  he  has  in 
stock  at  his  own  prices."  They  did  so,  and 
in  this  unexpected  way  began  the  successful 
development  of  his  Sacramento  business.  He 
became  one  of  the  pioneers  of  the  department 
store  and  of  the  mail-order  business,  and 
prospered  greatly. 

Ever  ready  to  enter  new  fields  of  activity, 
Lubin,  after  making  a  trip  abroad  in  the 
course  of  which  he  was  able  to  redeem  a 
promise  made  long  years  before  to  take  his 
mother  to  the  Land  of  Promise,  bought  a 
grain  and  fruit  ranch  in  California.  Here 
he  acquired  practical  experience  in  the  diffi- 


LEADING   ARTICLES    OF    THE    MONTH 


649 


culties  encountered  by  producers,  and  this 
stimulated  him  to  do  something  to  better 
their  condition,  for  they  were  then  suffering 
greatly  from  the  actions  of  the  railroads.  By 
earnest  and  persistent  efforts  he  succeeded  in 
persuading  the  companies  to  give  up  their 
rule  of  accepting  nothing  less  than  full  car- 
loads of  produce,  a  rule  which  made  it  im- 
possible for  the  small  producers  to  compete 
with  the  large  shippers. 

He  now  threw  himself  heart  and  soul  into 
the  cause  of  agricultural  improvement.  A 
second  trip  to  Europe,  made  in  1895,  be- 
cause of  ill-health,  gave  him  an  opportunity 
to  visit  the  International  Agricultural  Con- 
gress of  1896,  held  in  Budapest,  and  it  was 
here  that  he  conceived  the  idea  of  an  Inter- 
national Agricultural  Institute.  On  his  re- 
turn to  the  United  States,  he  elaborated  a 
plan  for  its  realization,  but  the  project  failed 
to  arouse  much  interest,  many  seeing  in  it 
nothing  better  than  a  kind  of  socialistic 
Utopia.  But  Lubin,  animated  as  he  was  with 
a  strongly  religious  faith  in  human  progress, 
persisted  in  his  enterprise,  did  not  lose  cour- 
age, and  sought  to  gain  favor  for  it  in  Eng- 
land and  France.  Disappointed  in  this,  he 
turned  to  Italy,  where  he  succeeded  in  en- 
listing the  support  of  King  Victor  Emmanuel 
III,  and  it  was  principally  through  his 
influence  that  the  Institute  came  into 
being. 

Lubin's  idea  was  an  international  organi- 
zation that  w^ould  render  it  possible  to  bring 
the  consumer  into  direct  contact  with  the 
producer;  that  would  make  known  to  the 
latter  the  quantity  of  produce  it  would  be 
profitable  to  cultivate  for  the  market,  and  to 
the  consumer  the  quantity  that  had  been  pro- 
duced, thus  making  both  fully  aware  of  the 
exact  state  of  crops  and  markets,   and   ren- 


@  Clinedinst,  Washington,  D.  C. 

THE  LATE  DAVID   LUBIN 
(Founder  of  the   International  Institute  of  Agriculture) 

dering  the  task  of  the  speculator  a  most  difl!i- 
cult  one.  He  also  saw  the  social  importance 
of  such  an  organization,  which  would  com- 
bat the  exploitation  of  both  consumers  and 
producers  by  useless  middlemen,  and  would 
thus  remove  one  of  the  causes  of  distress 
among  the  poor. 

He  lived  to  see  the  association  accepted  by 
fifty-eight  nations,  handsomely  housed  and 
subventioned  by  the  King  of  Italy,  and  pro- 
gressing successfully  along  the  path  he  had 
traced  out  for  it. 


HOW  TO  PREVENT  THE  BREEDING  OF 

CRIMINALS 


IN  a  series  of  articles  contributed  to  the 
New^  York  Tribune  (copyrighted  by  the 
Princeton  University  Press),  to  which  we 
referred  in  our  April  number,  ex-Police 
Commissioner  Arthur  Woods,  of  New 
York,  endeavors  to  solve  the  problem  of  pre- 
vention of  crime  by  destroying  the  criminal 
breeding  spots  in  our  social  system. 

Mr.    Woods    divides   criminals    into    pro- 
fessionals  and    amateurs.     Of    the   amateurs 


— detected  and  convicted — many  become 
professionals  by  reason  of  faulty  methods. 
It  is  therefore  among  the  amateurs  in  crime 
that  the  first  and  greatest  efforts  sliould  be 
made;  primarily  to  prevent  and.  secondly,  to 
cure.  Those  persons  peculiarK  subject  to 
criminal  acts  are  mental  defectives,  persons 
driven  to  desperation,  and  neglected  children 
in  faulty  environment;  and  they  may  be 
treated  in  the  order  of  their  importance. 


650 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


Mental  defectives  are  persons  with  unde- 
veloped mentality,  but  fully  developed  bod- 
ies, and  are  classified  according  to  the  ages 
at  which  their  brains  stopped  growing.  The 
New  York  Police  Department's  Psychopathic 
Laboratory  estimated  that  twenty-five  men- 
tal defectives  a  day  are  arrested  for  the  com- 
mission of  crimes.  The  problem  is,  what  to 
do  with  them. 

Mr.  Woods  says: 

The  crop  of  defectives  is  steadily  increasing, 
since  they  are  free  to  marry  and  bring  forth  chil- 
dren, and  the  individual  defective  who  pays  the 
specified  penalty  for  his  crime  steadily  progresses 
in  criminal  proficiency.  .  .  .  From  other  points 
of  view  besides  the  criminal  it  is  clear  that  the 
need  is  imperative  for  grappling  with  the  ques- 
tion of  the  mental  defective,  and  trying  to  free 
the  community  of  him.  And  from  the  criminal 
point  of  view  alone  we  should  not  need  to  have 
so  many  policemen  by  a  goodly  percentage,  even 
if  we  went  no  further  in  the  matter  than  to  or- 
dain that  such  mental  defectives  as  are  convicted 
of  crime  should  be  immured   until   cured. 

DRINK   AXD   DRUGS 

Commissioner  Woods  turns  a  new  light 
on  an  old  fact,  when  he  says: 

Drink  and  drugs  are  silent  partners  in  many 
a  crime.  I  sometimes  think  of  them  as  a  means 
b}'  which  a  person  born  normal  makes  himself  a 
defective  (certainly  and  fairly  speedily  a  moral 
defective,  and,  if  he  persist,  very  likely  physically 
and  mentally  defective),  and  one  cannot  but 
wonder  whether  these  self-made  defectives  should 
not  be  treated  the  same  way  as  born  defectives: 
confined  and  isolated  until  cured.  .  .  .  You  don't 
send  a  smallpox  patient  to  an  isolation  hospital 
to  stay  there  for  a  fixed  term;  you  keep  him  there 
until  he  is  cured  or  until  he  dies — he  must 
stay  there  until  he  ceases  to  be  a  menace  to  the 
public.   .    .    . 

The  drug  habit  seems  to  be  about  as  easy  to  ac- 
quire as  it  is  difficult  to  check.  For  this  reason, 
in  spite  of  all  the  laws  that  have  been  passed 
and  in  spite  of  all  the  efforts  to  enforce  them,  it 
has  grown  to  great  proportions.  One  drug  user 
in  the  neighborhood  is  a  source  of  infection,  prac- 
tically  sure   to  corrupt  a   number  of  others. 

Mr.  Woods  argues  strongly  for  the  pas- 
sage of  a  federal  law  which  will  absolutely 
prohibit  habit-forming  drugs,  and  for  a  Gov- 
ernment monopoly  where  it  does  not  pro- 
hibit; with  distribution  through  a  careful 
system  of  licenses,  so  that  only  reputable 
doctors  could  handle  the  drugs.  By  thus 
shutting  oH  the  supply,  we  could  begin  to 
accomplish  the  "cure"  of  the  victims  now 
among  us,  "without  being  oppressed  by  the 
gloomy  thought  that  for  every  one  patient 
cured  probably  a  dozen  more  had  fallen 
victims." 

Mr.  Woods  puts  a  strong  case  for  the  re- 
lief of  poverty  by  the  police  force,  through 


reporting  urgent  cases  to  the  proper  institu- 
tions and  lending  personal  aid  where  neces- 
sary; just  as  most  of  the  great-hearted  police- 
men of  New  York  have  been  doing  quietly 
for  years,  without  recognition  or  publicity, 
and  usually  out  of  their  own  pockets. 

The  boys  and  girls  in  a  crowded  city  are 
hard  put  to  it  to  find  a  place  to  play,  and 
the  attitude  of  annoyance  and  intolerance 
on  the  part  of  their  elders,  which  arouses  the 
spark  of  resentment  toward  society  bring 
these  growing  children  to  a  life  of  crime — 
especially  if  they  have  drunken,  quarrelsome 
or  careless  parents;  or  bad  surroundings. 
Mr.  Woods  attempted  to  find  the  cure  for 
this  condition.     He  says: 

To  see  what  might  be  done  in  this  way  we  put 
into  operation  the  plan  of  designating  welfare 
officers,  one  in  each  residential  precinct,  with  the 
single  duty  to  look  for  boys  who  are  going 
wrong   and    then    try   to    help    them    to    go    right. 

PREVENTION   VS.    PUNISHMENT 

Commissioner  Woods  cites  case  after  case, 
throughout  the  course  of  his  discussion,  of 
heart-touching  episodes  which  illustrate  how 
these  new  methods  have  proved  their  merit. 
His  arguments  for  the  complete  isolation  of 
drug  addicts,  mental  defectives  and  insane 
persons  until  cured  are  not  only  convincing, 
but  practical ;  for  such  isolation  would  pre- 
vent not  only  4he  increase  of  mental  defec- 
tives through  marriage  and  childbirth,  but 
the  spread  of  the  drug  habit  among  the  nor- 
mal citizens.     He  says: 

Society  has  no  wish  to  punish  for  the  sake  of 
punishing.  Its  real  object  in  committing  of- 
fenders tOi  institutions  is,  although  it  does  not 
always  recognize  this,  to  put  them  where  they  can 
do  no  harm,  in  the  vague,  optimistically  irre- 
sponsible hope  that  they  may  learn  better  by  the 
time  they  come  out,  and  in  sublime  indifference 
to  the  fact  that  most  of  them,  instead  of  learning 
better,  learn  worse.  Society's  greatest  task  with 
reference  to  criminals  is  to  protect  itself. 

The  clear  inference  is  that  confinement 
for  the  purpose  of  curing  the  offender,  or  iso- 
lation for  the  protection  of  society.  Is  the  ob- 
ject of  our  penal  institutions,  so-called;  rather 
than  the  punishment  of  the  offenders. 

Commissioner  Woods  sums  the  whole  mat- 
ter up  by  saying: 

Police  force  must  try  to  keep  crime  from 
claiming  its  victims  as  boards  of  health  try  to 
keep  plague  and  pestilence  away.  And  police 
forces  are  bound  to  rise  to  this  conception  of 
their  profession,  for  the  public  will  demand  it  and 
will  reward  success,  and  the  feeling  of  noblesse 
oblige  will  surge  through  their  ranks  and  bring 
with  it  devotion  to  the  larger  duty  and  increas- 
ing capacity  to  fulfil  it. 


LEADING   ARTICLES    OF    THE   MONTH 


651 


TESTING  MEN  FOR  AVIATION 


PROFESSOR  G.  M.  STRATTON,  of 
the  University  of  California,  writing  in 
the  Scientific  Monthly  (New  York),  on 
*Tsycho-physical  Tests  of  Aviators,"  tells  us 
that  ''the  application  of  psychology  to  the 
problem  of  discovering  special  aptitude  for 
flying  is  one  of  the  interesting  developments 
of  the  war."  The  context  of  his  article 
show^s,  however,  that  it  is  a  development  that 
has  not  yet  fully  developed.  The  work  of 
which  the  author  writes  consisted  in  part  of 
testing  the  tests  rather  than  in  testing  the 
would-be  aviators.  Many  tests  were  finally 
abandoned ;  others  seem  to  be  of  value. 

The  leading  pioneers  in  this  field,  or,  at 
any  rate,  those  whose  work  blazed  the  path 
for  American  investigators,  were  Nepper  in 
France  and  Gemelli  and  Gradenigo  in  Italy. 
Nepper  tested  the  ability  of  the  subject  to 
make  rapid  decisions  by  measurements  of  the 
rapidity  of  reaction  to  various  signals  in  the 
regions  of  sight,  hearing  and  touch. 

Coolness  Nepper  tested  by  delicate  apparatus 
familiar  to  all  psychologists  and  physiologists, 
which  gives  a  written  record  of  one's  breathing, 
of  the  changes  of  volume  of  blood  in  his  finger, 
and  of  the  steadiness  with  which  it  is  possible  for 
him  to  hold  his  hand,  these  records  being  obtained 
from  the  aviator  in  the  first  place  under  com- 
paratively normal  conditions,  which  were  in  due 
time  suddenly  changed  by  giving  some  violent 
form  of  surprise,  either  by  a  flash  of  light,  or 
by  cold  water,  or  by  a  blank  shot  from  a  pistol 
rear  the  man.  On  the  basis  of  these  two  forms 
of  experiment  he  classified  his  candidates  into 
good  and  poor,  and  rejected  those  whom  he  re- 
garded as  unsuited  for  the  work  of  aviation. 

Gemelli  and  Gradenigo  made  use  of  the  reac- 
tion-time experiment  and  of  the  test  of  emotional 
steadiness,  much  after  the  French  fashion,  and 
yet  with  modifications.  An  interesting  enlarge- 
ment of  procedure  on  their  part  was  by  means  of 
what  is  known  as  a  "Carlinga,"  which  repro- 
duced in  some  respects  the  cockpit  of  an  airplane 
and  could  be  moved  in  various  directions.  The 
candidate  blindfolded  was  required  to  indicate 
the  vertical  after  he  had  been  tilted  from  the 
vertical;  and  again,  without  being  blindfolded, 
was  required  to  respond  quickly  by  means  of  his 
*'joy  stick"  to  some  sudden  tilt  of  the  machine. 
His  value  as  a  future  aviator  was  estimated  in 
part  by  the  character  of  his  responses  under 
these  conditions. 

Before  psychological  tests  were  introduced 
in  the  American  air  service,  the  candidate 
underwent  a  severe  medical  examination  and 
also  a  "professional  and  mental"  examina- 
tion.    The  latter 

was  based  upon  the  candidate's  carefully  written 
answers  to   several    pages  of  questions  that  were 


put  to  him  with  regard  to  his  family  history, 
his  education,  his  business  experience,  his  athletic 
Interest  and  training,  the  character  of  the  re- 
sponsibilities placed  upon  him  in  civil  life,  the 
organizations  to  which  he  belonged,  and  his  mili- 
tary experience.  He  had  also  to  furnish  letters 
testimonial  from  persons  who  knew  him  well,  and 
credentials  of  his  schooling.  Of  particular  im- 
portance was  the  personal  Interview,  when  the 
applicant  faced  his  military  examiners  and  was 
required  to  clarify  or  supplement  the  facts  given 
in  the  ways  just  described. 

The  psychological  tests  were  designed  to 
supplement,  and  not  to  replace,  the  tests  pre- 
viously in  use.  They  were  in  part  similar  to 
those  developed  in  France  and  Italy,  but 
many  additional  features  were  proposed  by 
Professor  Brown  and  his  assistants  at  the 
University  of  California,  Professor  Thorn- 
dike,  of  Columbia,  Professor  Henmon,  of 
the  University  of  Wisconsin,  Doctor  Burtt, 
of  Harvard,  and  others. 

Besides  reaction  time  and  emotional  stability, 
aviators  were  tested  as  to  their  power  rapidly  to 
learn  to  form  several  complicated  and  untried 
combinations  of  muscular  movements  not  unlike 
those  which  an  aviator  has  to  learn,  the  idea 
being  that  in  this  way  the  least  skilful  persons 
might  be  eliminated.  Other  tests  were  con- 
cerned with  a  careful  recording  and  measuring 
of  the  success  with  which  a  person  could  stand 
motionless  with  eyes  open  and  with  eyes  closed, 
indicating  general  and  constant  control  over  the 
muscles  of  his  body  as  a  whole. 

He  also  had  to  show  evidence  of  the  fineness 
with  which  he  could  perceive  gradual  departures 
of  his  entire  body  from  the  perpendicular  brought 
about  by  a  mechanism  of  screws  and  levers,  the 
test  being  aimed  at  his  sensitivity,  his  power  to 
perceive,  rather  than  to  control,  since  it  might 
well  be  asked  whether  a  nicety  of  perception  of 
the  position  of  the  body  is  an  important  factor 
in  guiding  the  aviator  as  he  restores  his  airplane 
to  its  proper  balance  In  the  air.  And,  since  the 
landing  of  the  airplane  is  one  of  the  difficult 
parts  of  the  aviator's  early  task  and  requires 
judgment  as  well  as  careful  response  and  control 
as  he  approaches  the  ground  swiftly  with  his 
ship,  he  was  tested  as  to  his  power  to  continue 
in  Imagination  certain  fragmentary  curves  that 
were  given  him;  for  his  skill  in  landing  might 
well  require  him  to  anticipate  where  his  present 
course  at  any  moment  would,  if  continued,  carry 
him  and  how  he  must  needs  alter  it  to  make  it 
suitable  in  angle,  speed  and  place.  A  simple 
test  of  dexterity  was  also  used;  the  candidate  was 
refjuired  to  balance  one  of  a  graded  series  of  rods 
vertically  upon  his  finger  for  a  stated  time  to  see 
how    short   a    rod   he   could    balance. 

Careful  comparisons  were  made  between 
the  indications  afforded  by  these  tests  and 
actual  aptitude  for  Hying,  as  subsequently 
shown   bv  the  men   admitted   to   the  service, 


652 


THE    AMERICAX    REVIEPF    OF    REVIEWS 


and  as  determined  by  army  officers  in  charge 
ci  the  training  of  aviators. 

The  tests  which  under  this  stern  trial  proved 
to  be  of  value  were  those  on  the  perception  of 
gradual  tilt,  on  the  power  to  stand  steadily,  as 
judged  by  the  record  which  a  man  makes  when 
a  writing  point  attached  to  his  head  moves  over 
a  smoked  surface,  on  his  power  quickly  to  dis- 
criminate between  a  sudden  jerk  of  his  body  to 
the  right  or  to  the  left,  particularly  when  this 
is  combined  with  his  reaction  time  to  a  visual 
signal  and  to  an  auditory  signal,  and  on  the 
steadiness    of    his    hand    when    a    pistol     shot    is 


fired  behind  his  back.  The  tests  which  did  not 
scientifically  justify  themselves  were  those  upon 
a  person's  power  to  learn  certain  complicated 
combinations  of  movement  of  hand  and  foot,  on 
the  power  to  continue  in  imagination  a  fragment 
of  a  curve  presented  to  him  in  model,  and  on  dex- 
terity. This  latter  test  was  disapproved  not  so 
much  because  it  arrived  at  nothing  which  could 
be  connected  statistically  with  flying  ability,  as 
that  it  could  so  largely  be  influenced  by  practise, 
and  practise  would  be  invited  if  the  test  were  in- 
troduced as  a  regular  part  of  a  board's  examina- 
tion, when  the  candidates  would  soon  know  be- 
forehand that  they  would  be  tested  on  this  feat 
of   dexterity. 


FLYING  OVER  THE  ANDES 


ONE  of  the  landmarks  in  the  history  of 
aviation  was  established  on  December 
12,  last,  by  Lieutenant  Dagoberto  Godoy,  of 
the  Chilean  Army,  when  he  made  an  air- 
plane flight  from  Santiago  to  jMendoza, 
crossing  the  Andean  range  at  a  height  of 
17,300  feet,  thus  breaking  the  world's  record 
for  height  in  crossing  mountain  ranges.  The 
flight  was  made  in  a  Bristol  monoplane  WMth 
a  110  horse-power  Le  Rhone  motor.  The 
distance  of  210  kilometers  ^vas  covered  in  one 

hour  and  twenty- 
eight  minutes  at  an 
average  speed  of  130 
kilometers  an  hour. 
Two  Argentinian 
aeronauts,  Bradley 
and  Zuloaga,  had 
made  a  successful 
flight  over  the 
Andes  in  a  balloon 
on  July  24,  1918. 
In  the  preceding 
April  a  Lieutenant 
of  engineers,  Luis 
Candalaria,  had 
LIEUT.  DAGOBERTO  GODOY      crossed  the  southem 

OF   THE   CHILEAN    ARMY  •  ,  r  r/  \ 

ridge  from  Zapala 
to  Cunco  at  a  height  of  2000  meters.  All 
other  attempts  to  fly  over  the  Andes  had 
met  with  failure. 

In  the  Bulletin  of  the  Pan-American 
Union,  from  which  we  glean  these  facts. 
Lieutenant  (jodoy's  own  account  of  his  flight 
and  of  the  diflficulties  that  he  overcame  is 
quoted  in  detail : 

At  last  I  was  to  get  a  bird's-eye  view  of  the 
peaks  upon  which  I  had  so  often  gazed  from  the 
track  of  my  airdome.  The  Bristol  mounted  into 
space  for  a  time.  I  had  not  yet  looked  down- 
ward.    I  had  to  watch  my  altimeter,  my  compass, 


the  regular  throbs  of  the  oil  engine,  and  the  revo- 
lutions of  the  motor.  I  had  to  change  the  car- 
burization  continually  and  regulate  the  Le  Rhone; 
and  then,  when  my  altimeter  had  passed  the 
17,000  feet,  I  looked  downward. 

1  was  in  an  unknown  world.  The  mountain 
range  stood  out  wonderfully  clear;  everywhere 
were  canyons,  immense  black-mouthed  valleys, 
gentle  foothills,  and  icy  slopes.  At  the  left  Tu- 
pungato  rose  near  me  to  my  own  height,  or  per- 
haps higher,  like  an  enormous  skyscraper,  a  mag- 
nificent yet  graceful  tower  rearing  itself  toward 
heaven.  On  one  side  it  had  a  long,  gradual, 
almost  horizontal  slope,  like  a  palm  of  the  hand, 
white  and  frozen,  but  hospitable,  inviting  me  to 
alight  and  linger.  But  the  impression  was  fleet- 
ing. The  Bristol  told  me  I  was  going  180  or  190 
kilometers  an  hour,  hence  the  scenery  altered 
rapidly.  A  moment  later  I  crossed  the  frontier. 
My  country  was  behind  me;  before  me  lay  the 
sister  nation  and  triumph — my  slight  but  longed- 
for   victory. 

At  that  moment  the  motor  missed  and  nearly 
stopped.  I  guessed  what  was  the  matter.  The 
automatic  engine  was  not  working  and  the  gaso- 
line couldn't  reach  the  carbureter.  I  worked  an 
instant  and  the  engine  and  rotary  started  up  again 
before  the  change  had  affected  the  apparatus.  I 
had  to  land.  So  I  lessened  the  supply  of  gas 
slightly  and  began  to  descend  slowly.  The 
needle,  which  had  reached  a  maximum  of  17,300 
feet,  gradually  Icnvered.  Then  the  battle  began, 
which  lasted  perhaps  three  or  four  minutes.  The 
plane  seemed  to  be  crazy.  That  morning  there 
had  been  a  windstorm  on  the  Argentinian  side. 
Perhaps  that  was  the  result  of  the  cyclone.  Then 
— calm  again.  And  there  in  the  distance  amongst 
the  far-away  foothills,  insignificant  when  con- 
trasted with  the  huge  bulks  I  had  just  left,  rose 
the  outline  of  Mendoza,  beyond  the  great  plain, I 
covered  by  a  heavy  veil  of  clouds. 

Ten  minutes  later  I  was  over  the  historic  city. 
I  could  not  see  Tamarindos,  the  aviation  camp, 
anywhere.  I  searched  anxiously  until  I  despaired 
of  finding  it.  As  there  was  a  good  field  two 
leagues  farther  I  started  for  it,  unfortunately.  I 
broke  the  screw  propeller  and  the  landing  gear. 
I  came  to  ground  a  little  worn,  my  hands  knotted 
from  the  cold,  still  rather  uncomfortable  from  the 
rarity  of  the  atmosphere  in  the  heights,  as  I  had 
not    carried    oxygen    with    me. 


LEADING   ARTICLES    QF    THE   MONTH 


653 


WINDS  AND  WEATHER  OF  THE 
TRANSOCEANIC  AIR  ROUTES 


RECENT  events  have  augmented  popular 
interest  in  the  subject  of  transatlantic 
flight,  but  it  is  several  years  since  this  subject 
began  to  be  actively  discussed.  Strange  to 
say,  though  the  question  of  weather  has  neces- 
sarily figured  in  these  discussions,  the 
first  comprehensive  scientific  account  of  the 
meteorological  conditions  over  the  North 
Atlantic  as  affecting  aerial  navigation  has 
just  made  its  appearance.  It  is  from  the  pen 
of  Mr.  Willis  Ray  Gregg,  of  the  United 
States  Weather  Bureau,  and  was  published 
concurrently  in  the  Bureau's  Monthly 
Weather  Review  (Washington)  and  in  cer- 
tain unofficial  journals.  In  the  same  num- 
ber of  the  Monthly  Weather  Review  appears 
an  article  by  Dr.  Griffith  Taylor,  of  the  Aus- 
tralian weather  service,  on  the  meteorolog- 
ical features  of  air  routes  to  Australia. 

For  many  years  the  Weather  Bureau  has 
prepared  daily  charts,  in  manuscript,  of  the 
weather  conditions  over  the  Atlantic,  em- 
bodying data  supplied  by  a  large  corps  of 
shipboard  observers,  in  addition  to  the  re- 
ports of  regular  land  stations  on  both  sides 
of  the  ocean.  Mr.  Gregg  and  his  colleagues 
have  made  a  careful  analysis  of  a  file  of  these 
charts  covering  a  period  of  ten  years,  and  he 
is  thus  able  to  present  definite  information 
as  to  the  percentage  of  days  in  each  month  of 
the  year  when  on  an  average,  favorable  con- 
ditions for  flying  prevail  over  the  routes  that 
have  been  generally  accepted  as  most  pro- 
pitious for  transatlantic  flight.  These  are, 
especially,  a  northern  route,  between  St. 
Johns,  Newfoundland,  and  Valentia,  Ire- 
land, and  a  southern  route,  between  St.  Johns 
and  Portugal,  via  the  Azores. 

Mr.  Gregg's  article  includes  a  great  deal 
of  valuable  technical  information  that  can- 
not be  summarized  here.  His  study  of  the 
Atlantic  weather  maps  shows,  among  other 
things,  the  way  in  which  areas  of  high  and 
low  barometric  pressure  and  their  attendant 
wind-systems  cross  the  ocean,  from  west  to 
east,  and  makes  it  possible  to  predict,  with 
a  high  degree  of.  confidence,  whether,  given 
a  certain  set  of  weather  conditions,  an  aviator 
is  or  is  not  justified  in  embarking  upon  a 
transatlantic  flight.  Winds  at  the  flying 
levels  can  be  inferred  with  considerable  ac- 
curacy from  those  prevailing  at  the  earth's 
surface,    according   to    laws    that    have    been 


worked  out  by  meteorologists.  Moreover, 
methods  are  now  available  of  observing  the 
upper  winds  directly.     Mr.  Gregg  says: 

This  is  being  done  very  successfully  at  a  large 
number  of  places  in  this  country  with  kites  carry- 
ing self-recording  instruments  known  as  meteoro- 
graphs and  with  small  rubber  "pilot"  balloons, 
whose  movements  through  the  air  are  followed 
by  means  of  theodolites.  The  data  thus  obtained 
are  telegraphed  to  the  Central  Office  of  the 
Weather  Bureau,  and  bulletins  are  issued  for  the 
information  of  aviators  in  the  Aerial  Mail  Serv- 
ice, Army  and  Navy  Aviation  Services,  etc.  An- 
other method  of  determining  wind  conditions  that 
has  been  used  in  the  war  and  at  ordnance  prov- 
ing grounds,  is  by  means  of  so-called  "Archie" 
bursts,  which  consist  of  puffs  of  smoke  from  a 
shell,  the  fuse  being  so  timed  that  the  shell 
bursts  at  any  desired  altitude.  The  movements 
of  these  smoke  puffs  are  observed  in  a  graduated 
mirror  and  the  wind  directions  and  velocities 
at  the  given  height  are  readily  computed.  When 
low  clouds  are  present  several  shells  are  sent 
above  the  clouds  at  stated  intervals,  usually  half 
a  minute  apart,  an  airplane  of  known  speed  flies 
from  the  first  smoke  cloud  to  the  last,  and  the 
aviator  is  thus  able  quite  accurately  to  determine 
the  current  wind  conditions;  and  to  set  his  com- 
pass course  accordingly.  Still  another  method 
used  in  France  during  cloudy  weather  consists  in 
sending  up  small  balloons  which  carry  small 
charges  of  melinite  so  arranged  that  they  burst 
successively  at  regular  intervals.  Sound  tele- 
meters record  the  explosions,  and  the  position  in 
space  of  the  points  of  detonation  can  be  thus  de- 
termined. All  of  these  methods  are  comparative- 
ly simple  on  land;  they  are  less  so  at  sea,  yet 
some  of  them  at  least  are  by  no  means  impossible, 
except   in   very   stormy  conditions. 

In  transatlantic  flight  wind  is  all-impor- 
tant, since  unfavorable  winds  would  prevent 
the  aviator  from  reaching  the  end  of  his 
journey  before  his  fuel-supply  was  exhausted. 
Mr.  Gregg  describes  a  set  of  weather  condi- 
tions under  which  an  airplane  having  a  speed 
in  still  air  of  90  miles  an  hour  could  fly 
from  Newfoundland  to  Ireland  in  17  hours. 
With  neither  aid  nor  hindrance  from  the 
winds  the  journey  would  take  21  hours-, 
while  with  opposing  winds  it  would  be  pro- 
longed beyond  the  latter  period  and  might 
easily  lead  to  disaster.  Of  anotlier  important 
meteorological  factor  Mr.  Gregg  says: 

One  of  the  most  serious  obstacles  to  transat- 
lantic flight  appears  to  be  the  large  percentage  of 
days  on  which  fog  occurs,  particularly  near  the 
American  coast.  This  amounts  in  the  regions 
southeast  and  east  of   Newfoundland   to  about  60 


654 


THE   AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


per  cent,  in  summer  and  about  20  to  35  per  cent, 
in  winter,  the  frequency  in  the  latter  season  being 
greatest  to  the  southeast.  Near  the  Irish  coast  it 
varies  from  about  10  per  cent,  in  summer  to  5 
per  cent,  in  winter.  Fogs  rarely  occur  near  the 
Azores  or  between  them   and  Portugal. 

There  is,  however,  abundant  evidence  that 
sea-fogs  are  generally  quite  shallow.  This 
fact  was  strikingly  brought  out  in  the  investi- 
gations made  by  the  Seneca  and  the  Scotia, 
of  the  International  Ice  Patrol,  when  an  ob- 
server at  the  masthead  was  often  above  a 
fog  that  was  dense  at  the  level  of  the  deck. 

The  author's  elaborate  discussion  leads 
him  to  the  following  conclusions: 

1.  In  the  present  stage  of  their  development 
and  until  improvements  give  them  a  much  larger 
cruising  radius  than  they  now  have,  airplanes 
can  not  safely  be  used  for  transatlantic  flight 
except  under  favorable  conditions  of  wind  and 
weather. 

2.  Observations  of  conditions  over  as  great  an 
area  as  possible,  and  particularly  along  and  near 
any  proposed  course,  should  therefore  be  avail- 
able at  as  frequent  intervals  as  possible,  these 
observations  to  include  upper-air  as  well  as  sur- 
face  conditions. 

3.  With  such  observations  at  hand  the  meteor- 
ologist is  able  quickly  to  determine  the  current 
and  probable  future  wind  conditions  along  a  pro- 
posed route  and  to  advise  an  aviator  as  to  the 
suitability   of   a   day   for   a    flight. 

4.  If  a  day  is  favorable,  the  meteorologist  is 
able  to  indicate  the  successive  directions  toward 
which  an  airplane  should  be  headed  in  order  to 
keep  to  any  desired  course ;  also,  to  calculate  the 
assistance  that  will  be  furnished  by  the  winds. 

5.  Inspection  of  marine  weather  maps  shows 
that   at   an   altitude  of  500  to   1000  meters  condi- 


tions are  favorable  for  an  eastward  trip  approx- 
imately one-third  of  the  time,  the  percentage  being 
slightly  greater  along  the  northern  than  along  the 
southern  route.  At  greater  altitudes  the  per- 
centage of  favorable  days  materially  increases, 
especially  along  the  northern  route.  For  the 
westward  trip  the  percentage  of  favorable  days 
is  so  small  as  to  make  transatlantic  flight  in 
this  direction  unpracticable  until  the  cruising 
radius  of  aircraft  is  increased  to  such  an  extent 
that  they  are  relatively  independent  of  wind  con- 
ditions. 

6.  All  things  considered,  conditions  for  an 
eastward  flight  are  most  favorable  along  the 
northern  course;  for  a  westward  flight  they  are 
most  favorable  along  the  southern  course ;  that  is, 
the  prevailing  westerly  winds  are  less  persistent 
along   this    course   than    farther    north. 

7.  There  seems  to  be  little  choice  as  to  season, 
for,  although  the  prevailing  westerly  winds  are 
stronger  in  winter  than  in  summer,  yet  on  the 
other  hand,  stormy  conditions  are  more  prevalent 
in  winter,  and  the  net  result  is  about  an  equal 
percentage  of  favorable  days  in  the  two  seasons. 
Moreover,  the  greater  fog  percentage  in  summer 
just  about  oflFsets  the  greater  percentage  of  cloudi- 
ness in  winter.  Fog  is  a  disadvantage  chiefly 
because  of  its  interference  in  making  observations 
with  drift  indicators.  The  Newfoundland  fogs 
in  general  are  of  small  vertical  extent  and  do  not 
extend  far  inland.  They  should  not,  therefore, 
prove  a  hindrance  to  landing,  if  the  landing  field 
is  located  some  distance  from  the  coast. 

8.  Most  important  of  all,  there  is  need  for  a 
comprehensive  campaign  of  meteorological  and 
aerological  observations  over  the  North  Atlantic 
in  order  that  aviators  may  be  given  data  for 
whose  accuracy  the  meteorologist  need  not  hesi- 
tate to  vouch,  instead  of  information  based  on 
so  small  a  number  of  observations,  particularly 
of  free  air  conditions,  that  the  deductions,  includ- 
ing some  of  those  in  this  paper,  are  assumed  and 
not  proved,  are  given  with  caution,  and  are  "sub- 
ject to  change  without  notice." 


THE  LATEST  AID  TO  NAVIGATION 


<<  A  COIL  of  wire,  a  dial  registering  360 
±\.  degrees,  a  hollow  steel  shaft  and  an 
automobile  steering  wheel  have  overcome  the 
terrors  of  fog  and  storm  to  mariners  ap- 
proaching port."  Thus  Mr.  Jerome  Lachen- 
bruch,  radio  electrician,  U.S.N.R.F.,  de- 
scribes in  the  Scientific  American  one  of  the 
most  notable  inventions  that  were  brought  to 
the  stage  of  practical  utility  by  the  exigencies 
of  the  late  war.  As  a  desideratum  toward  the 
fulfilment  of  which  inventors  were  working, 
much  had  been  heard  before  the  war  of  the 
radio  compass,  or  direction-finder.  To-day 
this  so-called  "compass"  is  in  actual  use. 
It  is  contributing  to  the  safety  of  mariners, 
and  it  is  destined  to  be  of  indispensable 
value  to  aeronauts.     The  story  of  the  radio 


compass  has  just  been  revealed.  Mr.  Lach- 
enbruch's  article  appears  to  be  the  first  de- 
tailed description  given  to  the  public.  He 
writes: 

With  the  coming  of  peace,  the  attitude  of  abso- 
lute secrecy  maintained  by  the  Navy  Department 
in  regard  to  the  many  inventions  perfected  by  this 
branch  of  the  military  establishment,  has  relaxed; 
and  the  scientific  means  whereby  the  men  of  the 
navy  helped  to  protect  our  ports,  rnay  now  be  dis- 
closed. The  radio  compass,  which  has  served  us 
in  time  of  war,  is  now  meeting  the  needs  of  peace. 

It  is  not  generally  known  that  wireless  opera- 
tors are  on  watch  every  second  of  the  day  at 
various  naval  shore  stations  in  the  vicinity  of 
New  York;  nor  that,  during  the  war,  operators 
timed  the  length  of,  as  well  as  the  interval  be- 
tween dots  and  dashes  whose  characteristics 
aroused    suspicion,    all    the    while     manipulating 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE    MONTH 


655 


the  wheel  of  the  radio  compass  to  obtain  a  direc- 
tion on  the  sending  station.  This  exhausting  work 
proved  to  be  of  valuable  assistance  in  locating 
enemy  wireless  stations  that  persisted  in  the  sur- 
reptitious use  of  radio  despite  the  government's 
war  order  restricting  the  activities  of  all  but 
government   radio   stations. 

The  radio  compass  is  a  device  for  receiving 
wireless  signals  and  indicating  the  direction 
from  which  they  come. 

In  construction,  the  radio  compass  differs  from 
the  usual  radio  receiving  set  mainly  in  the  type 
of  antenna  used.  The  familiar  sight  of  several 
strands  of  wire  stretched  at  considerable  length 
between  high  masts  is  absent.  In  place  of  the 
stationary,  space-consuming  aerial,  is  a  rotating 
five-foot  frame  with  a  few  turns  of  stranded 
copper-bronze  wire  wound  about  it.  The  frame 
is  mounted  on  a  vertical  steel  shaft  which  pro- 
jects downward  through  the  roof  of  the  radio 
building  into  the  room  where  the  operator  is  on 
watch.  In  many  stations,  a  cupola  has  been  built 
about  the  frame  with  the  double  purpose  of  af- 
fording protection  against  the  elements  and  of 
concealing  its  presence.  At  the  base  of  the  shaft, 
and  within  easy  reach  of  the  operator,  the  wheel 
which  controls  the  turning  of  the  frame  is  at- 
tached. The  compass  dial,  usually  a  circular 
aluminum  band,  with  the  360  degrees  of  the  com- 
pass clearly  engraved  on  its  surface,  is  fastened 
to  the  shaft  near  the  roof  of  the  radio  "shack;" 
but  the  indicator  is  placed  in  a  permanent  north 
and  south  direction. 

There  is  also  a  device  for  increasing  the 
strength  of  incoming  signals  to  about  eight 
times  their  normal  degree  of  audibility.  The 
mode  of  operation  of  the  compass,  as  nearly 
as  it  can  be  stated  in  non-technical  language, 
is  as  follows:  In  the  attached  diagram  we 
see  the  square  frame,  with  its  coil  of  wire, 
which  projects  above  the  roof  of  the  building 
and  serves  as  antenna.  A  wireless  signal 
is  due  to  electro-magnetic  waves,  traveling 
through  the  ether,  which  fills  all  space.  In 
the  diagram  the  frame  is  shown  in  a  position 
parallel  to  the  oncoming  wave  (represented 
by  the  curved  line).  The  wave  "induces" 
electric  currents  of  opposite  direction  in  the 
two  sides  of  the  wire  coil.  These  tend  to 
neutralize  each  other,  but  they  are  of  differ- 
ent strengths  because  produced  by  different 
portions,  or  "phases,"  of  the  wave. 

Although  the  one  tends  to  obliterate  the  other, 
the  difference  in  strength  between  them  is  con- 
served and  heard  in  the  telephones.  However,  if 
an  incoming  electro-magnetic  wave  strikes  the 
plane  of  the  antenna  perpendicularly,  the  currents 
induced  in  both  sides  of  the  compass  will  be  equal 
in  strength,  of  the  same  phase  and  amplitude,  and 
will  neutralize  each  other.  No  sound  is  then 
heard  in  the  telephones.    By  means  of  the  rotating 


antenna,  the  angle  at  which  an  electro-magnetic 
wave  acts  on  it  can  be  controlled  by  the  operator. 
Thus  the  intensity  of  an  oncoming  signal  can  be 
increased,  diminished  or  completely  tuned  out  by 
a  turn  of  the  wheel.  It  is  evident,  then,  that 
when  the  plane  of  the  antenna  is  parallel  to  the 
direction  of  the  oncoming  wave,  the  sound  heard 
in  the  phones  will  represent  the  maximum  strength 
of  the  oncoming  wave.  By  turning  the  antenna 
until  this  point  is  found,  the  maximum  strength 
of  any  signal  can  be  ascertained ;  and  consequent- 
ly, the  position  of  the  ship  or  shore  station  send- 
ing it  will  be  disclosed.  But  to  be  more  accurate, 
two  positions  are  made  known,  180  degrees  apart. 
By  consulting  the  diagram,  the  reason  for  this  is 
apparent.  It  will  be  observed  that  two  waves 
coming  from  opposite  directions  will  affect  the 
radio  compass  in  the  same  manner. 

In  actual  practice,  however,  a  shore  station 
operator  knows  that  the  coast  line  limits  the  arc 
of  the  compass  in  which  he  may  expect  to  locate 
a  ship.  Moreover,  to  secure  the  best  possible 
results  in  the  every-day  operation  of  the  radio 
compass  in  guiding  vessels  into  the  port  of  New 
York,  five  radio  compass  stations  have  been  estab- 
lished at  strategic  nautical  points  on  the  coast 
near  New  York.  Each  station  is  connected  by  a 
land  line  telegraph  instrument  with  a  central 
controlling  radio  station  located  in  the  office  of  the 
District  Communication  Superintendent,  at  44 
Whitehall    street. 

The  close  connection  between  the  compass  sta- 
tions and  the  control  station  simplifies  the  details 
of  communication  with  vessels  at  sea.  Within 
a  few  minutes  a  ship  may  receive  definite  infor- 
mation as  to  its  position.  When  a  ship  approaches 
the  coast,  the  operator  aboard  calls  New  York 
and  asks  for  his  bearing.  The  ship  does  not  get 
into  direct  communication  with  the  various  com- 
pass stations  as  they  are  equipped  only  with  re- 
ceiving sets,  and  so  cannot  reply.  However,  the 
radio  operator  at  the  central  controlling  station, 
in  answering  the  ship's  call,  transmits  a  signal 
to  the  ship  to  send  its  call  letters  for  30  seconds. 
At  the  same  time,  a  telegraph  operator  at  the 
control  station  notifies  the  various  compass  sta- 
tions, by  means  of  a  three-letter  signal  sent  simul- 
taneously, to  obtain  a  bearing  on  the  ship  sending 
her  call  letters.  Immediately  the  various  stations 
in  the  district,  at  Montauk  Point,  L.  I.,  Fire  Island, 
L.  I.,  Rockaway  Beach,  L.  I.,  Sandy  Hook,  N.  J., 
and  Mantoloking,  N.  J.,  turn  their  compass  wheels 
until  an  accurate  bearing  is  obtained  at  each 
station.  This  is  transmitted  to  the  telegraph 
operator  at  the  control  station,  who  waits  until 
all  stations  have  sent  their  bearings  before  turn- 
ing them  over  to  the  radio  operator.  The  latter, 
when  all  the  compass  stations  have  been  heard 
from,  flashes  by  radio  the  bearing,  in  degrees, 
of  the  ship  on  the  different  shore  stations.  An 
acknowledgment  from  the  ship  of  the  receipt 
of  the  desired  information  completes  the  opera- 
tion. 

Knowing  his  bearing  from  two  or  more 
points  on  shore,  the  navigator  can,  of  course, 
easily  determine  his  exact  location  by  means 
of  his  chart,  and  thus  avoid  the  danger  of 
going  astray  in  thick  weather. 


656 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEPF    OF    REVIEWS 


THE  NEW  AMERICANISM 


IT  was  not  until  the  Great  War  brought 
to  us  the  startling  realization  that  one- 
sixth  of  our  population  was  foreign,  in  lan- 
guage and  ideals ;  that  the  rest  of  the  hundred 
million  began  to  wonder  whether,  after  all, 
America  was  the  melting-pot  of  the  world. 
We  had  laid  great  stress  on  the  claim  that 
America  could  fuse  the  races  of  the  world 
into  a  new  race  typically  American ;  but  the 
maze  of  plot  and  counterplot,  of  espionage 
and  destruction,  of  foreign  economic  domina- 
tion of  our  basic  industries,  smote  the  Ameri- 
can-American between  the  e}'es  with  solid 
fact  untempered  by  idealism. 

IVIen  high  in  public  office,  in  the  Patent 
Office,  even  in  our  Intelligence  Service,  were 
found  to  be  working  directly  for  certain  for- 
eign governments.  Nearly  one-fourth  of  the 
men  enlisted  under  the  Draft  Act  were  un- 
able to  read  an  American  newspaper  or  to 
write  a  letter  home.  And  so  there  was  or- 
ganized at  Camp  Upton,  on  August  21, 
1918,  the  Sixth  Development  Battalion  of 
1500  men  who  could  not  read  or  write  Eng- 
lish, under  the  command  of  Major  Ralph 
Hall  Ferris.     Saj^s  the  New  York  Times: 

The  teachers  selected  were  privates  or  non- 
commissioned officers  who  held  university  degrees 
or  who  were  teachers  in  civil  life.  Race  was  not 
considered  in  the  choosing  of  officers.  It  was  soon 
proven  that  squads  and  platoons  composed  of  dif- 
ferent nationalities  received  their  military  in- 
struction as  easily  as  if  racial  groups  had  been 
organized  for  the  purpose.  Only  English  was 
permitted  to  be  spoken  in  the  mess  halls,  military 
formations  and  general  gatherings  of  the  men. 
Instruction  except  in  the  elementary  classes  was 
given   in  English. 

Within  three  months  men  who  could  speak 
little  or  no  English  when  they  entered  the  bat- 
talion became  sufficiently  proficient  in  military 
English  to  fulfill  the  ordinary  functions  of  sol- 
diers both  in  organization  and  on  separate  mis- 
sions. In  addition  practically  ajl  of  the  recruits 
proved  their  spirit  of  Americanism  by  becoming 
citizens. 

The  War  Department  now  brings  into 
being  the  "Recruit  Educational  Center," 
with  fifty  barracks  and  other  buildings  for 
its  use,  at  Camp  Upton ;  and  Major  Ferris 
is  preparing  to  resume  charge  of  the  work. 
Illiterate  recruits  from  the  Atlantic  and 
Great  Lake  States  will  be  taught  English 
and  will  receive  American  training  from 
officers  born  here,  attaining  full  citizenship 
at  the  expiration  of  their  three-year  enlist- 
ments. 

The  resumption  of  the  great  work  of  the 


Sixth  Development  Battalion  under  substan- 
tially the  same  plan  means  the  classification 
of  the  men  into  fifteen  or  twenty  groups  ac- 
cording to  progress  shown  and  their  knowl- 
edge of  English  upon  entrance.  The  normal 
course  of  instruction  is  four  months,  running 
to  six  in  exceptional  cases.  A  board  of  exam- 
iners will  determine  by  suitable  tests  the  rate 
of  progress,  with  special  attention  to  back- 
ward men,  and  as  soon  as  the  men  have 
attained  sufficient  development,  Major  Fer- 
ris will  report  them  to  the  War  Department 
for  disposition  to  regular  military  commands. 
Brig.-Gen.  Nicholson,  commanding  Camp 
Upton,  in  reviewing  the  plan,  says: 

The  organization  of  the  Recruit  Educa- 
tional Center  at  Camp  Upton  is  a  great 
constructive  plan  of  Americanization.  The 
idea  underlying  the  Recruit  Educational  Center 
will  unquestionably  meet  with  nation-wide 
approval  since  it  makes  for  better  citizenship 
and  for  a  higher  order  of  Americanism.  It  will 
be  a  distinct  step  toward  making  the  people  of 
the  United  States  appreciate  that  those  responsible 
for  the  functioning  of  the  army  are  really  trying 
to  make  our   army  a  people's  army. 

The  army,  like  every  other  great  agency  in  the 
country,  has,  in  view  of  the  unusual  conditions 
incident  to  the  war,  a  great  opportunity  to  do 
in  a  short  space  of  time  what  would  otherwise 
have  taken  decades  to  accomplish.  The  Recruit 
Educational  Center  is  simply  one  phase  of  this 
great  opportunity;  in  its  adoption  the  army  will 
receive  due  credit  for  a  far-seeing  policy;  and 
we  shall  be  doing  now  what  will  be  demanded 
of  the  army  later  when  thought  along  the  lines  of 
reconstruction   begins  to  crystallize. 

Europe  has  for  centuries  suffered  from  the  bitter 
racial  antagonisms  of  its  various  peoples.  Amer- 
ica is  no  place  to  perpetuate  these  antagonisms, 
and  no  method  has  been  conceived  which  will  so 
successfully  eliminate  racial  antagonisms  as  the 
Camp  Upton  plan  which  the  War  Department 
has    adopted   for   its   Recruit   Educational    Center. 

Surely,  the  thing  most  to  be  desired  in  an 
American  is  patriotism,  linked  with  an  alert, 
self-reliant  efficiency,  intellectual  idealism, 
and  a  love  of  law-abiding  liberty.  A  three- 
year  period  in  the  United  States  Army  will 
teach  love  of  and  respect  for  our  flag  and  our 
country,  its  ideals  and  its  institutions.  The 
schools,  the  polls  and  the  newspapers  will 
have  an  ever-increasing  influence  on  the 
health,  sense  and  morals  of  the  people ;  and 
these  must  also  be  turned  to  the  development 
of  American  citizens  with  the  motto,  "Amer- 
ica First!"  We  should  deny  admission  to 
aliens  who  maintain  divided  allegiance  or  do 
not  desire  to  become  citizens. 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE    MONTH 


657 


GEOLOGY   AND   GEOGRAPHY   IN   THE 

WAR,  AND  AFTER 

THE  many-sidedness  of  modern  warfare  maps  of  large  scale  for  control  of  artillery  fire. 

r.\\r.^A  ,,rl^or.   tViP  IntP  wcir  hp  About    onc    hundred    commissioned    topr  "^raphers 

was  not  realized  wnen  tne  late  war  oe-  itto.^i-ic                         „  ^^^ 

,                             1         .J        X  4.U      TT  from  the  U.  S.   Geological   Survey  were  engaged 

gan ;  or  at  least  not  on  the  side  ot  the  Ln-  j^  ^^^  ^^^^  ^^  ^^^  American   lines,  and  in  co- 

tente  allies.  Even  now  the  general  public  is  operation  with  the  French.  A  map-printing 
only  learning  piecemeal  of  the  innumerable  plant  larger  than  the  combined  plants  in  Wash- 
applications  which  it  was  .w.j.^.'.v;,/,.'n-^^  ^^.^-r '/-/.^^-v-  •  -n" 
found  possible  and  necessary  -^^  iSj^fei^i^TX  y<^<->-S^<>'^'-i:^^' 
to  make  of  all  kinds  of  ^':•'.^•<^,:i^:V^-;:/.^^^:V"^.<A 
knowledge  to  the  business  of      .^  ^ \\ •  x a-  .\ .\- >; ;j. i x IVv Z-^ 

fighting;  applications  which 
will  be  accepted  as  a  matter 
of  course  in  a  future  war,  if 
one  should,  unhappily,  occur. 
Mr.  F.  W.  DeWolf,  of 
the  Illinois  State  Geological 
Survey,  tells  in  School  Sci- 
ence  and  Mathematics  (Chi- 
cago) of  the  up-hill  work 
which  American  geologists 
and  geographers  had  to  con- 
vince   the    Government    that     __  ^  ^       . 

their     special     knowledge     __ — -     —   —  —  — -^^  ^^  ^''"'' '\ 

might  be   used  effectively   in     \ 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 j 

the  prosecution  of   the  war. 
He  says: 


•  •'*.\  Soi7  rather  impvcpious  -p 


Satxd,  porous 


Our  geologists  and  geograph- 
ers tried  unsuccessfully  in  19,17 
to  have  technical  units  organ-  '''•['[  sand'pcrpui 
ized  for  service  at  the  front, 
and  to  introduce  certain  kinds 
of  instruction  in  the  officers' 
training  camps.  In  1918  these 
hopes  were  partly  realized 
when  a  number  of  geologists 
and  geographers  were  commis- 
sioned in  the  War  College  In- 
telligence Office,  and  the  geo- 
logical service  with  General 
Pershing  began  to  expand.  Later 
the  educational  committee  in 
charge  of  the  Students'  Army 
Training  Corps  courses  planned 
to  require  certain  courses  in 
map  reading,  map-making  and 
military    geology. 

By  the  time  hostilities 
ended  specialists  in  these  lines 
were  carrying  on  a  wide 
range  of  activities  in  the 
Army,  and  in  connection 
with  home  industries  essen- 
tial to  a  successful  outcome 
of  the  war.  Mr.  DeWolf 
says : 


.  '•  .■  Soil  rather  impervioui 


Of    first    importance    was    the 
making  of   accurate   topographic 

June— 7 


Kroin  School  Scitiici   and  Miitlu  iniiticH 

CORRECT  AND  INCORRECT  METHODS  OF  LOCATING  TRENCHES  AND 

DUGOUTS 

A.   Correct  trench  construction.     Water  esca|)e.s  throuuli  tlic  i>i)rous  jointed 

limestone.  ,    ,  ,  •  ,    .  i 

H.    Incorrect  trench  construction.    Water  is  lielil  ni  trench  tiy  nnpervious  clay. 
{'     Correct   trench   construction    under  same   conditions   as   "H."    when   it   is 
not   feasihle  to  sink   the  whole  trench   to  tlie   level  of  the   porous   limestone  as 
in   "A."     A   small   drainage   trench   carries   water   down    into   the   porous   lime- 
stone,  |)crmittinK  its   escape. 

I).  To  the  left,  properly  j.laced  duK'>nt.  Drainage  takes  place  readily 
tl)rou(.;h  the  limestone,  making  the  dugout  relatively  dry.  To  the  right,  im- 
properly placed  dugout.  Water  fails  to  e-cape  through  the  impervious  clay 
and    tlic   dugout   is   subject    to   very    poor   drainage   or   even    Hooding. 


658 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


ington  and  capable  of  producing  nearly  1,000,000 
maps  each  month  was  erected  and  operated. 
Many  of  the  maps  were  revised  and  re-issued 
daily.  As  a  result,  all  officers  realized  a-s  never 
before  the  dependence  of  an  army  on  topo- 
graphic maps. 

Related  to  map-making  was  the  building  of 
relief  models.  These  revealed  the  visibility  of  the 
country  from  observation  posts;  and  by  the  aid 
of  special  instruments  assisted  in  controlling  shell- 
fire  on  enemy  targets.  Finished  models  showing 
relief  and  villages  and  roads  were  made  by  the 
thousands,  and  in  the  remarkable  time  of  a  few 
hours   for   each   mold. 

Another  vital  need  of  the  army  was  an  enor- 
mous supply  of  water  for  men  and  horses,  for 
concrete  construction  work,  and  for  power  plants 
and  locomotives.  Geologists  made  maps  show- 
ing locations  of  springs  and  of  shallow  and 
deep  water-bearing  rocks.  They  also  supervised 
the  boring  of  wells,  especially  in  the  British 
army. 

Supplies  of  rock,  gravel,  and  sand  were  also 
needed  in  large  amounts  for  building  roads,  gun 
foundations,  dugouts,  supply  depots,  and  harbor 
works.  Geologists  assisted  in  locating  these  ma- 
terials. 

Finally,  maps  and  diagrams  were  made  of  the 
rock  formations  along  the  lines  held  by  our  army, 
and  by  the  enemy,  in  order  to  show  their  suit- 
ability for  the  construction  of  trenches,  dugouts, 
and  mines.  It  was  possible  to  observe  existing 
works,  and  then  to  predict  the  conditions  in  new 
areas  which  were  geologically  similar.  Thus, 
it  was  possible  to  say  in  advance  whether  trenches 
would  stand  without  revetment  of  the  walls; 
whether  they  would  be  wet  or  dry  during  certain 
seasons;  and  to  advise  regarding  tools  which 
would  be  needed  to  construct  defensive  works. 
Maps  were  prepared  to  show  the  probable  effect 
of  artillery  fire  on  the  formations;  thus,  whether 
the  rocks  would  shatter  and  add  to  the  casualties; 
and  whether  barrage  fire  would  make  the  ground 
impassable   for   tanks. 

No  less  important  than  tlie  services  thus 
rendered  in  the  wTiv  zone  was  the  work  of 
geologists  at  home  in  developing  domestic 
mineral  supplies  for  essential  industries.  This 
work  was  carried  on  by  the  U.  S.  Geological 
Survey,  the  U.  S.  Bureau  of  Mines,  the 
State  Geological  Surveys,  and  individual 
mining  engineers  and  metallurgists. 

The  average  citizen  was  aware  of  the  threat- 
ened shortage  of  coal  and  oil,  but  did  not  realize 
that  we  were  dependent  on  foreign  imports  of 
manganese,  chromium,  and  molybdenum  for  steel 
making;  of  pyrite  and  platinum  for  making  acids 
for  explosives;  of  graphite  and  clay  for  metal- 
lurgical crucibles  and  retorts;  of  antimony  for 
hardening  lead  bullets;  of  potash  for  fertilizers; 
of  optical  glass  for  instruments;  and  of  numerous 
other  minerals  for  essential  purposes.  Geologists 
pointed  out  that  the  development  of  domestic  sup- 
plies of  many  of  these  minerals  would  lessen  the 
danger  of  submarine  attacks  on  vital  commerce, 
and  would  permit  the  use  of  more  ships  for  trans- 
fer  of    soldiers    and   munitions   to   Europe.      Fur- 


thermore, to  relieve  railroad  burdens,  many 
ordinary  domestic  minerals  were  located  and 
developed  in  new  places  close  to  market. 

The  results  were  so  successful  that  many 
large  ships  were  transferred  to  direct  war 
service,  and  many  of  the  industries  formerly 
dependent  on  imported  minerals  were  largely 
or  wholly  supplied  from  home  sources. 

The  energy  expended  by  geologists  and 
geographers  in  behalf  of  war  objects  served 
to  demonstrate  the  immense  importance  of 
the  "earth  sciences"  to  the  nation  under  con- 
ditions of  peace  as  well  as  warfare.  The 
writer  declares  that 

we  have  gained  an  added  conviction  of  the  funda- 
mental value  of  topographic  maps  for  defensive 
and  offensive  warfare;  in  the  selection  of  routes 
for  highways,  railroads,  electric  power,  and  com- 
munication lines;  in  the  development  of  drainage 
and  of  water  supplies;  in  the  search  for,  and 
development  of,  minerals  and  other  natural  re- 
sources. The  topographic  map  of  the  United 
States  should  be  completed,  not  in  80  or  90  years, 
according  to  the  former  rate  of  progress,  but  in 
twelve  or  fifteen  years.  The  map  of  Illinois 
should  not  proceed  at  the  old  rate,  which  promised 
completion  in  1960,  but  should  be  finished  by  1930. 
The  cost  will  be  more  than  saved  to  the  taxpayers 
by  eliminating  surveys  for  roads,  water  supplies, 
and  other  necessary  developments  throughout  the 
entire    State. 

Similarly,  geology  has  again  demonstrated  its 
practical  value  in  locating  water  for  domestic 
and  industrial  uses,  and  stone,  gravel,  and  sand 
for  building  of  roads,  railroads,  and  other  struc- 
tures. A  state  like  Illinois,  about  to  invest  $60,- 
000,000  in  the  beginning  of  a  hard-road  system 
should  first  locate  and  investigate  the  materials 
which  are  available  close  to  the  selected  routes. 
Furthermore,  a  state  about  to  build  a  great  water- 
way should  know  the  location  and  usefulness  of 
the  heavy,  slow-moving  mineral  wealth  in  the 
adjacent  territory  which  will  help  furnish  profit- 
able  cargoes. 

Again,  we  have  seen  in  connection  with  min- 
erals for  war  industries,  the  value  of  statistics 
of  mineral  production,  of  lists  of  producers,  and 
of  geological  investigation  of  possible  new  sources 
of  supply,  in  advance  of  acute  need.  Thus,  in 
Illinois,  we  owe  it  to  the  nation,  as  well  as  our- 
selves, to  collect  accurate  statistics,  to  complete 
an  inventory  of  our  enormous  mineral  wealth, 
and  to  encourage  new  or  improved  methods  for 
its  production,  conservation,  and  wise  utili- 
zation. 

But  while  some  of  us,  who  needed  no  demon- 
stration, have  seen  the  justification  of  practical 
geography  and  geology,  we  have  been  dismayed 
to  find,  even  in  high  places,  that  there  was  little, 
if  any,  advance  appreciation  of  the  military,  in- 
dustrial, and  social  significance  of  these  sciences. 
They  had  been  Considered  purely  cultural  and 
academic!  No  conception  of  their  importance 
existed  in  the  academies  at  West  Point  or  An- 
napolis, in  the  intelligence  service,  or  in  the  early 
organization  of  the  boards  for  war  industries, 
war  trade,  and  fuel  control. 


i 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE    MONTH 


659 


THE  EUROPEAN  BOURGEOISIE 


IN  two  successive  numbers  of  the  Biblio- 
theque  Ujiiverselle  (Switzerland),  Ed- 
ouard  Combe  discusses  pregnant  problems  of 
the  time.  In  the  first  article  he  discourses 
with  much  warmth  upon  the  status  and 
achievements  of  the  bourgeoisie ;  in  the 
second,  upon  the  problem  of  nationalization 
and  cooperation. 

In  view  of  the  social  conflicts — he  writes 
— looming  up  before  us,  every  one  should 
know  what  he  is  contending  for.  The  forces 
rallying  to  conserve  the  heritage  of  centuries 
of  labor,  the  conquests  of  a  patient,  perse- 
vering evolution,  should  realize  the  grandeur 
of  their  task.  The  name  "bourgeois" — in 
Socialist  parlance  a  synonym  for  every  sort 
of  baseness — should  be  reclaimed  by  those 
worthy  to  bear  it,  as  an  honorable,  glorious 
title. 

The  essential  elements  of  production  are 
capital,  brains,  labor. 

The  actual  bourgeoisie  comprises: 

1.  A  small  minority  of  the  idle  rich,  who 
have  paid  workers  to  manage  their  capital ; 
they  are,   properly  speaking,   parasites. 

2.  Active  capitalists:  bankers,  financiers, 
engaged  in  efforts  to  increase  their  accumu- 
lated riches ;  not  a  very  large  class,  but  play- 
ing an  important  role ;  a  class  which  has, 
above  all,  abused  its  position  by  arrogating 
to  itself  a  sort  of  dictatorship. 

3.  Industrial  heads,  merchants,  techni- 
cians, engineers,  chemists,  architects.  This 
category,  necessarily  closely  allied  with  finan- 
ciers, is  where  initiative,  the  creator  of 
wealth,  is  mainly  concentrated.  It  repre- 
sents the  interested  part  of  brain  activity. 

(4)  Scholars,  professors,  philosophers,  ped- 
agogues, doctors. 

(5)  A  whole  army  of  salaried  men  who 
evidence  an  increasing  tendency  to  copy  the 
syndicalist  methods  of  labor. 

(6)  A  considerable  body  who  labor  for 
beauty:  men  of  letters,  poets,  artists,  musi- 
cians. Their  work  is  the  hardest  to  estimate, 
since,  though  among  the  most  precious  of 
human  possessions,  its  value  is  only  deter- 
mined by  time ;  so  that  the  majority  in  these 
fields  are  obliged  to  eke  out  a  living  by  addi- 
tional, inferior  labor,  depressing  to  the  spirit 
and  prejudicial  to  their  chosen  work. 

Such  at  present  is  that  "bourgeoisie"  so 
violently  condemned  by  socialist  theorizers. 
We  see  that  in  the  far  greater  part  it  con- 


stitutes the  bulk  of  the  "brains,"  that  second 
component  of  the  productive  trinity.  Edu- 
cated, as  a  rule,  it  is  skeptical  of  quacks, 
shrugs  its  shoulders  at  the  specious  remedies 
of  demagogues.  It  prefers,  while  awaiting 
the  dawn  of  justice,  to  work  and  suffer  in 
silence.  But  perhaps  it  does  not  assert  its 
right  to  live  vigorously  enough. 

The  matter  stands  thus :  All  that  human- 
ity has  thus  far  produced  of  what  is  useful, 
great,  durable,  has  been  the  work  of  the 
bourgeoisie.  Bourgeois,  the  creators  of  great 
industries  and  machinery  which  have  revo- 
lutionized the  world  of  production.  Bour- 
geois, all  the  philosophers  and  thinkers  who 
have  unremittingly  devoted  themselves  to 
solve  the  problems  of  life ;  yea,  bourgeois,  too, 
.  the  theorists  of  socialism  and  anarchy.  Bour- 
geois, all  the  philanthropists,  whose  efforts 
have  procured  a  little  more  ease  and  security 
for  mankind.  Look  at  any  list  of  celebrated 
men  and  women  of  our  generation  and  those 
directly  preceding — 99  out  of  100  will  bear 
the  names  of  the  bourgeoisie. 

And  we  should  blush  to  belong  to  that 
elite?  No.  Even  those  among  us,  so  numer- 
ous, whose  life  is  a  daily  struggle,  will  honor 
our  origin  and  say  to  our  detractors:  "We 
are  bourgeois  and  claim  that  without  us  the 
great  social  problems  confronting  us  will 
never  be  solved,  for  we  form  an  indispensable 
part  of  the  mechanism  of  humanity." 

And  let  him  who  has  the  example  of  Rus^ 
sla  before  him  dare  to  contradict  us ! 

In  the  second  article  the  writer  reiterates 
that  the  evils  of  the  present  social  organiza- 
tion are  due  not  to  the  existence  of  capital — 
which  is  recognized  by  all  serious  economists 
as  indispensable — but  to  the  dictatorship  of 
capital  in  the  trinity  of  production. 

The  heads  of  the  Bolshevist  mo\ement — 
which  to-day  threatens  the  world  with  total 
ruin — recognized  the  misdeeds  of  that  dic- 
tatorship, but  they  erred  in  believing  that 
they  could  remedy  the  matter  by  a  simple 
transfer    of    dictatorship    to    the    proletariat. 

It  would,  M.  Combe  remarks,  be  impos- 
sible to  touch  in  a  brief  article  upon  all  the 
phases  of  this  important  issue.  His  aim  is 
simply  to  indicate — since  all  recognize  tiiat 
we  are  on  the  eve  of  overturning  the  existing 
social  and  economic  conceptions — wliat  he  re- 
gards a  w  liolesome  orgaiu'zation  of  great  in- 
dustrial production,  one  which  would  take 
the    place    of    the    present   capitalist    regime, 


660 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


without  causing  its  ruin.  We  cannot  enter 
into  the  details  of  the  writer's  reasoning,  but 
give  some  of  his  salient  points: 

Economists  contend  with  ^-ight  that  the 
state,  a  political  body,  is  not  competent  to 
undertake  tasks  inherently  economic.  The 
essential  thing  is  to  distinguish  clearly  be- 
tween  the  possessorship   of   capital   and    the 


means  of  utilizing  it.  For  the  latter  the  ra- 
tional principle  is  to  entrust  its  exploitation 
to  those,  collectively,  who  are  directly  in- 
terested, whether  as  laborers,  technicians,  di- 
rectors, etc.  These  bodies  would  form  for 
each  production  a  cooperative  enterprise  in 
which  every  member  would  be  interested,  ac- 
cording to  a  scale  to  be  established. 


THE  RE-BIRTH  OF  SPANISH  TASTE  IN 

ARGENTINA 


WHEN,  a  few  years  ago,  Enrique  Lar- 
reta  left  the  Embassy  in  Paris  to  return 
to  his  home,  the  press  of  Paris  saluted  him 
as  one  of  the  most  ardent  propagandists  of 
French  culture  in  South  America:  "He 
goes,"  said  Figaro  "carrying  our  image,  to 
make  it  beloved  by  his  compatriots." 

E.  Gomez  Carrillo  (in  Cosmopolis, 
Madrid)  rejoices  that  Senor  Larreta  has 
returned  to  the  Argentine.  His  political 
career  closed,  says  Carrillo,  he  has  become 
wholly  Argentinian  again,  "confessing,  with 
noble  frankness,  his  antipathy  to  the  Galliza- 
tion  of  taste." 

"IVIy  pride,"  said  he  when  showing  his 
house  to  Sefior  Carrillo,  "  consists  in  having 
created  here  this  bit  of  Spanish  nationalism 
which  surprises  you  so  much.  This  house  is 
my  best  work — because  it  is  a  concrete  ex- 
ample of  the  traditional  taste  of  my  native 
land." 

Martin  Noel  has  described  the  house  at 
great  length — drawing  on  art  of  all  ages  in 
his  enthusiasm  for  comparison.  Alberto 
Blancas  states  that  "later  this  house  will  be- 
come a  museum — as  from  it  proceeds  a 
nationalistic,  a  traditional  current  that  will 
completely  renew  our  spiritual  life." 

To-day,  and  indeed  for  some  time  pre- 
vious, Argentinian  art,  taste,  and  customs 
have  shown  a  marked  tendency  to  the 
Spanish:  "the  chaste,  the  lofty."  Argen- 
tina's painters  are  true  sons  of  Zuloaga,  An- 
glada,  Romero  de  Torres;  her  historians 
search  the  archives  of  noble  Colonial  Spain ; 
her  architects  disdain  the  "florid  elegancies" 
of  Paris  to  follow  meticulously  pure  Anda- 
lusian  models. 

Each  year  this  movement  is  becoming 
stronger — the  Argentine  is  becoming  less  cos- 
mopolitan, more  Spanish.  The  influence  of 
North  European  architecture  is  yielding  to 
the   purity   of   Andalusia,    to    the    "gracious 


severity"  of  Castile.  At  the  magic  touch  of 
Larreta  a  legion  of  architects  has  sprung  up 
to  carry  out  the  new  movement.  No 
longer  will  a  new  millionaire  order  his 
"pocket  Trianon." 

One  of  the  leaders  of  this  movement — 
Martin  Noel — says,  "Following  this  current 
we  shall  merely  return  to  our  origin  and 
continue  the  work  of  our  Castilian  grand- 
fathers of  the  XVIIIth  century" — the  first 
step  in  this  direction  was  the  restoration  of 
the  church  of  Lujan  in  Buenos  Aires,  which 
was  initiated  by  Senor  Noel  to  form  "a 
museum  of  colonial  art  which  will  become 
our  true  school  of  traditional  art." 

Two  distinct  periods  are  exemplified  in  the 
Church  of  Lujan:  the  earlier  resembles  the 
work  of  D.  Juan  de  Lezica,  in  a  chapel  built 
in  1763;  the  later  is  pure  Spanish  of  about 
1800.  The  earlier  part  shows  traces  of 
local,  or  South  American,  influence — thus 
the  building  is  peculiarly  suitable  as  a  monu- 
ment of  Argentinian  architecture. 

Senor  Noel  points  out  the  fallacy  of  con- 
sidering the  Colonial  period  in  the  Argentine 
as  falling  in  the  middle  of  the  last  century. 
He  considers  it  to  be  about  1750.  His  en- 
thusiasm for  this  period  is  unbounded — he 
hopes  to  revive  a  taste  for  the  best  in  Spanish 
art  by  restoring  ancient  buildings. 

Neither  Martin  Noel,  Alberto  Blancas, 
Roberto  Soto  Acebal,  nor  any  of  those  who 
are  following  the  leadership  of  Larreta,  are 
becoming  rich  but  they  are  creating  "a  new 
Spain  in  the  Pampas" — an  aspect  purer  and 
less  cosmopolitan  than  the  Russian,  Italian 
or  German  emigrants  have  produced  when 
seeking  to  console  their  homesickness  by  ab- 
surd copies  of  their  abandoned  houses. 

"A  Spanish  church  in  the  midst  of  each 
village,"  says  Senor  Blancas,  "is  sufl^icient  to 
transform,  to  picturesquely  Hispanolize  any 
Argentine  people." 


LEADING    ARTICLES    OF    THE    MONTH 


661 


A  FRENCH  CRITIC  IN  SOUTH  AMERICA 


ABOUT  the  year  1907  certain  articles 
of  literary  criticism  appeared  in  the 
Mercury  (of  Santiago  de  Chile)  over  the  pen 
name  of  Omer  Emeth ;  from  the  first  the 
readers'  attention  was  attracted  by  the  mel- 
lowness, the  erudition,  and  the  literary  style 
of  his  works — a  style  free  from  Spanish 
showiness. 

Felix  Nieto  del  Rio  (in  Cuba  Contem- 
poranea)  presents  the  following  view  of 
Emilio  Vai'sse  (whose  pen  name,  as  above,  is 
Omer  Emeth). 

Emilio  Va'isse,  educated  for  the  priest- 
hood in  France,  at  twenty-five  years  of  age, 
was  sent  to  South  America,  where  he  served 
as  missionary  in  Bolivia,  Northern  Chile  and 
Peru.  He  finally  became  chaplain  of  a  hos- 
pital in  Santiago  (Chile),  where  he  was  able 
to  pursue  his  literary  studies. 

His  literary  criticism  was  confined  chiefly 
to  the  fruit  of  Chilean  intellect.  Don  Carlos 
S.  Vildosola,  editor  of  the  Mercury,  imme- 
diately recognized  the  value  of  his  work  and 
arranged  for  a  weekly  article.  These  articles 
have  appeared  weekly,  without  interruption, 
since  1907.  He  has  also  written  for  La 
Revista  Historica  y  Geografia,  the  Boletin  de 
la  Academia,  Familia,  Zig  Zag  and  other 
publications. 

In  1912  Vaisse  was  made  chief  of  the  sec- 
tion of  information  of  the  National  Library. 
Here  he  was  able  to  start  publication  of  the 
Revieiu  of  Chilean  and  Foreign  Bibliography 
— the  only  publication  of  its  kind  in  South 
America.  To  date  one  volume  (as  far  as 
letter  "B")  has  been  printed.  The  object  of 
this  publication  is  the  preservation  of  Chilean 
writings  of  all  kinds ;  the  attribution  of  vari- 
ous articles  (unsigned  or  published  under  a 
pseudonym)  to  the  authors;  the  correction 
of  errors.  In  short,  the  series  will  present 
to  the  world  a  complete  archive  of  Chilean 
intellectual  production. 

Omer  Emeth  is  an  orthodox  Catholic — 
but  the  Catholic  creed  is  not  his  standard 
of  literary  criticism. 

His  taste  has  been  formed  through  knowl- 
edge of  the  best  French  and  Castilian  litera- 
ture, joined  to  a  close  study  of  South  Ameri- 
can literature — yet  "his  critical  T  square  is 
French." 

His  criticism  is  noted   for  a  certain  stiff- 


ness— a  tendency  to  classify  and  label.  His 
phrases  are  dry — his  periods  sharp.  He  lacks 
capacity  to  understand  and  appreciate  "lofty 
poetical  sentiments,  the  subtilities  of  symbol- 
ism, emotional  passions." 

Though  Vaisse  may  lack  rhythm  and  emo- 
tion, he  excels  in  irony ;  he  would  not  be 
French  if  he  had  not  inherited  it  from  the 
very  air  of  his  birthplace.  His  criticism  is 
kindly,  nevertheless — frequently  omitting  ob- 
servations about  the  language  of  an  author, 
since  (as  he  says)  it  is  not  fair  to  judge  lan- 
guage in  a  country  where  no  one  studies 
Latin  or  Greek  as  the  base  of  a  literary 
career. 

The  younger  intellectuals  (of  Chile)  view 
the  criticism  of  Omer  Emeth  with  disgust: 
the  poets  accuse  him  of  insensibility  to  ar- 
tistic conceptions ;  petty  historians  disdain  his 
minute  judgment  of  details — orators  dislike 
his  dryness,  novelists  his  small  knowledge  of 
the  w^orld.  He  is  accused  of  maligning 
South  American  literature  by  calling  it 
"tropical,"  saying  it  is  "florid  emptiness"  and 
contains  many  useless  figures — a  common 
vice  of  the  writers  of  many  warm  climates, 
because  their  education  has  not  embraced  the 
study  of  classic  or  modern  idiom,  philosophy 
or  rhetoric.  This  adverse  criticism  has 
often  vexed  Omer  Emeth.  At  times  he  has 
decided  to  drop  judgment  of  any  but  nevv^ 
European  works. 

Va'isse  believes  the  literature  of  each  coun- 
try should  tend  to  the  formation  of  suitable 
characteristics,  whether  Argentinian,  Chi- 
lean, or  Cuban. 

He  predicts  a  renaissance  of  classic  study 
as  a  preparation  for  literature  and  the  imita- 
tion of  great  works  by  Americans  such  as 
Bello,  Cuervo,  Caldas,  Lastarria  and  Mon- 
talvo. 

The  masters  of  Vaisse  are  Boileau,  La 
Fontaine  and  Flaubert — to  whom  he  fre- 
quently refers — while  Rabelais,  Renan, 
France  and  (lourmont  have  influenced  liini 
strongly. 

. '  Fhe  reconciliation  of  tlie  exegesis  of  mod- 
ern and  traditional  theology,  as  sought  by 
IVI.  IVIignot,  is  assuredly  the  ideal  of  Vaisse, 
yet  his  reputation  will  rest  on  iiis  enormous 
bibliographical  work — the  definitive  bibliog- 
raj")!!}'  of   Chile. 


THE  NEW  BOOKS 

INTERNATIONALISM  AND  THE 
HERITAGE  OF  WAR 


The  Society  of  Free  States.  By  Dwight 
W.  Morrow.     Harper  &  Brothers.     223  pp.    $1.25. 

Mr.  Morrow  analyzes  the  possibilities  and 
difficulties  of  the  League  of  Nations,  from  the 
standpoint  of  a  practical  lawyer  and  business 
man,  who  has  had  recent  experience  in  obtaining 
international  cooperation  in  the  work  of  the 
Allied  Maritime  Transport  Council,  one  of  the 
cooperative  agencies  forced  upon  the  Allies  by 
the  pressure  of  the  war.  He  devotes  a  chapter 
to  an  account  of  this  interesting  organization. 
In  other  respects  Mr.  Morrow's  discussion  of 
the  League  of  Nations  does  not  differ  materi- 
ally from  other  recent  writings  on  the  same 
subject,  save  that  the  point  of  view  through- 
out  is   more   practical    and    less    idealistic. 

A  Society  of  States.  By  W.  T.  S.  Stally- 
brass.     E.   P.   Dutton   &   Company.     243   pp.     $2. 

An  English  authority  on  international  law 
states  in  this  volume  the  theory  of  the  sovereign 
state,  and  explains  the  practical  meaning  of  its 
sovereign  independence  and  equality,  as  de- 
veloped by  the  practise  of  statesmen  and  the 
beliefs  of  international  lawyers.  He  then  dis- 
cusses to  what  extent,  if  at  all,  these  conceptions 
of  sovereignty  will  undergo  a  change  if  a  League 
of  Natians  is  constituted,  and  concludes  with  a 
consideration  of  the  relation  of  the  proposed 
changes  to  the  true  purposes  of  state  existence. 
Like  Mr.  Morrow,  he  does  not  attempt  to  dodge 
the  difficulties  inherent  in  any  scheme  of  this 
kind,  believing  that  if  some  difficulties  are  not 
faced  now,  they  will  have  to  be  met  with  when 
it  is  too  late. 

League  of  Nations.       By  Alfred   Owen   Cro- 

zier.    Lecouver  Press  Company.    196  pp.    50  cents. 

The  author  of  this  work  sent  to  President  Wil- 
son a  plan  for  a  League  of  Nations  as  early  as 
August,  1914.  His  present  book  is  mainly  a  plea 
for  a  mutual,  limited  international  government, 
rather   than    a    mere   alliance. 

The  Covenant  of  Peace.  By  H.  N.  Brails- 
ford.     B.  W.  Huebsch.     32  pp.     25  cents. 

This  essay  by  Mr.  Brailsford  took  the  prize 
in  the  English  Revieic's  contest  for  the  best  essay 
on  a  League  of  Nations.  The  judges  included 
the  Master  of  Balliol,  Lord  Parmore,  General  Sir 
Ian  Hamilton,  Professor  Bury,  H.  G.  Wells  and 
John   Galsworthy. 

Constitutional  Pov(^er  and  World  Affairs. 
By  George  Sutherland.  Columbia  University 
Press.     202  pp.     $1.50. 

Apropos  of  the  revival  of  interest  in  the  extent 
and  limitations  of  the  external  powers  of  our 
662 


national  government,  former  Senator  Suther- 
land's discussion  is  most  timely  Before  it  was 
embodied  in  a  book,  it  took  the  form  of  a  series 
of  lectures  on  the  Blumenthal  Foundation  at 
Columbia  University.  The  concluding  chapter 
looks  forward  to  the  era  of  reconstruction,  fol- 
lowing the   Great  War. 

The  Political  Scene.  By  Walter  Lippmann. 
Henry  Holt  &  Company.   124  pp.     $1. 

A  brilliant  and  penetrating  essay  on  the  victory 
of  1918.  For  several  months,  in  the  spring  of 
1917,  Mr.  Lippmann  served  in  the  War  Depart- 
ment. Later  he  was  Secretary  of  the  inquiry 
conducted  by  Colonel  House,  to  prepare  data  for 
the  Peace  Commission,  and  during  the  latter  half 
of  1918  he  was  in  Paris  as  an  officer  in  Military 
Intelligence,  attached  to  the  staff  of  Colonel 
House  and  the  Peace  Commission. 

Problems  of  Peace.  By  Guglielmo  Ferrero. 
G.   P.   Putman's    Sons.     281   pp.     $1.50. 

It  is  peculiarly  interesting  at  this  juncture  to 
read  this  message  from  the  Italian  historian  to 
Americans;  for,  says  the  author,  it  was  in  Am- 
erica that  he  has  "had  the  good  fortune  to  mature 
his  mind  for  the  understanding  of  these  historical 
events,"  and  it  is  on  this  ground  that  he  is  in- 
terested in  recalling  for  Americans  the  history 
of  international  relations  in  Europe  from  the 
Holy  Alliance  to  the  present  hour. 

The  Irish  Convention  and  Sinn  Fein.  By 
Warre  B.  Wells  and  N.  Marlowe.  Frederick  A, 
Stokes  Company.     194  pp.     $2.25. 

This  book  covers  a  significant  chapter  in 
Ireland's  political  history — the  period  from  the 
failure  in  July,  1916,  of  Mr.  Lloyd  George's  pro- 
posal to  bring  about  a  Home  Rule  settlement  by 
the  partition  of  Ulster,  to  April,  1918,  when  the 
Convention,  made  up  of  representatives  of  all 
parties,  for  drafting  an  Irish  Constitution,  sub- 
mitted its  report.  Among  the  points  discussed 
are  the  relation  between  Sinn  Fein  and  the  Con- 
vention, the  true  character  of  Irish  opposition  to 
conscription,  the  ultimate  meaning  of  the  Con- 
vention as  an  effort  at  peaceful  settlement  of  the 
Home  Rule  question,  and  the  claim  of  Ireland  to 
consideration  by  the  Peace  Conference.  The  book 
is  written  in  a  continuation  of  "A  History  of  the 
Irish  Rebellion  of  1916,"  by  the  same  authors, 
who  in  this,  as  in  the  former  volume,  have  en- 
deavored to  maintain  a  detached  and  purely  his- 
torical   attitude. 

Rural  Reconstruction  in  Ireland  By  Lionel 
Smith-Gordon  and  Laurence  C.  Staples.  Yale 
University  Press.     301   pp.     $3. 

An  account  of  the  remarkable  cooperative 
movement    initiated    in    Ireland    by    Sir    Horace 


THE   NEW   BOOKS 


663 


Plunkett  thirty  years  ago  One  hundred  thousand 
Irish  farmers  are  enlisted  in  this  movement, 
which  has  established  cooperative  societies  for 
manufacturing,  buying,  selling,  and  credit.  One 
will  find  in  this  volum%  the  essential  facts  about 
the  cooperative  creameries,  credit  societies,  and 
societies  for  the  purchase  of  farming  supplies 
that  were  established  and  organized  in  Ireland 
upon  the  same  principles  that  have  worked  suc- 
cessfully in  Denmark  and  other  parts  of  Europe. 
A  preface  is  furnished  by  George  W.  Russell 
("A.   E."). 

Why  God  Loves  the  Irish.        By  Humphrey 

J.    Desmond.      The    Devin-Adair    Company.     108 

pp.     $1.25 

A  spirited  and  well-written  eulogy  of  the 
Irish   race 

Great  Britain,  Palestine,  and  the  Jews. 
George  H.  Doran  Company.     93  pp.     50  cents. 

Jewish  leaders  the  world  over  have  received 
with  great  enthusiasm  the  declaration  of  the 
British  Government  in  favor  of  the  establish- 
ment in  Palestine  of  a  national  home  for  the 
Jewish  people.  This  pamphlet  is  intended  to 
give  a  brief  and  comprehensive  survey  of  the 
various  forms  of  celebration  in  honor  of  the  pro- 
mulgation of  this  British  charter  of  Zionism.  It 
includes  many  resolutions,  statements  and  mes- 
sages of  Zionist  organizations,  and  expressions 
of  opinion  from  eminent  Jewish  leaders. 

Influence  of  the  Great  War  upon  Shipping. 
By  J.  Russell  Smith.  Washington,  D.  C. ;  Car- 
negie Endowment  for  International  Peace.  357 
pp.     Paper. 

This  is  one  of  the  series  of  preliminary  war 
studies  undertaken  by  the  Carnegie  Endowment 
for  International  Peace,  and  edited  by  Professor 
Kinley,  of  the  University  of  Illinois.  The  author. 
Professor  J.  Russell  Smith,  holds  the  chair  of 
Geography  and  Industry  in  the  University  of 
Pennsylvania.  He  began  the  preparation  of  his 
report  in  August,  1917,  and  between  that  date 
and  the  date  of  the  completion  of  the  work,  in 
May,  1918,  nearly  half  of  the  events  recorded  in 
the  book  occurred.  For  this  reason,  perspective 
is  lacking  in  the  work  as  a  whole,  but  for  all 
that  it  is  valuable  as  an  account  of  shipping  de- 
velopments prior  to  the  checking  of  the  German 
advance  in  the  spring  of  1918.  He  describes 
the  effect  of  the  ship  shortage  on  rates  and  profits, 
the  efforts  made  by  the  different  countries  to 
replace  the  lost  ships,  the  various  forms  of  gov- 
ernment aid,  control,  and  operation,  and  the  prep- 
arations made  during  the  war  for  shipping  expan- 
sion after  the  conclusion   of  peace. 

War  Thrift.  By  Thomas  Nixon  Carver.  Wash- 
ington, D.  C. ;  Carnegie  Endowment  for  Interna- 
tional Peace.     68  pp.     Paper. 

Although  appearing  too  late  to  be  useful  to  the 
American  public  in  war  time,  this  study  of  "War 
Thrift,"  by  Professor  Carver,  of  Harvard,  ought 
to  be  helpful  in  many  ways,  even  in  time  of 
peace.  It  is  a  topic  with  which  Americans  arc 
in  no  danger  of  becoming  unduly  familiar, 
whether   in   peace  or  war.     The  treatment   of  the 


subject    is    both    theoretical    and    practical.      The 
essay  will  well   repay  careful   reading. 

War  Borrowing.     By     Jacob     H.     Hollander. 

The  Macmillan  Company.     211   pp.     $1.50. 

This  is  another  book  that  may  be  fairly  de- 
scribed as  a  product  of  war  conditions.  It  owes 
its  origin  to  lectures  delivered  by  Professor  Hol- 
lander in  the  Economic  Seminary  of  the  Johns 
Hopkins  University  soon  after  America  entered 
the  war,  and  it  is  recorded  that  every  one  of  the 
graduate  students  who  listened  to  these  lectures 
sooner  or  later  entered  the  country's  service.  The 
book  is  a  study  of  Treasury  certificates  of  indebt- 
edness  and   look   forward   to   peace  conditions. 

War  Finance.      By      Clarence      W.      Barron. 

Houghton,  Mifflin  Company.     368  pp.     $1.50. 

Mr.  Barron's  viewpoint  in  this  book  is  that  of 
an  observer  in  Switzerland  during  the  last  four 
months  of  the  war.  He  does  not  confine  himself 
to  financial  topics,  but  introduces  much  suggestive 
comment  on  various  phases  of  the  war's  opera- 
tions and  some  of  the  more  important  personal- 
ities involved. 

Foreign  Financial  Control  in  China.  By 
T.  W.  Overlach.     The  Macmillan  Company.    295 

pp.     $2. 

A  clear-cut,  impartial  analysis  of  the  activities 
of  the  six  leading  powers  in  China  during  the 
last  twenty  years.  International  cooperation  in 
control  of  China's  finances  is  the  proposition  to 
which  the  author  addresses  himself.  He  shows 
how  necessary  it  is  that  with  the  coming  of  peace 
all  the  powers  readjust  their  specific  national 
interests  and  viewpoints  on  the  basis  of  mutual 
respect  for  the  needs  and  aspirations  of  all,  in- 
cluding those  of  China. 

Democracy  in  Reconstruction.  Edited  by  Dr. 
Joseph  Schafer  and  Frederick  A.  Cleveland. 
Houghton,    Mifflin    Company.     506    pp.     $2.50. 

A  discussion  of  some  of  the  more  crucial  after- 
the-war  problems  of  American  society,  by  men 
who  are  recognized  as  experts  in  their  respective 
fields.  An  admirable  introductory  chapter  on 
"The  Historical  Background  of  Reconstruction 
in  America"  is  contributed  by  Professor  Schafer, 
of  the  University  of  Oregon.  Dr.  Frederick  A. 
Cleveland,  who  was  chairman  of  President  Taft's 
Commission  on  Economy  and  Efficiency,  writes  on 
"Ideals  of  Democracy,"  as  interpreted  by  Presi- 
dent Wilson,  and  "Need  for  Readjustment  of 
Relations  Between  the  Executive  and  Legislative 
Branches  of  Government."  Professor  W.  W. 
Willoughby  writes  on  "The  Underlying  Concepts 
of  Democracy,"  and  his  brother,  W.  F.  Wil- 
loughby, on  "Democratization  of  Institutions  for 
Public  Service."  Social  insurance  is  discussed 
by  Dr.  Samuel  McCune  Lindsay,  and  the  edu-' 
cational  lessons  of  the  war  by  Samuel  P.  Capen 
and  Charles  R.  Mann.  The  concluding  chapter 
is  a  summarv  of  "The  Involution  by  Democracy," 
by  Dr.  Charles  A.  Beard. 

Problems    of    Reconstruction.   By  Isaac  Lip- 

pincott.      The  Macmillan  Company.    34$  pp.  $1.60. 

A   survev   of   the   se\eral    forms   of   war   control 

as  apjiiii'd   to   food   i>roducts,   hu'l,   and    labor  cspe- 


664 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


cially,  ^^ith  a  chapter  on  the  economic  results  of 
the  war,  an  outline  of  the  reconstruction  policies 
adopted  in  foreign  countries,  and  a  definite  re- 
construction plan  for  the  United  States,  The 
author  is  Associate  Professor  of  Economics  in 
Washington   University. 

The  Land  and  the  Soldier.  By  Frederic 
C.  Howe.     Charles  Scribner's  Sons.    196  pp.   $1.35. 

To  American  readers,  especially  those  of  the 
older  generation,  the  title  of  Dr.  Howe's  book  is 
likely  to  suggest  the  occupation  of  untilled  areas 
in  the  Far  West.  His  plan,  however,  contem- 
plates something  very  different.  He  proposes 
that  farm  colonies  be  organized,  somewhat  after 
the  Danish  models,  not  on  reclaimed  or  distant 
land,  but  upon  land  never  properly  cultivated, 
often  near  the  large  cities.  The  garden  villages 
of  England  have  shown  what  can  be  done  in  the 
way  of  giving  social  advantages  to  communities 
thus  formed.  Dr.  Howe's  program  includes  the 
kind  of  farm  community  settlement  that  was 
described  so  fully  by  Mr.  Elwood  Meade  in  the 
March  number  of  the  Review  of  Reviews.  One 
chapter  of  "The  Land  and  the  Soldier"  is  devoted 
to  an  account  of  the  California  settlement  which 
Mr.  Meade  described. 

The  Colleges  in  War  Time  and  After.  By 
Parke  Rexford  Kolbe.  D.  Appleton  and  Com- 
pany.    320   pp.     111.     $2. 

In  this  contemporary  account  of  the  effect  of 
the  war  upon  higher  education  in  America  there 
is  no  attempt  to  draw  definitive  conclusions.  This 
will  require  a  longer  period  for  study.  It  is, 
however,  possible  to  describe  some  of  the  changes 


that  were  effected,  and  to  forecast  some  of  the 
readjustments  likely  to  come  with  reconstruction. 
The  record  of  American  colleges  in  the  war  was 
one  of  patriotism,  courage,  and  efficiency.  Their 
contribution  to  the  sum  ofgthe  national  effort  was 
something  in  which  all  Americans  may  take  a 
just  pride.  The  most  spectacular  feature  of  their 
part  in  the  war  was  the  formation  of  the  Students' 
Army  Training  Corps,  with  its  250,000  members, 
organized  into  units  at  over  500  colleges. 

The  Redemption  of  the  Disabled.  By  Gar- 
rard Harris.  D.  Appleton  and  Company.  318 
pp.     111.     $2. 

This  book  presents,  with  many  interesting  illus- 
trations, the  Government's  program  for  the  eco- 
nomic rehabilitation  of  our  soldiers  and  sailors 
who  were  disabled  in  the  war.  An  introductory 
chapter  by  Colonel  Frank  Billings  describes  the 
provision  for  caring  for  war  casualties  and  the 
process  of  physical  and  functional  restoration  in 
the  military  hospitals.  To  take  the  place  of  the 
traditional  pension  system,  with  its  well-known 
faults,  Mr.  Harris  discusses  the  new  national 
policy  of  utilizing  every  possible  means  for  re-' 
storing  disabled  soldiers  to  earning  capacity  and 
social  usefulness.  '  A  concluding  section  of  the 
book  deals  with  the  extension  of  this  program  to 
the  victims  of  industrial  accident. 

The  Vocational  Re-Education  of  Maimed 
Soldiers.  By  Leon  De  Paeuw.  Princeton;  Prince- 
ton University  Press.     188  pp.     $1.50. 

A  valuable  account  of  Belgium's  experience  in 
the   re-education   of  wounded   soldiers. 


BOLSHEVISM  AND  THE  RUSSIAN 

REVOLUTION 


The  Prelude  to  Bolshevism.  By  A.  F. 
Kerensky.  Dodd,  Mead  &  Company.  312  pp. 
$2.50. 

This  is  an  account  of  the  reactionary  uprising 
under  General  Kornilov,  in  1917.  It  has  his- 
torical importance,  as  the  work  of  the  former 
Russian  Prime  Minister,  and  contains  much  docu- 
mentary material,  not  otherwise  accessible  in 
English. 

Bolshevism.    By     John     Spargo.      Harper     & 

Brothers.     389   pp.     $1.50. 

Mr.  Spargo,  who  for  eighteen  years  has  been 
identified  with  the  American  Socialist  movement, 
characterizes  Bolshevism  as  "the  enemy  of  politi- 
cal and  industrial  democracy."  In  the  present 
"Volume  he  outlines  the  origin,  history  and  mean- 
ing of  Bolshevism,  as  it  has  disclosed  itself  in 
Russia,  giving  enough  of  the  historical  back- 
ground to  exhibit  the  Bolsheviki  in  perspective, 
and  to  enable  the  reader  to  judge  of  their  per- 
formances in  connection  with  the  Russian  revolu- 
tionary movement  as  a  whole.  Although  Mr. 
Spargo,  from  conviction  and  antecedents,  is  rig- 
idly opposed  to  the  principles  and  practices  of 
Bolshevism,  he  refuses  to  accept  as  true  the  state- 
ments that  have  been   widely  circulated  concern- 


ing the  misdeeds  of  Bolshevist  leaders.  But  his 
own  pages  give  evidence  that  the  Bolsheviki  have 
been  guilty  of  many  crimes.  Their  worst  crimes, 
in  his  opinion,  have  been  "against  political  and 
social  democracy,  which  they  have  shamefully 
betrayed  and  opposed  with  as  little  scruple,  and 
as  much  brutal  injustice,  as  was  ever  manifested 
by  the  Romanoffs."  This  charge  Mr.  Spargo  un- 
dertakes to  sustain  by  citations  from  official  docu- 
ments issued  by  the  Bolshevist  government;  the 
writings  and  addresses  of  accredited  Bolshevik 
leaders  and  officials;  the  declarations  of  Russian 
Socialist  organizations;  the  statements  of  equally 
well-known  and  trusted  Russian  Socialists;  and 
of  responsible  Russian   Socialist  journals. 

Ten  Days  That  Shook  the  World.   By   John 

Reed.     Boni    and    Liveright.     371    pp.     111.     $2. 

An  account  of  the  Bolshevik  Revolution  of  No- 
vember, 1917,  in  Petrograd,  of  which  Mr.  Reed 
was  an  eye-witness.  He  does  not  disguise  the 
fact  that  his  sympathies  were,  and  are,  with  the 
revolutionists,  but  has  tried  to  state  the  truth, 
as  he  saw  it,  in  a  spirit  of  a  conscientious  re- 
porter of  historic  events.  Narratives  of  these 
occurrences,  from  responsible  sources,  are  exceed- 
ingly rare.  Important  documentary  material  is 
included  in  Mr.  Reed's  volume. 


THE    NEW   BOOKS 


665 


JOHN  BARLEYCORN  ON  TRIAL 


Drink.   By  Vance  Thompson.     E.  P.  Dutton  & 
Company.     231  pp.     $1. 

The  New  York  World's  cartoons  depicting  the 
prohibitionist  in  grotesquely  caricatured  minis- 
terial garb  will  have  to  be  altered  to  cover  the 
case  of  Vance  Thomp- 
son, who  is  no  con- 
s  u  m  p  t  i  V  e  clerical, 
whatever  may  be 
thought  of  his  teach- 
ings on  the  subject  of 
alcohol.  Indeed,  it  is 
from  the  standpoint 
of  a  citizen  of  the 
world,  if  not  a  world- 
ly citizen,  that  he  tells 
us  what  alcohol  does 
to  man  and  why  it 
should  be  let  alone. 
He  does  not  set  up 
any  argument  for  pro- 
hibition, but  once  hav- 
ing admitted  the  truth 
of  his  statements  we 
must  all  perforce  be- 
come prohibitionists  if 
we  permit  ourselves  to 
be  guided  by  the  light 
of  reason.  Those  who 
believe    that    the     end 

of  the  world  is  coming  on  the  first  of  July  will 
remain  unconvinced,  but  most  thinking  men  will 
acknowledge,  we  think,  the  general  soundness 
and  common  sense  of  Mr.  Thompson's  conclu- 
sions,   for   they    are    not   evolved    from    his    inner 


VANCE   THOMPSON 


consciousness;  they  are  based  on  shrewd  and 
mature  judgments  of  human  nature  as  it  reveals 
itself  in  this  workaday  world,  formed  by  a  man 
who  knows  the  Europe  of  to-day  as  well  as  he 
knows   America. 

Alcohol  and  the  Human  Race.  By  Rich- 
mond Pearson  Hobson.  Fleming  H.  Revell  Com- 
pany.    205   pp.     $1.25. 

Captain  Hobson's  book  agrees  with  Mr.  Thomp- 
son's in  condemning  the  use  of  alcohol  as  a  bev- 
erage, but  in  method  the  two  works  are  as  widely 
divergent  as  the  poles.  Assuming  that  the  drink 
question  is  "wholly  one  of  fact  rather  than  judg- 
ment," Captain  Hobson  began  ten  years  ago  to 
gather  all  available  scientific  data  relating  to  the 
effect  of  alcohol  on  the  human  race.  The  pres- 
ent volume  is  a  popular  compendium  of  the  in- 
formation thus  acquired.  In  its  way  it  is  quite 
as  convincing  as  Mr.  Thompson's  "Drink." 

The     Whole     Truth     about     Alcohol.     By 

George   Elliot   Flint.     The   Macmillan    Company. 

294  pp.     $1.50. 

Those  who  are  seeking  a  defense  of  King 
Alcohol — for  his  royal  highness  is  admittedly  on 
the  defensive  in  these  times — will  find  one  in 
this  volume.  The  author  summons  those  medical 
and  scientific  authorities  (they  are  not  many)  who 
are  willing  to  be  quoted  as  endorsing  the  use 
of  alcohol  as  a  stimulant.  This  is  one  of  the  few 
modern  books  in  the  English  language  which  de- 
fends the  practise  of  modern  drinking.  Natu- 
rally  and   logically,   *'■   denounces  prohibition. 


THE  AMERICAN  FARMER 


The  Farmer  and  the  New  Day.  By  Kenyon 
L.  Butterfield.  The  Macmillan  Company.  311 
pp.     $2. 

President  Butterfield,  of  the  Massachusetts  Ag- 
ricultural College,  has  been  one  of  the  leaders  in 
the  American  movement  for  progressive  farm- 
ing, during  the  past  twenty  years.  In  the  present 
volume  he  states  the  larger  problems  to  be  faced 
by  the  farmer  during  reconstruction,  and  indi- 
cates the  kind  of  relations  that  will  exist  between 
the  farmer  and  the  rest  of  society  in  this  new 
era.  President  Butterfield's  purpose  is  not  so 
much  to  give  solutions  of  specific  problems  as  to 
outline  certain  fundamental  principles  and  meth- 
ods by  which  improvement  may  be  made. 

Opportunities  in  Farming.  By  Edward  Owen 
Dean.     Harper  &  Brothers.     97  pp.     111.     75  cents. 

The  author  of  this  little  book  has  at  least  the 
courage  of  his  convictions.  He  is  not  afraid  to 
tell  why  he  stays  on  the  farm.  He  sums  it  up  in 
three  words — home,  independence,  health.  In 
less  than  one  hundred  pages  he  gives  definite  and 
practical  suggestions  about  selecting  the  farm, 
choosing  a  particular  line  of  farming,  diversifi- 
cation   of  crops,   the    production   of    fertilizer,    the 


use  of  farm  machinery,  and  farm  work  in  general. 
This  is  a  practical  manual  by  a  writer  of  abun- 
dant experience. 

The  Sugar-Beet  in  America.  By  F.  S.  Har- 
ris. The  Macmillan  Company.  342  pp.  111. 
$2.25. 

The  production  of  beet  sugar  was  never  so  vital 
a  matter  in  the  United  States  as  it  is  to-day. 
American  experience  with  the  sugar-beet  covers 
more  than  thirty  years,  leaving  out  of  account 
the  early,  unsuccessful  attempts  to  establish  the 
industry  on  the  Western  Hemisphere.  In  Europe, 
of  course,  the  record  is  much  longer.  The  earlier 
literature  of  beet-growing  in  this  country  was 
all  based  on  what  had  been  learned  in  Europe. 
We  now  have  a  successful  record  of  a  third  of 
a  century  in  the  cultivation  of  the  sugar-beet 
under  our  own  conditions  of  climate  and  soil. 
Dr.  Harris  summarizes  this  experience  admirably 
in  the  present  volume.  Any  AnuTican  farmer 
who  is  thinking  of  going  into  beet  culture  should 
by  all  means  read  this  book.  It  brings  together 
for  the  first  time  in  a  single  volume  information 
that  is  scattered  through  countless  (Government 
documents,  many  of  which  are  not  easily  access- 
ible. 


666 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OF   REVIEWS 


INDUSTRIAL  PROBLEMS 


Man-to-Man.  By  John  Leitch.  B.  C.  Forbes 
Publishing   Company.     249   pp.     $2. 

Most  writers  on  the  problems  of  industrial 
democracy  have  begun  with  the  assumption  of  a 
conflict  of  interests  between  employers  and  em- 
ployed. Mr.  Leitch  starts  from  a  wholly  different 
viewpoint.  He  assumes  that  the  aims  of  employ- 
ers and  employees,  so  far  from  being  opposed  to 
each  other,  are  really  identical.  That  is  to  say, 
it  is  in  the  interest  of  both  capital  and  labor  to 
have  every  manufacturing  plant  earn  as  much 
as  possible  under  agreeable  conditions  of  labor 
for  the  operatives.  He  has  a  plan  for  doing  away 
with  labor  antagonisms  and  dissatisfaction.  This 
plan  involves  the  installation  in  each  factory  of 
a  system  of  self-government  that  reminds  one  in 
some  of  its  features  of  the  "Senates"  that  have 
proved  workable  and  efficient  in  the  student 
democracies  of  many  of  our  colleges  and  uni- 
versities. This  book  not  only  describes  the  plan 
in  detail,  but  shows  by  specific  instances  how 
it  has  worked  in  at  least  twenty  large  corpora- 
tions. The  immediate  effect  of  its  operation  has 
been  to  increase  at  the  same  time  the  wages  of 
labor   and   the   profits   of  capital. 


The  Art  of  Handling  Men.  By  James  H. 
Collins.  Philadelphia:  Henry  Altemus  Company. 
143  pp.     50  cents. 

A  series  of  brief  articles,  dealing  with  practical 
problems  of  management,  and  particularly  with 
features   of  welfare  work   in   factories. 

The  Instructor,  the  Man,  and  the  Job.  By 
Charles  R.  Allen.  Philadelphia:  J.  B.  Lippin- 
^cott  &  Company.     373  pp.     $1.50. 

This  handbook  meets  the  needs  of  two  groups 
of  instructors — those  who  work  directly  with  em- 
ployees in  factories  and  other  industrial  plants, 
and  those  who  give  training  courses  for  voca- 
tional teachers  in  schools.  Mr.  Allen  is  recog- 
nized as  one  of  the  best  qualified  instructors  in 
this  field.  Every  precept  he  lays  down  in  his  book 
has  had  the  check  of  personal  experience.  Mr. 
C.  A.  Prosser,  director  of  the  Federal  Board  of 
Vocational  Education,  says:  "I  am  of  the  opinion 
that  this  book  is  the  most  important  contribution 
yet  made  to  industrial  and  trade  training.  The 
plan  of  training  is  not  a  dream  or  a  guess,  but  a 
demonstrated    success." 


TRAVELERS'  OBSERVATIONS  IN  BOTH 

HEMISPHERES 


DR.   JOHN    FINLEY   AS   A   PILGRIM   IN   PALESTINE 


A  Pilgrim  in  Palestine.  By  John  Finley. 
Charles  Scribner's  Sons.     251  pp.     111.     $2. 

The  choice  of  Dr.  Finley  as  our  Red  Cross 
Commissioner  to  Palestine,  combined  with  the 
close  friendship  that  arose  between  him  and  Gen- 
eral Allenby,  resulted  in  this  book  of  exceedingly 
vivid  sketches  of  travel  in  the  Holy  Land.  Dr. 
Finley  was  the  first  American  pilgrim  to  make 
the  journey  from  Beersheba  to  Dan  after  that 
region  had  been  recovered  by  the  British.  More- 
over, the  pilgrimage  was  made  on  foot,  as  was 
fitting,  and  gave  abundant  opportunity  for  the 
stimulation  of  the  pilgrim's  mind,  already  well 
stored  with  Biblical  lore.  Interspersed  with  chap- 
ters on  (General  Allenby,  the  Mount  of  Olives, 
"From  Jaffa  to  Jericho,"  are  poems  composed  by 
Dr.  Finley  en  route,  and  many  photographs  taken 
by  him  to  illustrate  the   text. 

Far  Away  and  Long  Ago.  By  W.  H.  Hud- 
son.    E.   P.    Dutton.      332   pp.     $2.50. 

In  "Far  Away  and  Long  Ago,"  Mr.  W.  H. 
Hudson  writes  of  the  days  when  the  plantations 
of  the  Argentine  were  small  inland  empires.  He 
tells  the  story  of  the  rich  experiences  and  mar- 
velous adventures  of  his  early  boyhood  which 
was  spent  on  the  wide  pampas.  As  a  memory 
feat  alone,  the  book  is  astonishing.  The  man  has 
seemingly  recalled  to  mind  with  a  wealth  of 
detail  the  most  trifling  incidents  as  well  as  the 
major  events  of  the  life  of  the  boy.  One  finds 
in  the  pages  all  the  spaciousness  of  the  virgin 
lands  of  the  southern  hemisphere  seventy-five 
years  ago,  and  a  surpassingly  beautiful  panorama 
of  the  sights,  sounds,  and  teeming  wild  life  of  the 


THE    NEW   BOOKS 


667 


W.    H.    HUDSON 


undulating  green 
plains  reaching  out 
and  away  from  the 
River  Plata.  He  has 
written  delightfully  of 
the  memories  of  his 
family,  of  the  neigh- 
bors—  each  separated 
a  day's  ride  from  his 
father's  estancia,  of 
the  romantic  person- 
alities of  the  region, 
and  of  Buenos  Aires 
in  the  '40's  under  the 
Dictator  Rosas.  In  the 
chapter,  "The  Planta- 
tion," there  is  a  word- 
painting  of  a  blossom- 
ing peach  -  orchard 
and  a  description  of 
the  singing  of  the 
thousands  of  yellow 
field     finches     in     the 

branches  when  the  trees  were  in  full  glory. 
This  passage  must  be  numbered  with  the  few 
descriptive  passages  in  English  that  parallel  per- 
fection. In  its  entirety,  this  book  is  one  of  the 
choicest  things  in  modern   literature. 


Mexico  To-Day  and  To-Morrow.  By  E.  D. 
Trowbridge.  The  Macmillan  Company.  282 
pp.     $2. 

The  latter  half  of  this  volume  is  based  chiefly 
on  the  author's  personal  experience  and  observa- 
tions in  Mexico,  the  earlier  chapters  of  the  book 
all  classes  of  Mexican  society.  In  order  to  en- 
able the  reader  to  understand  present-day  condi- 
tions in  Mexico,  the  earlier  chapters  of  the  book 
are  devoted  to  Mexican  history,  the  history  of 
Spanish  rule,  and  subsequent  events  in  so  far 
as  these  have  affected  national  life.  In  these 
chapters  the  opinions  of  Prescott,  Bancroft  and 
other  authorities  are  reflected.  So  little  has  been 
actually  known  in  this  country  about  what  has 
been  going  on  in  Mexico  since  the  fall  of  the 
Diaz  regime  in  1911,  that  any  orderly  account  of 
developments  there  since  that  date  is  especially 
desirable  at  this  time.  Mr.  Trowbridge  analyses 
the  new  constitution,  Mexico's  international  rela- 
tions, and  her  attitude  toward  foreign  capital, 
together  with  the  various  financial,  agrarian  and 
educational  problems  which  face  the  Carranza 
government. 

Mexico  from  Cortez  to  Carranza.  By  Louise 
S.  Hasbrouck.  D.  Appleton  and  Company.  329 
pp.     111.'   $1.50. 

The  story  of  Mexico's  troubled  career,  brought 
up  to  date. 

There  is  much  in  Mexican  history,  ancient  and 
modern,   that   is  thrilling  and    romantic. 

A  History  of  Latin  America.  By  William 
Warren  Sweet.  The  Abingdon  Press.  283  pp. 
111.     $3. 

A  broad  survey  of  the  history  and  present  con- 
dition of  the  Latin-American  states.  Originally 
prepared  for  the  use  of  students  and  teachers,  it 
is  e(iually  well  adapted  for  general  reading.    The 


author  is  Prof'^ssor  of  History  in  De  Pauw   Uni- 
versity. 

Getting  Together  with  Latin  America.     By 

A.  Hyatt  Verrill.     E.  P.  Dutton  &  Company.    221 

pp.     $2. 

The  author  of  this  little  book,  so  far  from  be- 
ing over-confident  as  to  the  future  of  our  trade 
with  Latin  America,  believes  that  now  that  the 
World  War  is  over,  competition  in  that  part  of 
the  world  will  be  far  greater  than  ever  before 
and  that  only  "by  taking  advantage  of  the  pres- 
ent conditions,  by  proving  by  word  and  deed  that 
we  are  the  best  friends  the  Latin  Americans  have, 
can  we  hope  to  end  the  commercial  war  which 
we  must  wage  in  order  to  secure  and  hold  our 
prestige  in  Latin  America  and  reap  the  benefits 
which  should  be  ours."  He  treats  the  subject  of 
Latin-American  trade  broadly  and  comprehen- 
sively, leaving  to  an  appendix  the  encyclopaedic 
statement  of  specific  facts  regarding  each  of  the 
republics  in  detail. 

Out  and  About  London.    By   Thomas    Burke. 

Henry  Hoh  &  Company.     190  pp.     $1.40. 

A  picture  of  war-time  London — the  city  where, 
we  are  told,  little  or  nothing  distinctively  English 
remained  to  be  seen.  It  was  as  if  Britain's  me- 
tropolis had  been  taken  by  the  enemy.  One  of 
the  most  entertaining  chapters  in  the  book  is  Mr. 
Burke's  account  of  the  historic  baseball  game, 
played  near  London  on  the  Fourth  of  July,  1917, 
by    the    United    States   Army   and    Navy   teams. 

The  Romance  of  Old  Philadelphia.  By 
John  T.  Faris.  Philadelphia:  J.  B.  Lippincott 
Company.     336   pp.     111.     $4.50. 

Philadelphia,  so  long  the  center  of  .American 
colonial  life,  the  place  where  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  was  drawn  up  and  signed,  and 
for  ten  years  the  capital  of  the  young  United 
States,  surely  deserves  a  history  conceived  in  the 
modern  spirit.  Mr.  Faris  has  made  good  use  of 
manuscript  materials  never  before  explored  and 
his  completed  volume  really  lives  up  to  its  title. 
It  unfolds  much  genuine  romance  in  the  records 
of  the  old  town  and  shows  that  the  Philadel- 
phians  of  to-day  have  the  best  reasons  for  valu- 
ing their   past. 

The  Book  of  Philadelphia.  By  Robert 
Shackleton.  Philadelphia:  The  Penn  Publishing 
'  Company.     413    pp.      111.      $2.50. 

Mr.  Shackleton  has  written  one  of  the  most 
satisfactory  descriptions  of  a  modern  city  that 
we  can  recall  having  read.  Most  books  about 
American  cities  fall  into  one  of  two  classes — the 
guidebook  pure  and  simple  and  the  anti(juary's 
compilation  of  historical  and  legendary  detail. 
"The  Book  of  Philadeli)hia"  belongs  to  neither 
of  these  groups  and  yet  it  manages  to  convey  a 
wealth  of  entertaining  knowledge  concerning  the 
Philadelphia  that  is,  while  it  gives  in  association 
with  the  account  of  the  modern  city  a  very  actual 
and  vivid  presentation  of  Penn's  "City  of  Bro- 
therly Love"  and  the  thousand  and  one  traditions 
of  Revolutionary  days.  It  j^okes  fun  at  tiie  Phila- 
ciel|)hians,  too,  but  they  arc  used  to  that. 


668 


THE    AMERICAN    REVIEW    OF    REVIEWS 


BOOKS   THAT  APPEAL  TO  BOYS  AND 

YOUNG  MEN 


The  Boy  Scouts'  Year  Book.  Edited  by 
Franklin  K.  Mathiews.  Appletons.  259  pp.  111. 
$2. 

The  citizenship  of  to-morrow  is  the  question 
that  is  now  before  the  world.  The  leaders  in  the 
Boy  Scout  movement  are  doing  much  to  prepare 
the  way  for  a  finer  type  of  citizenship  than  the 
world  has  ever  known  with  their  wholesome 
reading  program  for  the  Scouts.  Two  of  the 
articles  contributed  to  this  number  of  the  Review 
OF  Reviews  emphasize  this  fact.  The  fourth  num- 
ber of  'The  Boy  Scouts'  Year  Book"  is  made  up, 
as  were  the  previous  numbers,  largely  of  stories, 
instructive  articles  and  pictures  previously  pub- 
lished in  the  official  organ  of  the  Scouts,  Boys' 
Life.  This  material  has  been  prepared  especially 
for  American  boys  by  eminent  men,  public  offi- 
cials, naturalists,  explorers,  handicraft  experts, 
fiction  writers,  humorists,  scout  leaders  and  ar- 
tists. It  will  give  entertainment  and  profit  to 
boys  every  day  of  the  year  and  help  them  to 
use  their  time  according  to  a  well-planned  pro- 
gram. 

Scout     Drake     in     War     Time.      By    Isabel 

Hornibrook.  Boston:  Little,  Brown.  305  pp.  $1.35. 

The  second  story  of  the  life  of  Lonny  Drake, 
who  was  transformed  from  an  idle  street  loafer 
into  a  Boy  Scout  with  a  merit  badge  for  swim- 
ming. In  this  book,  which  is  filled  with  the 
flaming  love  of  adventure,  Scout  Drake  turns 
farm-boy,  and  after  his  toil  is  over  goes  into 
the  rough  country  to  try  and  capture  a  bear  cub 
to  serve  ^s  a  mascot  for  a  regiment  in  Camp 
Charron.  The  capture  of  the  white-starred  cub 
is  most  exciting.  The  author  acknowledges  in  her 
dedication  the  "boyish  help"  of  Scouts  Gorman 
Mattison  and  Herbert  Mattison  in  the  making  of 
the   book. 

Athletes  All.     By   Walter    Camp.      Scribner's. 

277  pp.     111.     $1.50. 

A  volume  on  athletic  sports  brought  into  prom- 
inence by  the  war  as  the  best  means  of  training 
mind  and  body  will  be  gladly  received  by  boys 
and  young  men  throughout  the  country.  The  first 
section,  "Health  and  Sportsmanship,"  gives  the 
underlay  of  athletic  achievement,  both  physical 
and  mental.  Following  this  are  instructions  for 
informal  games  of  many  kinds,  the  organization 
and  management  of  athletics  in  schools,  camps, 
duties  of  captains  and  managers  and  how  to  con- 
duct athletic  meets.  The  last  section,  "Track, 
Gymnasium  and  Field,"  deals  with  Olympic 
games,  cross-country  running,  baseball,  winter 
sports,  wrestling  and  boxing,  iFootball,  and  keep- 
ing fit.  Every  boy  who  wants  to  excel  in  athletics 
will    appreciate   this   book. 

Three  Hundred  and  Twenty-five  Group 
Contests  for  the  Army,  Navy  and  School. 
By  William  J.  Cromie.  Macmillan.  96  pp.  111. 
$1.25. 

Explicit    instructions    for    classes    or    groups    in 


physical  training  which  enable  a  number  of  boys 
or  young  men  to  work  together  in  physical  train- 
ing to  their  mutual  benefit.  The  volume  is  illus- 
trated with  photographs  of  the  members  of  the 
University  of  Pennsylvania  Gymnasium  who 
posed  in  action  in  the  various  contests.  An  excel- 
lent reference  book  for  Scoutmasters,  Y.  M.  C.  A. 
instructors,  Boys'  Clubs,  Settlement  Playgrounds, 
Industrial   Centers,   and    like   organizations. 

Fighters  Young  Americans  Want  to  Know. 

By  Everett  T.  Tomlinson.  Appleton.  275  pp. 
111.     $1.60. 

Stories  of  heroes  of  the   American   Revolution, 

of  the  War  of  1812, 
of  the  Civil  and  the 
Spanish  Wars,  and 
of  the  War  with 
Germany.  The  last 
story,  "The  Fall  of 
Captain  Hall,"  com- 
memorates the  dar- 
ing exploit,  the  cour- 
age and  coolness  of 
Captain  James  Nor- 
man Hall,  of  Col- 
fax, Iowa.  "The 
Kansas  Cyclone"  is 
the  story  of  a  ter- 
rible fight  in  a  dug- 
out in  No  Man's 
Land  which  won 
for  Lieutenant  Henry 
Kenneth  Cassidy  of 
Kansas,  the  Croix  de 
Guerre.  The  fight 
occurred  on  the  Lor- 
raine sector  near 
LIEUT.   HENRY  K.  CASSIDY       Anservillers. 


Uncle  Sam's  Boys  with  Pershing.  By  H. 
Irving  Hancock.  Henry  Altemus  Co.  255  pp. 
111.     50  cents 

An  illustrated,  swiftly-moving  story  in  "The 
Boys  of  the  Army  Series"  that  tells  of  the  realiza- 
tion of  Captain  Dick  Prescott's  sole  ambition — 
to  be  in  France  with  General  Pershing  and  at 
grips  with  the  enemies  of  mankind  and  of  the 
U.  S.  A. 

Daddy  Pat,  of  the  Marines.  By  Lt.-Col. 
Frank  E.  Evans.     Stokes.     153  pp.     $1.25. 

Every  small  boy  whose  father  fought  with 
Pershing  in  France  will  like  these  letters  written 
by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Evans  to  his  six-year-old 
boy  in  America.  They  were  patiently  and  loving- 
ly printed  in  capital  letters  of  the  Big  Primer  size 
so  that  they  might  be  easily  read  by  the  soldier's 
little  son,  and  the  type  of  this  edition  has  been 
chosen  of  a  size  that  preserves  the  likeness  to 
the  originals.  Lt.-Col.  Evans  illustrated  his  let- 
ters with  most  amusing  sketches  of  scenes  in 
France  and  bits  of  army  life  that  give  young 
patriots  the  cheerful  side  of  the  war. 


THE    NEW   BOOKS 


669 


Adventures  in  Alaska.  By  S.  Hall  Young. 
Revell.     181  pp.     $1.25. 

Dr.  Young  writes:  "Boys,  you'll  never  know  the 
real  joy  of  living  till  you  take  a  winter  trip  with 
dog-sled  in  Alaska."  For  many  years  a  mission- 
ary in  Alaska,  he  knows  whereof  he  writes.  The 
first  three  chapters  outline  his  experiences  in  the 
great  gold  stampede  to  the  Northwest.  The  story 
"Dogs"  belongs  also  to  the  period  of  the  frantic 
search  for  gold.     The  three  bear  stories  and  the 


walrus  story  are  like  the  others,  bits  of  history. 
Dr.  Young  was  compelled  by  circumstances  to  be 
a  good  hunter,  for  his  life  often  depended  upon 
his  rifle  and  fishing  tackle.  For  ten  years  in 
Southeastern  Alaska,  his  family  was  dependent 
for  meat  upon  his  prowess  as  a  hunter.  These 
stories  of  his  adventures  are  vital,  zestful,  and 
expressive  of  the  untamed  world  of  nature.  They 
make  one  of  the  most  satisfactory  books  a  boy 
can   own. 


BOOKS  FOR  OUT-OF-DOOR  FOLK 


Wasp  Studies  Afield.  By  Phil  and  Nellie 
Rau.    Princeton  University  Press.    372  pp.    111.    $2. 

This  book  deserves  a  hearty  welcome  as  a 
nature  study  and  as  a  fine  example  of  book-mak- 
ing. The  authors  give  the  results  of  four  years' 
study  of  those  marvelous  and  highly  developed 
insects,  the  wasps.  They  tell  how  they  work 
and  play,  build  and  burrow,  their  elaborate  ar- 
rangements for  providing  food  for  their  offspring, 
and  describe  their  curious  sun-dance.  Dr.  Wil- 
liam H.  Wheeler,  Professor  of  Economic  Ento- 
mology at  Harvard  University,  says  in  the  intro- 
duction: "The  solitary  wasps  comprise  some  10,- 
000  described  species  scattered  over  the  torrid 
and  temperate  regions  of  the  globe.  .  .  .  No 
other  group  of  insects  have  so  fascinated  and 
baffled  the  student  of  animal  behavior,  the  psy- 
chologist and  the  philosopher."  The  excellent 
illustrations  were  made  from  sketches  executed 
in  the  field  by  Dr.  Gustave  Dahms. 

Our  Winter  Birds.  By  Frank  M.  Chapman. 
D.  Appleton  &  Co.     180  pp.     III.     $1. 

Lovers  of  birds  may  take  this  book  with  them 
to  the  country  secure  in  the  knowledge  that  most 
of  these  winter  birds  are  resident  with  us  all  the 
year.  Dr.  Chapman  describes  each  species  and 
their  habits  and  suggests  ways  to  attract  them 
and  make  them  our  friends.  Many  illustrations 
and  a  page  of  colored  plates  are  given  in  order 
to  make  identification  easy.  Rustic  sheltered 
feeding  stations  are  recommended  for  winter 
birds.  The  author  writes  that  he  once  knew  of 
a  number  of  mocking  birds  that  survived  a  north- 
ern winter  as  guests  at  a  bird-lover's  lunch- 
counter.  Dr.  Chapman  is  Curator  of  Ornithology 
in  the  American   Museum  of  Natural   History. 

Touring  Afoot.  By  C.  P.  Fordyce.  Mac- 
millan.     167  pp.     $1. 

A  pocket  handbook  that  initiates  the  novice  into 
the  delights  of  real  road  tramping,  and  gives 
all  instructions  necessary  for  the  maintenance  of 
health  and  comfort  on  walking  tours.  A  list  of 
articles  for  the  tramper's  traveling  kit  is  given 
in   an   appendix. 

Swimming  and  Watermanship.  By  L.  de  B. 
Handley.     Macmillan.     150  pp.     111.     $1. 

There  is  no  other  exercise  that  brings  so  great 
a  reward  in  health  as  swimming.  This  handbook 
is  most  excellent  for  beginners,  since  swimming  is 
as  much   a   matter  of   mental   control    and    knowl- 


edge of  correct  strokes  in  the  early  stages,  as  of 
physical  effort.  The  various  strokes  as  practised 
by  experts,  high  diving,  springboard  diving, 
floating  water  polo,  and  life-saving  are  covered 
in  the  chapters.  The  author  was  captain  of  the 
New  York  Athletic  Club's  Olympic  Swimming 
Team  in  1904. 

Practical  Bait-Casting.  By  Larry  St.  John. 
Macmillan.     181  pp.     $1. 

This  is  the  first  book  to  be  published  on  prac- 
tical bait-casting.  Heretofore,  it  has  been  con- 
sidered impossible  to  make  good  bait-casters  by 
instruction ;  they  had  to  be  born.  Mr.  St.  John 
hopes  that  the  "old  hands"  will  not  be  too  critical 
of  the  volume,  since  he  is  "blazing  a  trail."  The 
rod,  reel,  line,  tackle,  baits,  and  the  difficult  art 
of  casting  are  described  in  a  practical  way.  Mr. 
St.  John  says:  "The  camaraderie,  the  sunshine, 
the  fresh  air,  and  the  work  of  bait-casting  make 
up  one  way  to  cheat  Father  Time  and  keep  our 
youth  and  enthusiasm." 

Little   Tales   of  Common  Things.    By  Inez 

N.  McFee.     Crowell.     300  pp.     $1.25. 

A  most  attractive  book  for  vacation  reading, 
both  for  boys  and  girls  and  for  grown-ups.  By 
means  of  a  breezy,  conversational  method,  the 
author  gives  the  facts  about  the  objects  we  en- 
counter in  everyday  life — needles,  silk,  cotton, 
buttons,  tea,  coffee,  rubber,  etc.  There  are  also 
engaging  stories  of  bees.  Indian  basket-work, 
sponges,  coal,  salt-licks,  stars,  and  grasshoppers — 
a  delightful  miscellany  that  will  satisfy  the  most 
eager  inquisitive  child-mind. 

Echoes  of  the  Forest.     By     William     Edgar 

Brown.     Badger.     264  pp. 

Beautiful  legends  of  the  American  Indians  re- 
told in  pleasant  verse.  Mr.  Brown  is  also  the 
author  of  "Indian  Legendarv  Poems"  and  "Songs 
of  Cheer." 

Gas,  GasoHne  and  Oil  Engines.  By  A.  Fred- 
crick  Collins.     Appleton.     III.     207  pp.     $1.25. 

Here  is  a  handbook  that  every  motorist  who  is 
not  a  skilled  mechanician  should  carry  with  him 
on  tours  to  study  at  odd  moments.  Also,  as  gas, 
gasoline,  and  oil  engines  are  replacing  all  other 
kinds  of  prime  movers  where  small  units  are  used, 
and  are  already  indispensalile  to  the  home  and 
tlie  work-shop,  cvervone — tnen,  women,  bo\  s,  and 
girls — should  be  familiar  with  the  workings  of 
these  engines  and  know  how  to  run  them. 


670 


THE    AMERICAN   REVIEW    OE   REVIEWS 


NOVELS,  FOREIGN  AND  AMERICAN 


JOSEPH  CONRAD'S  new  book,  "The  Arrow 
of  Gold,"^  is  a  story  of  the  Carlist  uprising  in 
the  middle  seventies  before  the  armies  of  Don 
Carlos  de  Bourbon  were  defeated  by  the  forces 
of  Alfonso  XII,  and  compelled  to  surrender  to 
the  French  frontier  authorities  in  1876.  The 
scenes  are  the  Basque  provinces  of  Spain,  and 
the  cities  of  Marseilles  and  Paris.  The  young 
man  who  narrates  the  story  sets  about  to  organize 
a  supply  by  sea  of  arms  and  ammunition  for  the 
Carlist  bands  in  the  South.  The  expected  ad- 
ventures by  sea  Conrad  seldom  more  than  hints 
at;  his  Carlist  scaffolding  is  intrigued  to  better 
display  the  psychology  of  his  characters.  Those 
who  like  "The  Nigger  of  the  Narcissus"  and 
"Victory"  will  find  "The  Arrow  of  Gold"  perhaps 
too  indirect  and  subjective  for  their  tastes.  Al- 
though there  is  no  single  passage  that  rises  to 
the  height  of  the  last  conversation  between  Heyst 
and  Lena  in  "Victory,"  it  is  in  many  respects, 
the  most  illumined  novel  Conrad  has  written. 
Like  "Chance"  it  burns  with  the  gem-like  flame 
desired  by  Pater.  It  is  a  study  of  esthetic  modes 
and  of  the  inviolability  of  human  destiny  that 
resolves  sentence  by  sentence  into  the  portrait 
of  a  woman  who  was — living  romance.  Donna 
Rita  had  in  her  a  little  of  "the  women  of  all 
time";  she  had  what  the  French  call  the  "danger- 
ous gitt  of  familiarity."  In  her  background  are 
her  discoverer,  the  great  artist  Henry  Allegre, 
the  youthful  narrator  of  the  tale,  the  elegant  Cap- 
tain Blunt,  the  Americain  Catlioliqiie  et  gentil- 
homme,  who  lived  by  his  sword,  that  correct  ad- 
venturess his  mother,  who  lived  by  her  wits. 
Mills,  the  pleasant,  ponderous  Englishman,  and 
the  flinty,  nun-like  sister  of  Donna  Rita,  from  the 
Basque  mountains.  It  is  a  novel  of  the  Slavic 
type,  introspective,  psychological.  The  first  chap- 
ter is  very  near  perfection  and  over  the  whole 
is  glamour.  There  is  more  than  a  hint  that  the 
material  is  autobiographical.  Conrad's  full  name 
is  Joseph  Conrad  Korzeniowski.  He  was  born  in 
the  Ukraine  in  1857.  He  became  a  British  seaman 
and  adopted  English  as  the  language  of  his 
"secret  choice."  In  the  history  of  literature,  the 
case  of  Conrad  is  the  strangest  example  of  "lit- 
erary naturalization." 

"Blind  Alley"*  is  a  splendid  attempt  to  picture 
the  muddle  of  English  life  following  the  war  and 
to  conjecture  what  may  arise  out  of  it.  The  au- 
thor, Mr.  W.  L.  George,  describes  his  work  as 
"the  most  cosmic  attempt  to  show  a  complete 
world  society  in  the  midst  of  a  world  move- 
ment." To  figurate  this  movement,  the  novelist 
selects  the  reactions  to  the  war  of  an  English 
family  of  the  better  class.  The  father,  Sir  Hugh 
Oakley,  tries  to  reason  through  the  blur  of  pass- 
ing events.  Monica,  his  eldest  daughter,  goes 
in  for  munitions  and  falls  into  the  mesh  of  a 
feverish  and  futile  love  affair.  Sylvia,  the  second 
daughter,  accomplishes  three  matrimonial  al- 
liances in  as  many  years,  while  Lady  Oakley 
blunders  along  quite  uselessly.  Mr.  George, 
speaking  through  the  mouthpiece  of  Sir  Hugh,  dis- 

^The  Arrow  of  Gold.  By  Joseph  Conrad.  Doubleday, 
Page  &  Company.      385  pp.     $1.50. 

*Blind  Alley.  By  W.  L.  George.  Boston:  Little, 
Brown  &  Company.     431   pp.      $1.75. 


cusses  all  the  much-mooted  war  and  post-war 
questions  from  a  determined  pacifist  point  of  view. 
He  is  like-minded  with  Siegfried  Sassoon,  the 
poet,  whose  verse  he  quotes.  He  tries  to  express 
the  cool,  impartial  view  of  certain  barbarities 
that  people  may  take  when  the  word  "poppies" 
no  longer  recalls  "Flanders  fields."  It  is  a  most 
painstaking,  thoughtful  book,  a  really  big  piece 
of  fiction  in  its  conception,  one  that  sorts  and 
classifies  the  shards  of  our  civilization  from 
which  we  must  build  the  new  social  order.  The 
men  are  a  trifle  misty  as  to  characterization.  The 
women  are  much  better,  for  here,  at  least,  Mr. 
George  is  on  his  own  artistic  territory. 

Leonard  Merrick's  delightful  story,  "Conrad 
in  Quest  of  His  Youth, "^  is  the  first  volume  of  the 
new  edition  of  his  works,  an  edition  entirely  reset, 
with  the  author's  final  correction.  No  theme  could 
be  more  irresistible — the  sentimental  journey  of  a 
man  in  the  middle  years  after  the  fresh  impulses 
and  sheer  wonder  of  his  youth.  Sir  James  Barrio, 
who  has  written  a  piquant  preface,  says:  "Of  my 
own  free  will  nothing  would  induce  me  to  give 
away  the  story  of  'Conrad  in  Quest  of  His  Youth' 
to  those  who  are  about  to  read  it  for  the  first 
time.  I  have  just  re-read  it  and  it  is  as  fresh  as 
yesterday's  shower  .  .  .  There  are  a  hundred 
surprises   in   'Conrad.'  " 

"When  Paris  Laughed,"*  the  pranks  and  Gallic 
gayeties  of  the  amiable  poet  Tricotrin,  bring  us 
Merrick  again  in  his  best  mood.  The  sketches 
are  wholly  delightful  renderings  of  the  uncon- 
ventional Bohemian  life  of  Paris. 

"Blood  and  Sand,"'  a  vivid,  highly  colored 
novel,  was  written  by  Blasco  Ibanez  to  bring 
about  a  reaction  in  Spain  against  the  national 
sport  of  bull-fighting.  In  the  spectacles  of  the 
amphitheater  of  blood  and  sand,  he  sees  a  na- 
tional festival  which  is  a  substitute  for  what  a 
character  in  the  book,  Dr.  Ruis,  calls  "the  na- 
tional festival  of  the  Inquisition."  The  force  and 
power  of  this  book  is  tremendous;  it  is  a  master- 
piece of  its  kind.  And  it  reveals  the  typical 
Spanish  character  to  be  a  blend  of  beauty  and 
cruelty,  of  delicacy  and  harmony  and  kindliness 
with  lust  and  tyrannous  instincts.  The  hero  of 
the  bullring,  Juan  Gallardo,  is  a  triumph  of  the 
author's  creative  literary  art.  He  rises  from  pov- 
erty and  obscurity  and  becomes  the  most  re- 
nowned torrero  in  all  Spain.  After  a  spectacular 
career  as  the  idol  of  the  crowds  he  dies  as  he 
has  lived  in  the  bull-ring,  attended  by  the  roar- 
ing of  the  populace — according  to  the  novelist, 
"the  wild  beast,  the  true  and  only  one."  The 
translation  is  by  Mrs.  W.  A.  Gillespie,  the  intro- 
duction by  Isaac  Goldberg. 

Another  translation  from  the  Spanish  of  Blasco 
Ibanez    is    "The    Dead    Command,"*'    a    delightful 

•'Conrad  in  Quest  of  His  Youth.  By  Leonard  Merrick. 
With  an  introduction  by  Sir.  J.  M.  Barrie.  E.  P.  Dutton 
&  Company.    265  pp.    $2. 

■•When  Paris  Laughed.  By  Leonard  Merrick.  Dutton. 
298  pp.     $1.75. 

''Blood  and  Sand.  By  Vicente  Blasco  Ibaiiez.  E.  P. 
Dutton   &   Company.      356   pp.      $1.90 

"The  Dead  Command.  By  Vicente  Blasco  Ibafiez, 
Duffield  &  Company.     350  pp.      $1.75. 


THE    NEW   BOOKS 


671 


romance  laid  against  the  background  of  the  beau- 
tiful Balearic  Islands.  A  gallant  young  Major- 
can,  Jaime  Febrer,  moves  through  life  governed 
entirely  by  the  traditions  and  customs  of  his  dead 
ancestors.  Through  his  life  we  see  the  weight 
traditions,  prejudices,  and  racial  restraints  have 
upon  the  individual,  how  they  hinder  the  flow  of 
creative  power  and  are  the  source  of  most  of  our 
damaging  inhibitions.  The  author  cleaves  to  the 
belief  that  we  cannot  truly  live  until  we  escape  the 
dead.  Life  must  command — life  and  love.  The 
ending  is  a  happy  one.  Don  Jaime  casts  off  the 
shackles  of  the  past  and  yields  to  the  spell  of 
idyllic  love.  The  translation  is  by  Francis 
Douglas. 

A  translation  from  the  Spanish  of  Pio 
Baroja,  author  of  "The  City  of  the  Discreet," 
gives  us,  according  to  Spanish  critics,  his  greatest 
work.^  Caesar  Moncada,  a  brilliant  and  idealistic 
young  Spaniard,  believes  that  he  can  modernize 
his  government  and  bring  about  urgent  reforms. 
In  the  first  half  of  the  story  he  prepares  himself 
for  his  political  career;  in  the  second  half  he 
embarks  valiantly  upon  it.  He  conceived  the 
perfect  democracy — one  that  would  "standardize 
as  far  as  possible  the  means  of  livelihood,  of  edu- 
cation and  even  the  manner  of  living,  and  would 
leave  free  the  intelligence,  the  will  and  the  con- 
science." He  believed  that  the  leveling  process 
of  modern  democracy  tended  to  level  mentalities 
and  aid  some  private  interests  to  take  precedence 
over  other  private  interests.  He  takes  for  his 
motto  "aut  CcBsar  aut  nihil"  and  flings  himself 
heart  and  soul  into  the  conflict.  What  comes  of 
his  attempt  completes  a  particularly  inspiring 
novel  that  seems  to  say  that  the  individual  is 
always  sacrificed  until  the  times  are  ripe,  that  the 
rhythmic  movement  of  national  evolution  moves 
of  itself  beyond  and  outside  the  reformers. 

Mr.  Edgar  Saltus's  novel,  "The  Paliser  Case,"" 
will  be  acceptable  to  many  classes  of  readers  be- 
cause of  its  curious  blend  of  literary  eflSorescence. 
Basically  it  starts  out  to  be  a  mystery  story. 
Tragedy,  comedy,  glimpses  of  a  Harlem  Bohemia, 
and  the  blase  social  atmosphere  of  multimillion- 
aires are  overlaid  with  the  freshness,  the  vitality 
of  the  Spanish  singer,  Cassy  Cara,  a  wholly  de- 
lightful girl.  The  development  of  the  plot  is 
piquant  and  most  engaging.  The  book  holds  the 
reader's  interest  from  cover  to  cover. 

The  story  of  Abraham  Lincoln's  romance  with 
Ann  Rutledge,^  by  Mrs.  Bernie  Babcock,  is  found- 
ed, according  to  the  publishers,  on  a  lecture  en- 
titled "Pioneering  and  the  Poem,"  which  was  pre- 
pared by  William  H.  Herndon  for  delivery  in 
Sangamon  County  in  1866.  He  included  in  this 
lecture  an  account  of  Abraham  Lincoln's  early 
love  affair  and  described  New  Salem  as  it  looked 
when  Lincoln  lived  there.  A  copy  of  this  lecture, 
which  was  never  delivered,  came  into  Mrs.  Bab- 
cock's  hands,  and  from  this  basis  she  has  made  a 
novel.  It  is  a  graceful,  moving  story  that  touches 
the  surface  of  Lincoln's  affection  and  sorrow  deli- 
cately, as  if  more  driving  realism  would  be 
sacrilege. 

'C'.x'sar  or  Nothing.  Hy  l*io  Haroja.  Alfred  A.  Kiioi)f. 
22>7  pp.     $1.75. 

^Thc  Paliser  Case.  TJy  Edgar  Saltus.  Boni  and  Live- 
right.     315    pp.     $1.60. 

•''The  Soul  of  Ann  'Rutiedge.  Hy  Bernie  Babcock. 
Philadelphia:  J.   B.  Lippincott  Company.     323  pp.    $1.50. 


Theodore  Dreiser's  studies,  "Twelve  Men,"* 
are  slightly  disguised  biographical  stories  of 
the  lives  of  certain  of  his  friends.  They 
lift  up  out  of  the  ruck  of  existence  certain  phases, 
which  Dreiser  presents  with  microscopic  detail-  in 
order  that  we  may  see  the  actual  texture  of  life. 
Each  bit  of  biography  is  presented  according  to 
the  author's  personal  reactions  to  each  individual. 
Several  of  the  narratives  have  been  published 
previously  as  short  stories.  They  are  wholesome, 
human,  told  with  insight  and  sympathy;  they  are 
brilliant  after  their  fashion,  but  they  lack  glamour 
and  atmosphere  and  the  quality  of  surprise,  a 
dramatic  touch  necessary  to  the  complete  success 
of  work  of  this  type.  Then  with  a  few  exceptions 
the  men  are  shackled  too  heavily  to  earth.  Drei- 
ser's realism  is  never  apparently  used  to  support 
any  escape  for  humanity  from  our  inexplicable 
existence — not  even  that  of  romance.  He  is  at  his 
best  in  certain  idyllic  bits  such  as  are  found  in 
"The  Village  Feudists"  and  "The  Country  Doc- 
tor." "Peter,"  the  first  story  in  the  book,  is  the 
finest,  broadly  speaking,  of  the  collection.  Peter 
was  a  young  newspaper  man  who  was  "different." 
Dreiser  writes:  "In  the  great  waste  of  American 
intellectual  dreariness,  he  was  an  oasis,  a  veri- 
table spring  in  the  desert.  He  understood  life. 
He  knew  men.  He  was  free — spiritually,  morally, 
in   a  thousand  ways,  it  seemed   to  me." 

"The  Duchess  of  Siona,'"  by  Ernest  Goodwin, 
is  the  best  all-around  romantic  novel  on  the  pub- 
lishers' lists  at  th2  present  time.  It  is  a  story  of 
the  Italian  Renaissance,  of  the  saving  of  the  king- 
dom of  the  youthful  and  beautiful  Duchess  of 
Siona  by  a  gentleman  of  fortune  who  later  wins 
her  love  with  his  nimble  wits  and  his  sword. 
The  illustrations  by  W.  T.  Bends  are  the  most 
exquisite  drawings  to  be  found  in  the  current 
novels. 

Henry  van  Dyke's  impressions  and  meditations 
during  war  time  are  told  in  the  romances  and 
half-told  tales  of  "The  Valley  of  Vision.""  Dreams 
figure  in  several  of  the  longer  stories,  for  Dr. 
van  Dyke  believes  in  dreams  and  feels  that  they 
have  a  part  in  real  life.  The  stories  "A  Broken 
Soldier"  and  "A  Classic  Instance"  are  surpassing- 
ly fine.  They  bring  those  things  before  us  for 
which  men  give  their  lives  in  times  of  peace  and 
of  war. 

Katherine  Reynolds'  whimsical  story  "Green 
Valley"^  is  dedicated  "to  all  the  little  one-horse 
towns  where  life  is  sweet  and  roomy  and  old- 
fashioned;  where  the  days  are  full  of  sunshine 
and  rain  and  work;  where  neighbors  really 
neighbor  and  men  and  women  are  life-size."  The 
story  is  slight;  it  is  a  series  of  lovely  and  sympa- 
thetic sketches  of  life  in  a  small  Middle  Western 
town.  The  author  wrote  it  when  she  was  home- 
sick during  a  trip  to  South  America.  Every  one 
who  grew  up  in  a  small  country  town  will  come 
home  to  the  old  fainilinr  things  in  the  j>ages  of 
her  book. 

■•Twelve  Men.  By  Theodore  Dreiser.  Boni  and  Live- 
right.     360   PI).     $1.75. 

*Thp  Duchcs.s  of   Siona.     By   Ernest   Goodwin.     Hongh- 

toii   Miflliii.     36S  pp.     $1.6(1. 

'"•The  Valley  of  Vision.  By  TIcnry  Van  Dyke.  Charles 
Scrihner'.s   Sons.     306  pp.    $1.50. 

"fireen  Valley.  By  Katherine  Reynolds.  Little,  Brown 
&   Co.    287  PI).     $1.50. 


FINANCIAL  NEWS 

INVESTORS'  QUERIES  AND  ANSWERS 


WESTERN  PACIFIC  SECURITIES 

Can  you  tell  me  the  market  price  of  Western  Pacific 
Railroad  First  Mortgage  bonds  and  preferred  and  com- 
mon stocks;  also  what  the  present  outlook  is?  Did  the 
company  pay  any  dividend  on  the  preferred  stock  in 
January   and    April  ? 

We  find  that  the  prevailing  prices  of  the  vari- 
ous securities  of  the  Western  Pacific  Railroad 
are  about  as  follows: 

First  Mortgage  5  per  cent,  bonds.  ...    83 

Preferred   stock    65 

Common    stock     17 

Our  records  show  that  the  company  paid  its 
preferred  dividend  regularly  since  reorganiza- 
tion up  to  April  1  of  the  current  year.  The  divi- 
dend due  at  that  time  was  not  paid  because  of 
the  fact  that  the  Company  had  not  agreeJ  pon 
the  terms  of  its  contract  with  the  Federal  Rail- 
road Administration.  The  company  has  not  yet 
been  successful  in  arriving  at  a  satisfactory  un- 
derstanding in  this  respect,  but  the  Railroad 
Administration  a  short  time  ago  granted  an  al- 
lowance of  sufficient  funds  to  enable  the  com- 
pany to  pay  the  instalment  of  the  preferred 
dividend  which  was  due  in  April.  The  instal- 
ment has  been  paid,  but  it  was  made  one  per 
cent,  instead  of  one  and  one-half  per  cent.,  the 
amount   of  the   previous   instalment. 

It  looks  now  as  if  the  Western  Pacific  would 
have  to  take  its  case  to  the  United  States  Court 
of  Claims  to  get  the  compensation  which  it  thinks 
it  ought  to  have  for  the  period  during  which  the 
property  has  been  under  the  control  of  the  Gov- 
ernment. 

OIL  STOCKS 

I  am  enclosing  a  letter  which  I  received  the  other 
day  urging  me  to  buy  stock  in  an  oil  company  incor- 
porated under  the  laws  of  Texas.  Will  you  let  me  know 
what  you  think  of  the  proposition? 

There  is  absolutely  nothing  in  the  letter  en- 
closed with  your  communication  upon  which  one 
can  base  an  intelligent  judgment  of  the  merits 
of  the  proposition  referred  to.  We  are  frank 
to  say,  however,  that  we  think  it  would  be  the 
height  of  folly  to  buy  the  stock  of  this  concern 
merely  on  the  basis  of  the  representations  made 
in  this  letter,  which  seem  to  us  to  bear  some  of 
the  earmarks  of  a  doubtful  promotion.  We 
would  not  venture,  of  course,  to  commit  ourselves 
definitely  to  this  conclusion  without  taking  occa- 
sion to  inform  ourselves  more  completely  about 
the  company  and  its  sponsors.  This  we  will  be 
glad  to  do,  but  meanwhile  we  cannot  be  too  em- 
phatic in  saying  that  we  believe  it  would  be 
prudent  for  you  to  proceed  very  cautiously  about 
committing  yourself  to  the  purchase  of  this  or 
any  other  similar  stock  without  investigating 
very  carefully. 
672 


PENNSYLVANIA  RAILROAD   BONDS 

Will  you  please  tell  me  what  you  think  of  Pennsyl- 
vania Railroad  5  per  cent,  bonds  due  in  1968?  Do  you 
consider  them  a  safe  investment  for  a  woman,  and  is 
it  true,  as  I  have  been  informed,  that  these  bonds  are 
tax  free  in   the   State  of  Pennsylvania? 

Pennsylvania  General  Mortgage  5  per  cent, 
bonds  due  in  1968  are  in  our  opinion  a  high- 
grade,  conservative  investment.  They  represent, 
in  fact,  the  best  class  of  standard  long-term  rail- 
road bonds.  They  are  legal  investment  for 
savings  bank  and  trust  funds  under  the  laws 
of  New  York  State,  and  they  are  also,  as  you 
have  been  informed,  free  of  the  personal  prop- 
erty  tax   in   the    State   of  Pennsylvania. 

A  GOOD  INVESTMENT  LIST 

Will  you  give  me  your  opinion  on  the  following  selec- 
ti'^n  of  bonds?  I  am  not  now  dependent  on  income 
fr'-m  investment  but  some  day  may  be.  Can  I  rely  upon 
these  bonds? 

American  Smelting  &  Refining  First  5  per  cents  of 
1947. 

American  Telephone  &  Telegraph  Collateral  Trust 
5  per  cents  of  1946. 

Armour  Real  Estate  4^   per  cents  of   1939. 

L.  S.  &  M.  S.  4  per  cents  of   1931. 

Norfolk   &   Western    Convertible   4  per   cents   of    1996. 

Union  Pacific  First  and  Land  Grant  4  per  cents  of 
1947. 

U.  S.   Steel   Sinking  Fund   5  per  cents  of  1963. 

We  are  glad  to  be  able  to  say  that  we  think 
this  selection  of  bonds  is  an  excellent  one  in  all 
respects.  It  seems  to  us  to  be  a  particularly 
well  diversified  selection  of  high-grade,  long- 
term  issues.  We  believe  these  bonds  would  prove 
in  every  way  satisfactory  for  such  an  investor 
as  we   believe  you   are. 


AMERICAN  REAL  ESTATE 

Can  you  give  me  any  information  about  the  condition 
and   prospects   of   the   American    Real    Estate    Company  ? 

Up  to  within  a  few  months  past  progress  in 
liquidating  the  affairs  of  the  bankrupt  estate  of 
this  company  had  not  been  satisfactory,  due  to 
conditions  which  developed  during  the  war.  The 
receivers  of  the  company  up  to  the  middle  of 
1918  had  sold  a  fairly  substantial  amount  of 
the  company's  improved  property  holdings,  and 
while  these  sales  apparently  did  not  improve  the 
cash  position  noticeably,  they  did  enable  the  re- 
ceivers to  relieve  the  estate  of  a  good  many  very 
pressing   first   mortgages. 

More  recently  the  rental  situation  in  and  about 
New  York  City  in  those  sections  where  the  com- 
pany's properties  are  located  has  been  favorable 
to  the  receivers,  and  still  more  recently  an  en- 
couraging demand  for  unimproved  property 
seems  to  have  developed,  making  it  possible  that 
the  report  of  the  receivers  for  the  current  year 
may  prove  the  most  encouraging  from  the  bond- 
holders' point  of  view   that  has  yet  been   issued. 


PLEASE  DO  NOT  REMOVE 
CARDS  OR  SLIPS  FROM  THIS  POCKET 


UNIVERSITY  OF  TORONTO  LIBRARY